Journal articles: 'Electoral malpractices'

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Szymański, Adam, and Jakub Wódka. "Manipulation of Vote Choice – Impediment to the Electoral Integrity in Turkey?" Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 103–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2017.22.3.8.

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Turkey has had a fairly long tradition of regular, competitive polls and multi-party democracy begun in 1946. However, in the last decade, with the consolidation of Justice and Development Party’s (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi) grip on power, there has been a growing concern about the integrity of elections in this state. In subsequent elections the ruling party resorted to a plethora of means inhibiting their competitiveness. Thus, the article seeks to survey the extent of election malpractices in Turkey with the focus on manipulation of vote choice as most disturbing group of electoral malpractices and, without prejudging, to address the fundamental questions about whether elections in Turkey, notwithstanding the irregularities, still meet democratic, international standards, or whether Turkey is sliding into electoral autocracy.

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Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma. "Measuring Electoral Integrity around the World: A New Dataset." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 04 (October 2014): 789–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514001061.

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ABSTRACTMany contentious elections end in disputes about alleged fraud, irregularities, and malpractices. How do we know when these claims are valid and when they are false complaints from sore losers? This article describes a new dataset developed by the Electoral Integrity Project. Based on a survey of election experts, the research provides new evidence to compare how national contests around the world are meeting international standards of electoral integrity. The questionnaire includes 49 key indicators clustered into 11 stages of the electoral cycle, as well as generating an overall summary Perception of Electoral Integrity (PEI) 100-point index. The evidence displays high levels of external validity, internal validity, and legitimacy. The PEI datasets allow researchers to gauge the perceived quality of elections worldwide. This study summarizes the PEI’s research design, compares the quality of elections around the globe, and illustrates how electoral integrity is linked with both democracy and development.

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Munoriyarwa, Allen. "So, who is responsible? A framing analysis of newspaper coverage of electoral violence in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Media Studies 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jams_00011_1.

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This study examines how the 2008 election violence was framed in three mainstream Zimbabwean weekly newspapers – The Sunday Mail, The Independent and The Zimbabwean. It was noted that four frames – the victim, justice and human rights, trivialization and attribution of responsibility frames dominated the coverage of electoral violence in these three newspapers. The dominance of the trivializing frame in The Sunday Mail privileged the ruling party’s (Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front; ZANU PF) interpretation of electoral violence as inconsequential to the electoral process. Simultaneously, the prevalence of the victim, justice and human rights frames in The Independent and The Zimbabwean newspapers signifies the private media’s obsession with ZANU PF’s alleged electoral malpractices and situates these alleged transgressions within a broad global social justice and human rights trajectory to cultivate the West’s sympathy with the ‘victimised’ opposition.

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Oke, Christiantus Ifeanyi Adebowale, and Harriet Omokiniovo Efanodor-Obeten. "Gagging Electoral Fraud in Nigeria: The Imperative of Electoral Reforms." Khazanah Sosial 3, no. 2 (April 30, 2021): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v3i2.11585.

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Elections all over the world are the only recognized legitimate means of changing and constituting governments. In other democratic climes, citizens eagerly await elections with excitement, because it affords them the opportunity to appraise the scorecards of their elected representatives. However, preparing for elections in Nigeria is akin to getting set for a major warfare that requires humongous human and natural resources including the deployment of full military arsenal. Despite the unease this vital democratic practice puts the nation, elections are fraught with irregularities and malfeasances. The crux of this paper is to adumbrate what constitutes electoral fraud and proffer possible panaceas using the instruments of electoral reforms. The study utilizes secondary source of data and content analysis as its methodology and use qualitative approach. The paper argues that electoral malpractices manifest in diverse forms and are orchestrated by the political class to perpetuate themselves in office. It is also the opinion of this study that if there is a holistic electoral reform, most politicians that are currently occupying offices might not get valid chance of winning (re)elections, hence, their stiff opposition and resistance to the reforms. This paper recommends amongst others that the 9th National Assembly should as a matter of urgent national importance, timely debate, update and represent the Electoral (Amendment) Bill to the President for his assent. Furthermore, it is recommended that for free, fair and credible elections to take place, technology should be embraced and Electoral Offences Commission should be established to prosecute electoral fraudsters.

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Turnip, Ery Lilik Suryani, Caroline Paskarina, and Firman Manan. "Pelaksanaan Fungsi Pengawasan Pada Kampanye Pemilihan Kepala Daerah." PERSPEKTIF 10, no. 1 (January 6, 2021): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v10i1.4137.

