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Journal articles on the topic 'Electoral Geography'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 27 July 2024

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1

Haydukiewicz, Lech. "Historical and geographic regionalization versus electoral geography." Procedia - Social and Behavioral Sciences 19 (2011): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.sbspro.2011.05.112.

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2

Wuhs, Steven, and Eric McLaughlin. "EXPLAINING GERMANY’S ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.

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3

Hoggart, Keith, R. J. Johnston, F. M. Shelley, and P. J. Taylor. "Developments in Electoral Geography." Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers 16, no. 3 (1991): 374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/622958.

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4

Wuhs, Steven, and Eric McLaughlin. "Explaining Germany's Electoral Geography." German Politics and Society 37, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.370101.

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Partisan attachments and voting behavior in Germany today are more volatile than in the past. This article tests the enduring influence of social cleavages on voting relative to two other factors that account for party performance: path dependent forces and spatial dependence. Drawing on original data from the eastern German states, we explain support for Germany’s main parties in the 2017 federal election. We find relatively weak evidence for continued influence of social divisions for the major parties, but that support for the radical right Alternative for Germany (AfD) did reflect underlying cleavage structures. Additionally, we identify reliable effects of the historical immigrant population on contemporary voting. We also see weak evidence of lock-in political effects associated with German reunification, limited only to the CDU. Most interestingly, we observe powerful and robust effects of spatial dependence for three of the four parties we examine. We conclude that the effects presented here should signal to scholars of parties and electoral politics the need to incorporate history and geography into their analytical frameworks alongside more traditional approaches, since eastern Germany may in fact be less spatialized than western Germany or other country cases because of the homogenizing efforts of the SED regime.

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5

Clem, Ralph S. "Russia's Electoral Geography: A Review." Eurasian Geography and Economics 47, no. 4 (January 2006): 381–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1538-7216.47.4.381.

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6

TAKAGI, Akihiko. "Recent Trends in Electoral Geography." Japanese Journal of Human Geography 38, no. 1 (1986): 26–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4200/jjhg1948.38.26.

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7

Jusko, Karen L. "Electoral geography and redistributive politics." Journal of Theoretical Politics 27, no. 2 (April 6, 2014): 269–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951629814521514.

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8

McGing, Claire. "Towards a feminist electoral geography." Political Geography 47 (July 2015): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2014.07.007.

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9

Johnston, R. J. "Dealignment, volatility, and electoral geography." Studies In Comparative International Development 22, no. 3 (September 1987): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687142.

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10

Duchin, Moon, and Bridget Eileen Tenner. "Discrete geometry for electoral geography." Political Geography 109 (March 2024): 103040. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2023.103040.

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11

Fisher, Justin, and Yohanna Sällberg. "Electoral integrity – The winner takes it all? Evidence from three British general elections." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 3 (March 17, 2020): 404–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148120912668.

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Studies of electoral integrity typically focus on electoral evaluators (expert surveys), electoral consumers (electors) and, occasionally, electoral producers (electoral administrators). Using a unique new data set collected at the British general elections of 2010, 2015 and 2017, this article examines evaluations of electoral integrity among a previously unresearched group of electoral users – the election agents of candidates standing for election. Using measures of both negative and positive electoral integrity, the article models explanations of users’ evaluations, focusing on the agent characteristics, geography and electoral status of the district or constituency. It shows that evaluations of electoral integrity vary significantly and highlights both that questions of electoral integrity are more localised than widespread, and that despite the significant impact of winner/loser effects, issues of electoral integrity are strongly related to the urban characteristics of an electoral district. In so doing, it makes a significant contribution to the literature on electoral integrity.

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12

Soto Romero,, Martín Pánfilo, Cristina Estrada Velázquez,, Francisco Zepeda Mondragón, and Marisol de la Cruz Jasso. "Proceso electoral 2018, Estado de México: un enfoque desde la geografía electoral." Espacialidades 12, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 16–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.24275/uam/cua/dcsh/esp/2022v12n2/soto.

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13

Parker, A. J. "Geography and the Irish Electoral System." Irish Geography 19, no. 1 (December 20, 2016): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1986.704.

