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1

Dealing with electoral malpractice: Your anti-rigging guide. Nairobi, Kenya: Transparency International Kenya, 2002.

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2

Electoral malpractices during the 2008 elections in Pakistan. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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3

Electoral Malpractice. Oxford University Press, 2011.

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4

OBISIKE, Moses. Electoral Malpractice and Political Development in Nigeria. Independently Published, 2022.

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OBISIKE, Moses. Electoral Malpractice and Political Development in Nigeria. Independently Published, 2022.

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6

Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1997.

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Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1998.

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Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1999.

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Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1998.

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Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1998.

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Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1998.

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Northern Ireland Affairs Committee. Electoral Malpractice in Northern Ireland (House of Commons Papers). Stationery Office Books, 1998.

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13

Latner, Michael. Diagnosing Electoral Integrity. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190934163.003.0004.

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Chapter 4 considers the sources of systematic evidence that are available to diagnose problems of American elections. Many claims and counterclaims about alleged malpractice are often heard in partisan debate and journalistic commentary—but during an era of low trust in the legacy news and isolating bubbles in social media, what could help to sort out fact from fiction? What are the pros and cons of alternative sources of evidence? This chapter compares electoral performance data on issues of voter registration permissiveness, ballot access, system security, and gerrymandering from several expert indices, institutional measures, and mass surveys.
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14

Norris, Pippa. Electoral Transparency, Accountability, and Integrity. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0011.

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This concluding chapter looks at the links connecting transparency, accountability, and compliance. In particular, it considers an ideal model of electoral accountability. Yet it is unclear whether dissatisfaction with the conduct of elections translates into voting preferences at the ballot box, and there are many conditions under which this ideal model fails, even in democratic states. To illuminate, the chapter compares some selected case studies, including Watergate in the United States, the Fujimori scandal and the Peruvian general election in 2000, and the Recruit scandal and Japanese elections in 1993. Finally, it assesses the more general lessons arising from contributions to this book, considers the broader consequences of the transparency-accountability-compliance nexus for understanding processes of electoral integrity and malpractice, and identifies some of the key policy implications that follow from the analysis.
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15

Birch, Sarah. Electoral Violence, Corruption, and Political Order. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691203621.001.0001.

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Throughout their history, political elections have been threatened by conflict, and the use of force has in the past several decades been an integral part of electoral processes in a significant number of contemporary states. However, the study of elections has yet to produce a comprehensive account of electoral violence. Drawing on cross-national data sets together with fourteen detailed case studies from around the world, this book offers a global comparative analysis of violent electoral practices since the Second World War. The book shows that the way power is structured in society largely explains why elections are at risk of violence in some contexts but not in others. Countries with high levels of corruption and weak democratic institutions are especially vulnerable to disruptions of electoral peace. The book examines how corrupt actors use violence to back up other forms of electoral manipulation, including vote buying and ballot stuffing. In addition to investigating why electoral violence takes place, the book considers what can be done to prevent it in the future, arguing that electoral authority and the quality of electoral governance are more important than the formal design of electoral institutions. Delving into a deeply influential aspect of political malpractice, the book explores the circumstances in which individuals choose to employ violence as an electoral strategy.
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16

Grömping, Max. Domestic Monitors. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0009.

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This chapter analyzes the roles of domestic election observers who are monitoring contests in countries around the world where elections have been commonly undermined by malpractices such as clientelism, fraud, intimidation, and vote buying. It predicts that the formation and maintenance of domestic election watchdog groups depends primarily on a combination of grievances (incidents of serious electoral malpractice) and political opportunities (the freedom of civil society groups to mobilize around such issues). Moreover, these factors are theorized to interact. As a result, domestic monitors are expected to be strongest in hybrid regimes that are neither established democracies nor electoral autocracies, displaying an inverted U-shape pattern across levels of democratization. The chapter presents evidence supporting this proposition by drawing from a new data set documenting the global distribution of domestic monitoring groups.
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17

Martínez i Coma, Ferran. Electoral Reform. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0004.

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This chapter theorizes that international monitors can seek to improve electoral integrity both through deterrence effects (preventing malpractices from occurring) and prospective reforms (making recommendations for improvements in electoral laws, administrative procedures, and practices). In this regard, monitors seek to share awareness of best practices and common policies, providing the basis for further technical assistance and advice. Most observer reports by international agencies contain a series of recommendations. However, the contents of these proposals, and their impact, have not been compared systematically in previous research. Focusing on the activities of the Organization of American States, this chapter analyzes the recommendations made in a series of reports in Latin American elections and whether these are linked with subsequent legal and administrative reforms in these countries.
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18

Norris, Pippa, Thomas Wynter, and Sarah Cameron. Lessons for the Reform Agenda. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190934163.003.0011.

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Chapter 11 draws together the major conclusions from each of the chapters and considers their implications for the policy reform agenda. The consequences of electoral malpractice can be grave. Failures generate contentious elections characterized by lengthy court challenges, opposition boycotts, and public demonstrations. Major flaws weaken the legitimacy and credibility of elections, and thus corrode the foundation of liberal democracy. The chapter advocates four practical steps designed to improve the quality of American contests: improving the independence and professionalism of electoral administrators, implementing impartial dispute resolution mechanisms to deal with challenges, introducing registration and balloting facilities that maximize both security and convenience, and strengthening accountability and transparency. These steps could potentially reduce party polarization and expand a broad consensus about a bipartisan package of reforms. This chapter summarizes the book’s core arguments and the recommended policies helping to strengthen the quality of elections both at home and abroad.
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19

Clark, Alistair, and Toby S. James. Poll Workers. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0008.

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Electoral malpractices are commonly thought to occur in polling stations. This chapter makes the normative case for electoral management bodies (EMBs) around the world routinely using poll worker surveys. These surveys provide concrete sources of information about the extent and nature of any problems in the electoral process. Accusations by partisan actors can therefore be readily tested and challenged. Poll worker surveys can therefore increase the transparency of EMBs and the electoral process. They also increase opportunities for evidence based policy making in electoral management. Their usefulness is demonstrated through the first-ever non-US poll worker survey which was undertaken in Britain at the 2015 general election. This survey (n = 1,321) contradicted the existing literature on electoral administration in Britain in a number of ways.
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20

Mazmanyan, Armen. Constitutional Courts. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0007.

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This chapter considers the role of the courts, which is expected to be critical for electoral integrity through upholding voting rights; examining legal appeals, petitions, and complaints in specific cases; and evaluating the constitutionality of electoral procedures. In many countries, constitutional courts have often played a vital role in judging legal complaints about electoral malpractices. This process is particularly important in democratic states with an independent judiciary. By contrast, in autocratic states, the judiciary is often believed to be in the pockets of ruling parties, although this assumption has been challenged where the courts ruled against the government. Through examining cases in eastern Europe this chapter considers the role and independence of the courts as a check and balance both on the legislature and executive branches.
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