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This paper examines the supervisory function of Election Supervisory Board (Bawaslu) in the 2018 West Kalimantan Governor and Vice Governor election, particularly in campaign administration. The campaign period in electoral cycle is one of the key stages in political contestation that it is vulnerable to malpractices, moreover it involves many parties and masses. The campaign malpractices that often occur are administrative irregularities, involvement of civil servants, and money politics. This paper employed a descriptive qualitative method by using data that were collected through interview and document study during the period October - December 2019. The results of this research revealed that in carrying out the supervisory function, the West Kalimantan Election Supervisory Board carried out malpractices prevention and enforcement which synergize with supervision of the district/city to sub-district/village levels. By emphasizing on the prevention function, the West Kalimantan Election Supervisory Board arranged supervisory design built upon potential vulnerability, which based on sub-stages and regions, conducted socialization intensively in the community, and coordinated with the stakeholders. Meanwhile, in the enforcement function, the West Kalimantan Election Supervisory Board cooperated with General Election Commissions (KPU), police and prosecutors.

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Szymański, Adam, and Wojciech Ufel. "Beyond Vote Rigging: Common Patterns in Electoral Malpractices in De-Democratizing Regimes." Polish Political Science Yearbook 47, no. 4 (December 31, 2018): 593–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018401.

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Uzodike, Ufo Okeke, and Hakeem Onapajo. "Beyond the Card Reader: Anti-election Rigging Technology and National Security in Nigeria." Insight on Africa 11, no. 2 (July 2019): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087819845194.

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With the increasing spread of information technology in Africa, digitalisation of elections is gradually becoming a popular phenomenon in the continent. However, there has not been sufficient awareness on the potential dangers in the process of digitalising elections. In this regard, this article provides analysis of the connection between the use of technological model in elections and security using the Nigerian example. The article acknowledges the potency of the technological model to solve the problem of electoral malpractices and ultimately address issues concerning electoral violence over claims of fraud. Notwithstanding its usefulness, the article analyses the challenges associated with the technological model and how this represents a major security threat. In this regard, the key question is: does Nigeria have the technical capacity to manage effectively electronic devices that have the potential of being used to unleash massive electoral fraud that could completely undermine peaceful coexistence within its fragile and sensitive electoral context? Following this, the article advances a number of policy recommendations on the measures to put the technological model into an effective use in order to promote peaceful elections in Nigeria.

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Alfa, Patrick Innocent, Otaida Eikojonwa, and Isah Ibn-Mohammed. "The Political Class as a Threat to Democracy in Nigera's Fourth Republic." Review of Politics and Public Policy in Emerging Economies 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 39–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/rope.v2i2.1716.

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The quest by Nigeria to make appreciable progress in her democratic journey has been a herculean task. This is due the antidemocratic actions of the political class This article aims at identifying how actions of the political class act as a backward clog to democratic growth in the country. Crucial among the causative factors is the fact that its political class decelerate the country's democracy by their abysmal display of undemocratic tendencies. They perpetrate these through a several ways which include: godfatherism, succession crises and abuse of incumbency, electoral malpractices, electoral violence, political alienation, travesty of justice, recourse to primordial cleavages, corruption and inconsistent policy inconsistency, human rights abuse, to mention but some... This article is qualitative. It argues that there is need to make reform in the Electoral Act and strengthen the anti-corruption crusade in order to check the excesses of the political class and record fundamental gains in Nigeria's democratic experience.

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Ahmad, Saeed, Mudasir Mustafa, Ahsan Ullah, Muhammad Shoaib, Muhammad Mushtaq, and Wasif Ali. "Role of types of electoral rigging, socio-economic status, politics and voting behavior in the formation of attitudes toward electoral integrity." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 11, no. 2 (May 15, 2017): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-08-2015-0034.

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Purpose This study aims to examine the associations between socioeconomic status, types of rigging (pre- polling-day and post-), politics and voting behavior, vote casting and perceptions of rigging in Pakistan’s most recent elections, and attitudes toward electoral integrity. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected from students at three different universities. In all, 748 units of analysis (488 male and 260 female) recorded their responses by means of a self-structured questionnaire. Linear regression was applied to measure the associations between variables, and the reliability and validity of the scales were tested. Findings A significant relationship was found between pre-poll rigging, post-poll rigging, politics and voting behavior, socioeconomic characteristics (i.e. age, education, father’s education, background or place of residence and monthly household incomes), the perception of rigging in the last elections and attitudes toward electoral integrity. Practical implications Pakistan’s history has been blemished by electoral malpractices during both de facto and de jure regimes. Attention has formerly been paid to either polling-day or post-election rigging. The relationship of electoral integrity with different factors explored in this study have usually been ignored or overlooked. The findings of this study would help policy-makers, youth experts and academicians to reorient their behaviors to strengthen political stability, the rule of law and the continuation of democracy via their participation in the system. Originality/value To the researchers’ best knowledge, there has not been a single peer-reviewed study of Pakistan which has explored the associations between the variables examined for this study. The main academic challenge the researchers faced was to find a standardized and contextualized scale or tool to explore how different types of vote-rigging affected attitudes toward electoral integrity. Thus, the structured scales for types of rigging and electoral integrity developed here would be useful for future studies in the field of electoral integrity in democratic countries.