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The electoral system of the Republic of Ireland. Proportional Representation using the Single Transferable Vote (PR-STV), is probably the one which offers the greatest research opportunities of a geographical nature. This paper briefly places electoral geography and PR-STV in context and concentrates on providing an overview and illustrations of the geographical influences at work in the Irish electoral system. These include consideration of constituency delimitation, nomination strategies, voter management, ecological approaches, localism, bailiwicks, the friends and neighbours model and the geography of transfers

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14

Clayton, Daniel, and Charles Warren. "Scotland's volatile political and electoral geography." Scottish Geographical Journal 134, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2018): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702541.2018.1476215.

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15

Parker, A. J. "Geography and the Irish Electoral System." Irish Geography 19, no. 1 (January 1986): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00750778609478835.

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16

Dobysh, M. P. "CURRENT TRENDS IN ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY STUDIES IN THE WORLD AND DEVELOPMENT OF ELECTORAL GEOGRAPHY IN UKRAINE." Ukrainian Geographical Journal 2018, no. 4 (November 15, 2018): 33–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/ugz2018.04.033.

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17

Osborne, Robert D. "The Northern Ireland parliamentary electoral system: The 1929 reapportionment." Irish Geography 12, no. 1 (December 26, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.55650/igj.1979.808.

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Electoral geography is a growing branch of research in human geography. The study of the spatial organisation of elections constitutes one of the main strands in this field. In this paper the transition in 1929 from a proportional representation (single transferable vote) system to a plurality electoral system for Northern Ireland parliamentary elections is the focus of attention. The motives for the alteration and the method of reapportionment are assessed and the new spatial framework tested for malapportionment and gerrymandering. Finally, the politico‐geographic consequences of the reapportionment are examined.

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18

Verma, Anupama. "Electoral Geography: Approaches to Study Voting Behavior." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 3 (March 23, 2022): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i03.012.

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Approaches to understanding voting behaviour played an important role in the field of electoral geography. Studies based on voting behavior normally rely on information gleaned from primary and secondary sources of data. Aggregate or composite election data for states or constituencies is convenient for examining election results, such as differences in votes between states. Different perspectives or approaches played an important role in examining the factors influencing the way people vote. This type of information usually consists of data related to voter's behavior and their specific socio-economic characteristics etc. Electoral geography involves collecting and analysing data through various techniques and approaches. The data analysis study in electoral geography usually focuses on ascertaining spatial patterns of party performance and voters' behaviour. It is thus clear that electoral geography has a special place for approaches that are useful for spatial analysis. The primary aim of this study is to explain various types of methods and approaches used in electoral geography for the analysis of voting behaviour. This study provides researchers, geographers, political and social scientists with a better understanding of the skills to analyse election data.

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19

Azevedo, Daniel Abreu de, and Bruno Lessa Meireles. "Territorial and Electorate Size Influence: Participation/Competitiveness in Costa Rica’s 2016 Local Scale Elections." Cuadernos de Geografía: Revista Colombiana de Geografía 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/rcdg.v30n1.79637.

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In recent years, political geography has begun to revisit traditional geographical theories using quantitative methodologies. Size, location, density, position, and other important geographic characteristics have reemerged as central data points in the analysis of political phenomena. In this article, we analyze possible relationships between size (territorial and electoral) and electoral outcomes (competitiveness and participation) in Costa Rica’s 2016 local (canton) elections. In this effort, we seek to revisit a tradition abandoned by some currents of geography, often erroneously associated with geographic determinism and widely criticized by geography researchers since the 1960s. Costa Rica was chosen for the study because it is considered one of the most successful democratic systems in Latin America, and it is now facing important issues about its new decentralization process. Linear Ordinary Least Squares (ols) regressions were used to analyze the 2016 elections in 82 Costa Rican cantones. This article reveals that there are important causal relationships between territorial size and electoral participation/competitiveness in Costa Rica. Conclusion Geographical analyses are crucial to understand voter turnout and competitiveness. Our conclusion could help Costa Ricans create new strategies to further develop their democracy and its decentralization process.

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20

Vilalta Perdomo, Carlos J. "¿Se pueden predecir geográficamente los resultados electorales? Una aplicación del análisis de clusters y outliers espaciales / Can Electoral Results Be Geographically Predicted? A Spatial Clusters and Outliers Analysis." Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos 23, no. 3 (September 1, 2008): 571. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/edu.v23i3.1322.