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Sule, Babayo. "The Fears, Anxieties, Speculations and Hope Amidst Uncertainties: Nigerian 2019 General Election in Periscope." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (December 4, 2018): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v2i4.254.

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General elections in Nigeria are often controversial and are perceived as elections with challenges and issues of legitimacy because of irregularities and malpractices that bedevilled the process of the electionsâ€™ conduct. The 2019 General Election is anticipated to be an election of greater interest and challenges accruing to the permutation of many factors that are manifesting currently within the political arena of Nigerian politics. This paper is a succinct examination of the predictive analysis of the prospects and the challenges that the 2019 General Election might produce. The problem is that despite the significant improvement recorded in the 2015 General Election, there are still challenges that are yet to be addressed in the electoral process. The paper is a descriptive and analytical work which relies on the use of secondary data such as books, journals and internet sources for data collection. The data collected was analysed using thematic analytical interpretations. The paper discovered that the 2019 General Election would be less challenging than the immediately previous one due to a weak opposition but some of the hitches that were encountered before might likely reoccur particularly the efficiency of the card readers and the violation of electoral regulations in addition to money politics. The paper recommends that the electoral body should re-strategised in making the smart card readers effective and the body needs to be vigilant in monitoring partiesâ€™ and candidatesâ€™ financial activities right from now in order to ensure compliance, transparency and a fair election.

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Sule, Babayo, and Usman Sambo. "THE 2019 GENERAL ELECTION AND THE POLITICS OF INCONCLUSIVE ELECTION IN NIGERIA: A REVIEW OF THE AFFECTED STATES." Khazanah Sosial 2, no. 3 (November 11, 2020): 105–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/ks.v2i3.9702.

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Elections are usually accompanied with controversies and irregularities in Nigeria emanating from several factors such as the procedures, regulations, nature of political culture and political gameplay in the country and elites’ attitudes towards power. The 2019 Gubernatorial election in Nigeria was enshrouded in controversies, malpractices and inconsistencies because of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) guidelines for the conduct of election which provided for inconclusive elections in some circumstances. This study examined critically some states in Nigeria that are affected by the politics of inconclusive elections where the elections were extended for additional two weeks due to some issues that could not allow for the final declaration after the first date of the election. The inconclusive election heralded several problems and a setback to election in Nigeria because of recorded violence, malpractices, rigging and other related obstacles. The research employed a qualitative methodology of data collection and analysis. Both primary and secondary sources were used for data collection. The primary sources involved an in-depth interview, participant observation and reference to INEC’s documented data. The secondary data used were books, journals, newspapers, internet sources and reports. The data collected were discussed using content analysis for analytical interpretations. The study discovered that the guideline for the conduct of the 2019 General Election which stipulated for the provision of inconclusive election created several inconclusive elections in some states like Adamawa, Bauchi, Benue, Kano, Plateau and Sokoto which later was followed by irregularities and violence. The work recommends among others that such criteria should be abandoned and declare any contestant that fulfill the minimum criteria as returned elected.

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Okoye, Kingsley E., Chikwado Ezugwuorie, and Francisca Onah. "Choice-less Choice in the 2019 Presidential Election: Towards the Intrigues Perfected by the Electoral System in Nigeria." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 3 (May 10, 2020): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0047.

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Literature on election is mostly anchored on how the voting exercise was carried out successfully or rigged in favour of one candidate over another. These scholars were only interested in analyzing the outcome of election with little or no effort to understand why electorates who cast their votes during election do not choose their leaders. While we acknowledged that vote buying, snatching of ballot boxes, intimidation, and different pattern of malpractices among others contributed to these, we equally noted that scholars have not really tried to find out why the electoral system in Nigeria could not allow candidates that would not only attract massive support but become irresistible during and after election. Therefore, what is often witnessed among presidential flag bearers in Nigeria are candidates who the electorates knew would not make significant impact if elected. As a result, make them (electorates) see voting during election as a routine exercise that must be fulfilled without enthusiasm or eagerness in carrying out such obligation. Election in this situation becomes so difficult that whoever is elected is not actually chosen by the electorates but is allowed to keep the country on track. These political parties are only interested on the radical nature of candidates who can withstand the campaign strategies leaving other areas like understanding - the political terrain of the country and having the will power to transform society against other odds. Until this issue is properly addressed and handled in the political system, voting in election will remain a mere process of choosing leaders that will neither attract peoples mandate nor sustain the democratic structures

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Jiboku, Joseph O., and Peace A. Jiboku. "Poverty and the Democratization Crisis in Nigeria: A Failure of the Social Contract." Equidad y Desarrollo 1, no. 34 (July 30, 2019): 35–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.19052/eq.vol1.iss34.2.