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Los resultados de este estudio demuestran que al aplicar la estadística espacial en la geografía electoral es posible predecir los resultados electorales. Se utilizan los conceptos geográficos de cluster y outlier espaciales, y como variable predictiva la segregación espacial socioeconómica. Las técnicas estadísticas que se emplean son los índices globales y locales de autocorrelación espacial de Moran y el análisis de regresión lineal. Sobre los datos analizados se encuentra: 1) que la Ciudad de México posee clusters espaciales de apoyo electoral y de marginación, 2) outliers espaciales de marginación, 3) que los partidos electorales se excluyen geográficamente, y 4) que sus resultados dependen significativamente de los niveles de segregación espacial en la ciudad. AbstractThe results of this study show that using spatial statistics in electoral geography can predict electoral results. The geographical concepts of spatial cluster and spatial outlier are applied, and a local spatial segregation measure used as the predictor variable. The statistical techniques employed are Moran´s global and local spatial autocorrelation indexes, and linear regression. The analysis shows: 1) that Mexico City contains spatial clusters of electoral support and marginality, 2) spatial outliers of marginality, 3) political parties exclude each other geographically, and 4) electoral results to be significantly dependent on the levels of spatial segregation within the city.

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21

Allen, Marcus, and Marvin King. "The Geography of Black Candidate Electoral Success." American Review of Politics 31 (January 1, 2011): 333–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2010.31.0.333-356.

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In this manuscript, we reexamine claims about the geography of electoral success of African American candidates. Barack Obama’s historic election in 2008 prompted journalists, partisans, and scholars to review prior notions of where African American candidates can successfully contend for elected office. Although Obama’s victory is just an anecdotal national example (albeit an important one), we review the available evidence at the state level to understand what factors might impede African American electoral success. Heretofore, the literature focused on the density of the black population, and the interconnectedness of region and white racial attitudes. This paper shows that these old standbys can no longer explain African American electoral success.

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22

Johnston, R. J., C. J. Pattie, D. F. L. Dorling, D. J. Rossiter, H. Tunstall, and I. D. MacAllister. "New labour landslide ‐ same old electoral geography?" British Elections & Parties Review 8, no. 1 (January 1998): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13689889808413004.

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23

Cox, Kevin R. "Comments on “Dealignment, volatility, and electoral geography”." Studies In Comparative International Development 22, no. 3 (September 1987): 26–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02687143.

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24

BUSCH, MARC L., and ERIC REINHARDT. "Industrial Location and Voter Participation in Europe." British Journal of Political Science 35, no. 4 (August 22, 2005): 713–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123405000360.

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Does the geographic concentration of industry ‘matter’ outside the United States? Observers have long speculated that while geographically concentrated industries may be influential in American politics, this is probably not the case in countries where the electorate votes more as a national constituency. Others disagree, urging that clustered industries have an advantage regardless of how the political map is drawn. We sharpen the terms of debate and weigh in with empirical evidence from a cross-sectional analysis of intended voter turnout in eight member-states of the European Union and a multi-year study of voter turnout in the Netherlands. These tests uniformly show that, across different types of electoral systems, including those in which voters vote as a national constituency, thereby removing any effects of electoral geography per se, workers in traded industries that are physically concentrated are, in fact, substantially more likely to vote than employees in traded but geographically dispersed sectors.

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25

Haydukiewicz, Lech. "Electoral Geography as a New Mean of Analyzing Social Change. Kraków City and Małopolskie Voivodship Case Study." Bulletin of Geography. Socio-economic Series 15, no. 15 (January 1, 2011): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10089-011-0007-8.

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Electoral Geography as a New Mean of Analyzing Social Change. Kraków City and Małopolskie Voivodship Case Study The paper describes political support for Polish political parties as aggregated into four principal options (left-wing, liberal, populist, and right-wing) as well as flux in the electorate in Małopolskie voivodship in the last two decades in order to show regions of electoral stability that tend to do favour the four principal social and political options. Stabilization of cultural and political identity and gradual changes therein are shown by comparing dominant political options with selected social and economic data. The comparison should also allow for a reasonable prediction of future gains and losses for each political option.

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26

Hill, Seth J., Daniel J. Hopkins, and Gregory A. Huber. "Not by turnout alone: Measuring the sources of electoral change, 2012 to 2016." Science Advances 7, no. 17 (April 2021): eabe3272. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/sciadv.abe3272.