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From the time of philosophers such as Thomas Hobbes, it has been made explicit that the state and civil society exist under a mutual-reciprocal relationship. The state exists to serve several purposes in the interest of society, while the civil society is expected to fulfill its obligations to the state for the benefit of all. However, the civil society in Nigeria has not had a good bargain with the state as poverty pervades the land with dire consequences on the entire fabrics of society. The state seems to have failed in promoting the interests of its civil society and most citizens have lost interest in participating in the activities of government. Thus, during most elections, Nigeria has witnessed various forms of electoral malpractices and even post-election violence as experienced in different parts of the country. This paper is a desktop research incorporating secondary data from relevant institutions and agencies. Its concern is to examine how the failure of the social contract has led to poverty, which has affected Nigeria’s democratization process. The paper suggests that addressing the issue of poverty will go a long way in ensuring peaceful, free, and fair democratization of political structures that will be of benefit to all, with applause from the international community

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Abuza, Andrew Ejovwo. "Election-less or non-election democracy: a missing link in finding permanent solutions to the problem of electoral malpractices in the politics of Nigeria." Commonwealth Law Bulletin 46, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 270–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050718.2020.1767667.

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Fadli, Andi Muh Dzul, Indrawan Tobarasi, and Komeyni Rusba. "KEMENANGAN PETAHANA DALAM KONTESTASI PILKADA SERENTAK 2018: DITINJAU DARI PERSPEKTIF POWERCUBE." Jurnal Tapis: Jurnal Teropong Aspirasi Politik Islam 14, no. 2 (July 18, 2018): 115–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24042/tps.v14i2.3169.

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AbstrakPemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) di Indonesia telah dilaksanakan secara serentak sebanyak 3 (tiga) kali yakni pada tahun 2015, 2017, dan 2018. Secara filosofis, pilkada serentak dilaksanakan untuk mengefisiensikan anggaran, menekan pelanggaran dan kecurangan (electoral malpractices) serta meminimalisir gejala sosial-politik dari adanya pilkada yang sebelumnya dilaksanakan secara terpisah berdasarkan periode akhir masa jabatan setiap kepala daerah. Berangkat dari fenomena persentase kemenangan para petahana di berbagai kontestasi pilkada 2018, maka menarik dikaji untuk memaknai faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan kemenangan para petahana tersebut. Dalam kajian ini digunakan pendekatan kualitatif terhadap berbagai literatur terutama yang bertalian dengan pengoperasian bentuk-bentuk kekuasaan dalam perspektif teori kubus kekuasaan (the powercubetheory).Penulis mengumpulkan danmereview literatur kontemporer yang relevan dengan fenomena yang dikaji secaradialektis dengan cara melakukan reviewdan menganalisisnya secara kritis atasberbagai sumber literatur yang terpilih. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa ada 3 (tiga) bentuk kekuasaan sebagai faktor kemenangan petahana, yakni:Pertama, bentuk kekuasaan yang terlihat (visible power)ialahkesempatan untuk menarik simpati masyarakat melalui jualan program pembangunan yang telah dilaksanakan sebagai investasi politik. Kedua, bentuk kekuasaan yang tersembunyi(hidden power) ialah politisasi birokrasi melalui mobilisasi aparatur sipil negara, monopoli dukungan partai politik, dan kooptasi terhadap penyelenggara pemilu. Ketiga, bentuk kekuasaan yang tidak terlihat (invisible power), melalui peranan pemuka agama dan pemangku adat untuk menanamkan nilai-nilai dan ideologi merupakan modalitas politik petahana sebagai konsekuensi dari stratifikasi sosial-masyarakat.

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Omotayo, Funmilola, and Matthew B. Folorunso. "Use of Social Media for Political Participation by Youths." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 12, no. 1 (July 16, 2020): 132–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v12i1.585.

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This study investigated use of social media for political participation among youths in Oyo state, Nigeria; specifically, the types of social media used for political participation, the types of political activities social media are used for, as well as factors influencing use of the media for political participation. Survey research design was adopted for the study. Data was collected through questionnaire from 322 youths in three Nigerian universities. Findings reveal that social media was highly used by the youths for political participation. Facebook (98.8%) was found to be the most used, followed by Whatsapp (93.8%), Instagram (60.2%), Twitter (55.3%), and Yahoo Messenger (50.9%) respectively. Majorly, the youths used social media to participate in political advocacy (95.3%), political campaigns (91.9%), communicating with politicians (90.7%), political discussions (87.3%), monitoring and reporting electoral malpractices (85.1%), public consultations (80.4%), joining interest groups that engage in lobbying (64.9%), blogging about political issues (64.9%), and writing letters to public officials (51.2%). Perceived usefulness, perceived ease of use, subjective norms, and computer self-efficacy significantly influence use of social media for political participation, which suggests that these factors could be considered when promoting use of social media for political participation among youths. Given the growing popularity and penetration of social media and the way they influence peoples’ lives, the empirical findings of this study add to understanding how and why social media use will function in motivating citizens to be involved in political activities.

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Darnolf, Staffan, and Jørgen Elklit. "Electoral malpractice." Democratization 19, no. 6 (December 2012): 1168–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.708181.

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Birch, Sarah. "Electoral Systems and Electoral Misconduct." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 12 (September 17, 2007): 1533–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006292886.

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This article is a cross-national study of the impact of electoral system design on electoral misconduct. It argues that elections held in single-member districts (SMD) under plurality and majority rule are more likely to be the object of malpractice than those run under proportional representation (PR). Two reasons are advanced in support of this argument: Candidates in SMD systems have more to gain from individual efforts to manipulate elections than is the case for candidates in PR contests; and malfeasance is more efficient under SMD rules, in that the number of votes that must be altered to change the outcome is typically smaller than it is under PR. This hypothesis is tested and confirmed on a new data set of electoral manipulation in 24 postcommunist countries between 1995 and 2004. The proportion of seats elected in SMDs is found to be positively associated with levels of electoral misconduct, controlling for a variety of contextual factors.

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James, Toby S. "Book Review: International Relations: Electoral Malpractice." Political Studies Review 11, no. 1 (January 2013): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12000_49.

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Ugues, Antonio. "Public Perceptions of Clean Elections in Mexico: An Analysis of the 2000, 2006, and 2012 Elections." Journal of Politics in Latin America 10, no. 2 (August 2018): 77–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x1801000203.

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This study explores how citizens in a newly democratized country with a legacy of electoral fraud and manipulation evaluate the cleanliness of the elections that have taken place since democratization. I argue that citizens in these contexts are more likely to express confidence in the credibility of elections when their electoral preferences are realized, due to the competitiveness of contemporary elections, but more importantly due to the legacy of electoral malpractice. Using panel data collected during the 2000, 2006, and 2012 Mexican elections, the evidence indicates that support for electoral winners is indeed associated with greater confidence in the cleanliness of election-day proceedings, whereas support for electoral losers is associated with less confidence.

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Meadowcroft, Michael. "Sarah Birch, Electoral malpractice, reviewed by Michael Meadowcroft." Party Politics 20, no. 2 (February 27, 2014): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068813519700.

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Alidu, Seidu. "Party Politics and Electoral Malpractice in Ghana’s Election 2012." Journal of Scientific Research and Reports 3, no. 11 (January 10, 2014): 1449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/jsrr/2014/9223.

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Norris, Pippa. "Do perceptions of electoral malpractice undermine democratic satisfaction? The US in comparative perspective." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (November 28, 2018): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118806783.

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Doubts about the legitimacy of the 2016 US elections continue to reverberate and deepen partisan mistrust in America. A perfect storm followed Republican allegations of fake news and massive voter fraud, Democratic complaints of voter suppression and gerrymandering, discontent with the Electoral College’s awarding of victory to a presidential candidate who lost the popular vote, compounded by intelligence reports of Russian meddling. These issues raise the broader question: how serious do perceived electoral flaws have to be to raise doubts not just about the election but about democracy itself? Do ordinary people actually care about the quality of their elections or are they more concerned with jobs, growth and taxes and/or influenced by partisan cues? And how do attitudes vary among electoral winners and losers? The key findings of this research, based on World Values Survey data, are that doubts about electoral integrity do indeed undermine general satisfaction with how democracy works.

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Ross, Cameron. "Regional Elections and Electoral Malpractice in Russia: The Manipulation of Electoral Rules, Voters, and Votes." Region: Regional Studies of Russia, Eastern Europe, and Central Asia 3, no. 1 (2014): 147–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/reg.2014.0004.

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Bader, Max. "Trends and Patterns in Electoral Malpractice in Post-Soviet Eurasia." Journal of Eurasian Studies 3, no. 1 (January 2012): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.euras.2011.10.006.

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Long, Simon. "Taiwan's National Assembly Elections." China Quarterly 129 (March 1992): 216–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000041308.

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The elections held on 21 December in Taiwan for seats in the National Assembly were unprecedented in a number of respects. But they prolonged the more than 40 years of overwhelming dominance of the island's politics by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT). They represented a huge leap towards a genuinely pluralist political system in Taiwan, but were marred by electoral malpractice, and distorted by the prominence of the “independence” issue, and the intervention of Beijing leaders.