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Changes in partisan outcomes between consecutive elections must come from changes in the composition of the electorate or changes in the vote choices of consistent voters. How much composition versus conversion drives electoral change has critical implications for the policy mandates of election victories and campaigning and governing strategies. Here, we analyze electoral change between the 2012 and 2016 U.S. presidential elections using administrative data. We merge precinct-level election returns, the smallest geography at which vote counts are available, with individual-level turnout records from 37 million registered voters in six key states. We find that both factors were substantively meaningful drivers of electoral change, but the balance varied by state. We estimate that pro-Republican Party (GOP) conversion among two-election voters was particularly important in states including Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania where the pro-GOP swings were largest. Our results suggest conversion remains a crucial component of electoral change.

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27

شهاب, مجيد, and حيدر رزوق. "Spatial variation (geographical) for electoral participation in the Karbala governorate for the two parliamentary elections 2005-2010 (a study in the geography of elections)." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 19 (September 29, 2014): 71–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2014/v1.i19.6418.

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Elections geography is one of the contemporary applied fields of political geography, which is concerned with studying the spatial (geographical) variation of electoral voting, its patterns and causes, and interpreting and analyzing it, i.e. studying the environmental (spatial) effects on voters. In addition to its interest in studying the spatial organization of elections and studying political, economic and social electoral programmes. Competing parties and their impact on the electoral behavior of voters, as well as studying the electoral system in use and the geographical reasons behind its adoption and how to apply and solve its problems. Therefore, the study, with its objective and methodology, focused on studying the spatial variation of electoral participation in Karbala Governorate for the two parliamentary elections 2005-2010.

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28

Colomer, Josep M. "Taming the Tiger: Voting Rights and Political Instability in Latin America." Latin American Politics and Society 46, no. 2 (2004): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2004.tb00273.x.

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AbstractThis article discusses the relationship between certain institutional regulations of voting rights and elections, different levels of electoral participation, and the degree of political instability in several Latin American political experiences. A formal model specifies the hypotheses that sudden enlargements of the electorate may provoke high levels of political instability, especially under plurality and other restrictive electoral rules, while gradual enlargements of the electorate may prevent much electoral and political innovation and help stability. Empirical data illustrate these hypotheses. A historical survey identifies different patterns of political instability and stability in different countries and periods, which can be compared with the adoption of different voting rights regulations and electoral rules either encouraging or depressing turnout.

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29

Forest, Benjamin. "Electoral geography: From mapping votes to representing power." Geography Compass 12, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): e12352. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12352.

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30

Giugal, Aurelian, Ron Johnston, and Stefan Constantinescu. "Democratic Musical Chairs? Romania's Post-1989 Electoral Geography." Space and Polity 15, no. 2 (August 2011): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13562576.2011.625224.

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31

Shin, Michael E. "Democratizing electoral geography: Visualizing votes and political neogeography." Political Geography 28, no. 3 (March 2009): 149–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2009.03.001.

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32

Agnew, John. "Mapping politics: how context counts in electoral geography." Political Geography 15, no. 2 (February 1996): 129–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(95)00076-3.

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33

Mikus, Roman, and Daniel Gurňák. "Electoral system of Slovakia: Perspective of political geography." Journal of the Geographical Institute Jovan Cvijic, SASA 64, no. 1 (2014): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/ijgi1401079m.

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34

DE JONG, WIM, and HARM KAAL. "Mapping the Demos: The Scientisation of the Political, Electoral Research and Dutch Political Parties, c. 1900–1980." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000515.

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The ‘scientisation of the political’, understood as the increasing influence of social science within twentieth century (party) politics, provides insight into politicians’ conceptions of political representation and the shifts in those conceptions over time. Social science based knowledge exerted a profound effect on how parties approached political identity formation and on their perceptions of the electorate. Based on a Dutch case study, this article tracks the impact of electoral geography and mass psychology and, from the 1940s onwards, electoral research and polling data on party strategies, showing the important role played by party political think tanks which acted as hubs of social-scientific knowledge. Comparisons with British and West German political parties reveal the complex reception and negotiation of social scientific insights regarding the nature and behaviour of the electorate, as well as the persistence of ingrained stereotypes.

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35

Schurr, Carolin. "Towards an emotional electoral geography: The performativity of emotions in electoral campaigning in Ecuador." Geoforum 49 (October 2013): 114–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2013.05.008.

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36

Kovács, Zoltán, and György Vida. "Geography of the new electoral system and changing voting patterns in Hungary." Acta Geobalcanica 1, no. 2 (August 3, 2015): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18509/agb.2015.06.