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Jockers, Heinz, Dirk Kohnert, and Paul Nugent. "The successful Ghana election of 2008: a convenient myth?" Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 1 (February 3, 2010): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09990231.

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ABSTRACTGhana's 2008 election has been hailed by national and international observers as a model for Africa. The perception of success has prevailed despite persistent concerns about an inflated voters' register and electoral fraud perpetrated by the two major parties, the NPP and NDC, in their strongholds in the Ashanti and Volta Regions respectively. Electoral malpractice in Ghana's virtual two-party system could acquire a decisive importance as a ‘third force’, representing an even more important factor than the smaller opposition parties. Unfortunate diplomatic and technocratic biases in election monitoring, combined with a reluctance on the part of the responsible authorities to investigate what appears to be a long history of fraudulent voting, amounts to a dangerous time bomb of unresolved conflict which could detonate in future elections.

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Kuo, Didi, and Jan Teorell. "Illicit Tactics as Substitutes." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 5 (July 10, 2016): 665–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016649481.

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What is the relationship between ballot reforms and electoral malpractice? This article contributes to the growing comparative politics literature on the causes of election fraud in democratizing countries using the case of the 19th-century United States. We examine the adoption of the Australian ballot and disenfranchisement laws, and estimate their effects on multiple types of election fraud. Using a new measure of fraud in elections to the House of Representatives from 1860 to 1930, we find that the Australian ballot and disenfranchisement measures reduced vote-buying and voter intimidation. However, we further find that the Australian ballot had an “iatrogenic effect” of increasing registration and ballot fraud. Voting secrecy therefore led to substitution of one illicit electoral tactic for another.

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Willis, J., and A. el Battahani. "'We changed the laws': Electoral practice and malpractice in Sudan since 1953." African Affairs 109, no. 435 (February 23, 2010): 191–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adq003.

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Aluaigba, Moses T. "Democracy Deferred: The Effects of Electoral Malpractice on Nigeria’s Path to Democratic Consolidation." Journal of African elections 15, no. 2 (October 1, 2016): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2016/v15i2a7.

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Avgerou, Chrisanthi, Silvia Masiero, and Angeliki Poulymenakou. "Trusting e-voting amid experiences of electoral malpractice: The case of Indian elections." Journal of Information Technology 34, no. 3 (February 1, 2019): 263–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268396218816199.

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This article constructs explanatory theory on trust in e-voting, a term that refers to the use of stand-alone IT artefacts in voting stations. We study e-voting as a techno-organisational arrangement embedded in the process of elections and the broader socio-economic context of a country. Following a critical realist approach, we apply retroduction and retrodiction principles to build theory by complementing existing studies of e-voting with insights from an in-depth case study of elections in India. First, we seek evidence of trust in e-voting in the responses of the public to the announcement of election results. Then we derive the following four mechanisms of trust creation or loss: the association of e-voting with the production of positive democratic effects; the making of e-voting part of the mission and identity of electoral authorities; the cultivation of a positive public attitude to IT with policies for IT-driven socio-economic development; and, in countries with turbulent political cultures, a clear distinction between the experience of voting as orderly and experiences of malpractice in other election tasks. We suggest that these mechanisms explain the different experience with e-voting of different countries. Attention to them helps in assessing the potential of electoral technologies in countries that are currently adopting them, especially fragile democracies embarking upon e-voting.

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Steve, Amaramiro A., Matthew Enya Nwocha, and Igwe Onyebuchi Igwe. "An Appraisal of Electoral Malpractice and Violence as an Albatross in Nigerian’s Democratic Consolidation." Beijing Law Review 10, no. 01 (2019): 77–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/blr.2019.101005.

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Nwarukweh, Charles O. "У НАПРЯМКУ ДО БОРОТЬБИ З ЛИХАМИ В СУЧАСНІЙ НІГЕРІЇ." Humanities journal, no. 4 (December 19, 2018): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32620/gch.2018.4.08.

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The article develops a new approach towards understanding and explaining the causes behind the prevailing level of insecurity, corruption and other vices in Nigeria today. The paper has attempted to examine corruption with regard to leadership in Nigeria, highlighting the peculiar problems with the socio-political class in Nigeria. There is hardly any facet of the social, economic or political life of this country that is not immune to the menace of corruption. Most of the ills plaguing the nation at present stemmed from both internal and global structural injustices, which had led to economic exploitation, poverty, unemployment, electoral malpractice, kidnapping/armed robbery, social insecurity and other vices which has mared the economy of the country.

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Willis, Justin, Gabrielle Lynch, and Nic Cheeseman. "“A valid electoral exercise”? Uganda's 1980 Elections and the Observers’ Dilemma." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 1 (January 2017): 211–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751600058x.

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AbstractThe presence at Uganda's 1980 general elections of a Commonwealth Observer Group might be seen as a seminal moment. This was the first formal international observation of polls in a sovereign African state and the precursor of multiple similar missions that later became routine. Yet the 1980 mission sits uneasily in the history of election observation. The observers endorsed the results despite evidence of malpractice, and Uganda plunged into civil war within months. Internationally, the mission is now either forgotten or treated as an embarrassment. Within Uganda, it has been denounced as part of an outsider conspiracy to foist an unwanted president on an unwilling people. This article argues that the 1980 mission was neither entirely seminal nor an aberration, and that both the elections and observation were driven partly by actors within Uganda rather than simply imposed by outsiders. The availability of UK government records allows us to see the events of 1980 as a particularly clear example of a recurring “observers’ dilemma.” Ideally, elections combine democracy and state-building. They offer people a choice as to who will lead or represent them, and at the same time they assert through performance a crucial distinction between a capable, ordering state and a law-abiding citizenry. Yet these two aspects of elections may be in tension; a poll that offers little or no real choice may still perform “stateness” through substantial, orderly public participation. When that happens in what would now be called a “fragile state,” should international observers denounce the results?

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Drewry, Gavin. "The complementarity of audit and judicial review: the ‘homes for votes’ scandal in the UK." International Review of Administrative Sciences 71, no. 3 (September 2005): 375–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852305056808.

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The mechanisms of public accountability can take many different forms, and those who hold others to account must themselves be accountable. A recent case of serious electoral malpractice in a UK local authority illustrates some important points about mechanisms of accountability and redress — in particular the potential complementarity between the inquisitorial role of an auditor, and the essentially adversarial nature of the judicial process. It also illustrates how the courts can be used to hold auditors (who are, themselves, important instruments of accountability) to account for their actions. Unlike an auditor, courts have limited scope to conduct in-depth investigations of the issues that arise in litigation, so it is tempting to consider the possibility of providing an investigative facility for particularly complex cases. However, as the case discussed here illustrates, this would involve substantial additional costs, as well as delays in the final resolution of disputes, at a time when the courts are under increasing pressure to streamline their procedures and become more cost-effective.

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Sawer, Marian, and Theresa Reidy. "Introduction to Pippa Norris, ‘Do public perceptions of electoral malpractice undermine democratic satisfaction? The US in comparative perspective’." International Political Science Review 40, no. 1 (November 28, 2018): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118812104.

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Kelly, Bob, and R. B. Bening. "Ideology, Regionalism, Self-Interest and Tradition: An Investigation into Contemporary Politics in Northern Ghana." Africa 77, no. 2 (May 2007): 180–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2007.77.2.180.

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ABSTRACTThis article focuses on three concerns: (1) the historical and contemporary distinctiveness of the ‘north’ from the rest of Ghana; (2) the extent to which the ‘north’ is itself a distinct and united political entity; and (3) the relevance to the area of competing analyses of Ghanaian politics which emphasize: the continuing importance of a distinct ‘northern’ political consciousness;the role of competing Ghanaian political traditions based on ideology and related socio-economic divisions;the growth of conscious ‘self-interest’ on the part of individual voters; andthe continued significance of local loyalties and rivalries, many of which pre-date the arrival of the British to the area in the final decades of the nineteenth century.The article argues that while no monocausal analysis of northern politics is adequate, longstanding internal divisions and rivalries, and distinct local issues, have been highly significant in determining the characteristics of its politics. It further suggests that whilst individual self-interest and ideological and related socio-economic differences have some role in determining the political sympathies and allegiances of members of the political elite, their independent role in determining voting patterns at the local level is limited. Longstanding local divisions and patterns of loyalty may vary in their intensity and impact from time to time, but nevertheless continue to have the potential to shape general political and specific electoral behaviour. Such an analysis is not peculiar to the north, with areas in the south and east also having significant traditional rivalries. It is, however, of particular significance in the north because of its history and the prevalence of common assumptions about the north's having a distinct political identity.Much of this article focuses on evidence gleaned from the 2004 elections, but it must be remembered that there are potentially serious limitations on the value of this source. In the first place it may be that electoral malpractice and various forms of vote rigging provide a distorted picture of what actually took place. While there were certainly attempts to buy votes in constituencies throughout the north, shooting incidents in Bawku and Tamale, and assaults and attempted assaults on election officials in at least three constituencies, the general impression was of a free, fair and credible election. Of more real significance, however, are the implicit features of an election – votes are aggregated so that we do not know the motivation behind individual voters' selections, and indeed each individual may have conflicting pressures and interests which have to be balanced into a single vote. It is certainly the contention here that underlying issues and actual electoral issues are not congruent; it is argued that only in a limited number of areas in the north did the underlying issues dominate the electoral outcome. It is, however, the potential for longstanding local divisions and loyalties to do so that is still significant today – and likely to remain so in the foreseeable future.