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37

Bertus, Zoltán, and Zoltán Kovács. "The geography of electoral volatility in Hungary: a core-periphery perspective." Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 71, no. 1 (March 27, 2022): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15201/hungeobull.71.1.5.

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Electoral volatility is understood in the literature as a sign of political instability, weakening social cohesion and the declining influences of existing political parties which threatens the healthy functioning of representative democracy. In this paper, using the Pedersen Index we measure electoral volatility in Hungary at the settlement level between the last three parliamentary elections (2010, 2014 and 2018), with special attention to the geographical aspects of the phenomenon. According to our preliminary assumptions those social groups switch their votes frequently who are marginalised, therefore, the level of volatility may reflect peripheriality. Our results show that high volatility can be detected in the two opposite sides of the settlement hierarchy in Hungary: in bigger cities and smaller villages, but for very different reasons. This study gives evidence that electoral volatility can also be considered as a possible indicator in the delimitation and classification of peripheral areas and settlements. The paper aimed to contribute to the understanding of cleavage formation at the regional level by adding a spatial perspective while connecting the socioeconomic profile of the voting population and electoral volatility.

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38

Kellam, Marisa. "Suffrage Extensions and Voting Patterns in Latin America: Is Mobilization a Source of Decay?" Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00213.x.

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Abstract This article examines whether changes in electoral participation contributed to electoral volatility in Latin America between 1945 and 2000. As a result of literacy voting requirements and authoritarian interludes that disenfranchised large portions of the population, new voters in Latin America probably had different political interests from the previous electorate and were not socialized to electoral politics. The article considers the hypothesis that the inclusion of new voters with different interests produces an immediate, short-term change in aggregate voting patterns, and a lack of socialization of new voters generates lingering instability in electoral behavior. Accounting for confounding factors, the analysis of legislative elections in 12 countries indicates that the expansion of the electorate temporarily disrupted voting patterns in Latin America but did not lead to long-run party system decay.

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39

DOBYSH, Mykola. "INTRAREGIONAL VARIABILITY AND PLACE-SPECIFIC ELECTORAL BEHAVIOR IN UKRAINE." Ekonomichna ta Sotsialna Geografiya, no. 80 (2018): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2413-7154/2018.80.4-17.

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The paper criticizes electoral geography studies of Ukraine, where the territory of the country is artificially divided into a number of regions following administrative divisions. The study reveals intraregional variability in the territorial patterns of voting behavior in Ukraine in 2002-2014. Zakarpattya, Chernivtsi, Sumy, Chernigiv, and Zhytomyr oblasts have the highest intraregional variance of electoral preferences for conventional “national-democratic” and “Communists and pro-Russian” political parties. All oblasts of Ukraine have internal variations of voting behavior. It was studied based on electoral results data for rayons and cities with special administrative status (n=675). Scatterplot with a time scale, filters for oblasts and rayons/cities, and the opportunity to draw electoral preferences trajectories from 2002 to 2014 parliamentary elections was used as a research instrument. The study also reveals region-specific voting patterns of cities and territorial outliers, which are bounded by administrative borders places with unique voting behavior. The paper accentuates place-specific and region-as-context understanding of electoral behavior as an essential conceptual framework for the further electoral geography studies of Ukraine.

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40

Pattie, Charles, Ron Johnston, Danny Dorling, Dave Rossiter, Helena Tunstall, and Iain MacAllister. "New Labour, new geography? The electoral geography of the 1997 British General Election." Area 29, no. 3 (September 1997): 253–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4762.1997.tb00027.x.

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41

Johnston, Ron. "Territory and territoriality in a globalizing world." Ekistics and The New Habitat 70, no. 418/419 (April 1, 2003): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200370418/419314.

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The author is a Professor in the School of Geographical Sciences at the University of Bristol. His main research interests are in electoral, political and urban social geography and in the history of human geography. His interests in territoriality have focused on the balkanization of local government in the USA (as in his 1984 book Residential Segregation, the State and Constitutional Conflict in American Urban Areas) and electoral redistricting (see his 1999 book The Boundary Commissions: Redrawing the UK's Map of Parliamentary Constituencies), as well as general essays on the relative lack of concern with bounded spaces within human geography. Professor Johnston has published widely on the history of geography, notably in his book Geography and Geographers (sixth edition, 2004).

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42

Rogelj, Boštjan, and Marko Krevs. "Using geoinformation tools for redistricting: Slovenian experiences." Geographica Pannonica 25, no. 3 (2021): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/gp25-30752.

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Electoral districts are an important component of the electoral system, as they have a significant impact on election results. Due to the uneven spatial distribution of electoral support political parties receive, district magnitude and the geography of electoral districts can have a decisive influence on the electoral viability of individual parties and candidates. Districting and redistricting are not a simple bureaucratic process but a politically very sensitive process with outcomes that can have far-reaching political consequences. Geoinformation tools can have a very important role in electoral district planning. In this article we aim to present the key advantages and disadvantages of their use. The presented results are derived from practical experience gained over the course of developing a new system of electoral districts in Slovenia.

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43

Chen, Jowei. "Unintentional Gerrymandering: Political Geography and Electoral Bias in Legislatures." Quarterly Journal of Political Science 8, no. 3 (June 27, 2013): 239–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00012033.

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44

Karam, Jasem M. "Kuwaiti national assembly — 1992 a study in electoral geography." GeoJournal 31, no. 4 (December 1993): 383–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00812791.

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Mashinini, Vusi. "Electoral Geography and Community: Whither Coalition Governments in Lesotho?" Middle Eastern Journal of Research in Education and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (November 3, 2020): 167–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/mejress.v1i2.83.

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Purpose: The aim of this research study is to address the nature, prospects and challenges of coalition governments and their impacts on the community in Lesotho Approach/Methodology/Design: This paper uses desk top methodology and employs a strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) analysis technique to address the nature, prospects and challenges of coalition governments and their impacts on the community in Lesotho. Research questions that guide this study are what prompt coalition governments in Lesotho? How do coalition governments operate in Lesotho? What are the prospects and challenges of coalition governments on the government, governance, lives and livelihoods of the communities in Lesotho? What might be a sustainable democratic coalition government option in Lesotho going forward? Findings: The hypothesis of the paper is that coalition governments promote instability of government and poor governance for the Basotho. The results show that prospects for coalition governments are inclusive democracy, while challenges are community exclusion, poor service delivery, extravagant public expenditure and government instability. Practical Implications: The article provides a detailed analysis of the impact of coalition governments on the community. Originality/value: The major findings and conclusion of the paper is that coalition governments have prompted cooperation among former rival parties to form one coalition government at different times; but they have had a negative impact on the Basotho community as a whole and benefited only a minority aligned to some of the major coalition parties under different coalition regimes.

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Dunham, Phil. "Space, place and pollbooks: incorporating a neglected electoral geography." Area 29, no. 2 (June 1997): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4762.1997.tb00016.x.

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Carty, R. K. "The Electorate and the Evolution of Canadian Electoral Politics." American Review of Canadian Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1996): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722019609480896.

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Clark, G. L., and K. Johnston. "The Geography of US Union Elections 5: Reconceptualizing the Theory of Industrial Unionism." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 6 (June 1987): 719–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190719.

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In this paper an argument is put for a reconceptualization of the theory of US industrial unionism. It reflects lessons learnt about the patterns and determinants of the electoral performance of the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers union and the United Auto Workers union over the period 1970–82. Empirically, the spatial and temporal diversity of unions' electoral performance is emphasized. Theoretically, it is suggested that unions' performances in representation elections are the product of a complex array of processes and their interrelationships. Diversity of patterns and complexity of processes makes forecasting the future of industrial unionism a risky project. Also considered are competing theories of unionism and the methodologies for analyzing union electoral performance. Based on these observations, a case is made for the necessity of a ‘new’ framework for understanding the geography of US unionism.

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White, Allison C. "Electoral Fraud and Electoral Geography: United Russia Strongholds in the 2007 and 2011 Russian Parliamentary Elections*." Europe-Asia Studies 68, no. 7 (August 8, 2016): 1127–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2016.1219978.

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Jurado, Ignacio, and Sandra León. "Geography Matters: The Conditional Effect of Electoral Systems on Social Spending." British Journal of Political Science 49, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 81–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123416000338.

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There is a large body of research showing that the provision of social policies is higher under proportional electoral systems than under majoritarian systems. This article helps advance this literature by showing that the geographic distribution of social recipients plays an essential role in moderating the impact of electoral institutions on social provision. Using data from twenty-two OECD countries, the results show that majoritarian systems increase the provision of social spending when recipients are concentrated in certain regions. When levels of concentration are high, social spending in majoritarian countries can surpass levels of provision in proportional representation systems.

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