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Ofosu, George. "Electoral Malpractices and Fraud." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2530048.

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Akokuwebe, Monica Ewomazino. "Youth Unemployment and Electoral Malpractices in Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 15, no. 1 (November 1, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/7102/51(0190).

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In Nigeria, elections have been marred by various forms of malpractices in which youth often play prominent roles. The economic crisis and the accompanying structural adjustments in Nigeria have resulted in the alienation and marginalization of the youth, thereby exacerbating the whole phenomenon of youth restiveness. The National Bureau of Statistics reported that 42.24% of Nigerian youths were unemployed and 15.2 million youths remain unemployed in the economy in 2016. This unemployment scenario heightens the potential for violence and thus, political elites mobilize the pool of unemployed youths, often along ethnic, religious and party affiliations, as vital violent arsenals to manipulate and disrupt electoral processes. This paper, therefore, examines the nexus between electoral malpractices and youth unemployment in Nigeria. Guided by Rational Choice and R. K. Merton of Anomie theories, this paper argues that the present condition of massive youth unemployment is capable of engendering demographic dividends and national development. The paper concludes that to harness the advantages of a youthful population, the issue of unemployment should be accorded priority attention by among others creating the enabling environment for job opportunities. That way, youth are empowered and would less likely be involved in normless activities including electoral malpractices and violence

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Stephen Talabi, Aroge,. "Civic Education as a Panacea to Electoral Malpractices in Nigeria." Business and Management Research 1, no. 1 (February 29, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/bmr.v1n1p141.

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Nweke, Joshua O. "The Challenges of National Integration in Nigeria." Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.36108/njsa/7002/50(0160).

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This paper interrogates the challenges of national integration in Nigeria. Several policies and programmes of government like harmonized state structure, establishment of National Youths Service Corps Scheme, Federal Character Commission have not been able to achieve the goal of unifying the peoples of Nigeria. The question is, what are the factors responsible for lack of unity, tribalism, nepotism, electoral malpractices, anarchy and social disorganisation, which are the bane of the Nigerian soda-political structure today? This paper provides answers to this question. It exposes the intricacies of national integration and seeks to x-ray the factors which hinder the realization of the dream of national integration and their possible alternatives. The identified alternatives deal with how to achieve the objective of national integration in Nigeria.

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Monday, ETEBOM John. "The Long Years of Military Rule in Nigeria: A Blessing or a Curse." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 11, no. 2 (April 8, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v11i2.18355.

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Nigeria gained her independence in October 1960 after almost six decades of British colonial rule. The country’s journey into nationhood was herald by high hopes and prospects for national unity, peace and development. This was because of its vast human and material resources, and land mass. Nigeria is dominantly made of three prominent regions: the North (Hausa Fulani), the West (Yorubas) and the East (Igbos) with minorities in other regions.The military took over the leadership of the country barely six years into her independence as a nation. The military held sway for twenty nine years out of the ininitial forty years of the country’s post independence history before her return to civil rule in 1999.The county is still been confronted with challenges on all fronts ranging from insecurity and insurgency, economy, political uncertainty, electoral malpractices, high rate of unemployment, poor infrastructure amongst others. Literature have been skewed toward military intervention in politics as the root cause of the challenges bedeviling the country more than two decades after her return to civil rule.The study employed both quantitative and qualitative data. The study analysed the history of military rule in Nigeria and interrogated the crux of the military institution. It further analysed the peculiarities of each of the military regimes. The study also examined the post-military era in the country and concluded with recommendations.

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"Cloud Database Security in E-Voting System using Blockchain Technology." International Journal of Recent Technology and Engineering 8, no. 5 (January 30, 2020): 1361–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.35940/ijrte.e6292.018520.

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In today’s era, the cloud database security is one of the main concerns for any of the real time data accessing web/mobile applications. The cloud database protection involves accessibility and vulnerability of data, data protection, storage space, integrity and confidentiality on sensitive data. Building an electronic voting system that tries to completely fulfill the needs of the people has always been a challenge to achieve. The existing E-Voting System (E-VS) is not that much compatible with that of the current trends and does not assure to provide more security A lot of distributed ledger technologies which has been an exciting approach during existing election voting process. If we take a look on the ways of implying E-VS in a distribute ledger then Blockchain would be the right choice. As we all know that nowadays, Blockchain is one of the emerging technologies in the field of Information Technology. It normally stores information in batches called blocks which are linked together in a chronological way or method to form chain of blocks using cryptography techniques. During online voting process, many fraudulent activities happens which corrupt the entire election process. One of the major problems faced are fake voting which is obviously done by unauthorized people, inconvenient to reach to the respective places, average security level which may lead to the chances of an electoral fraud or any other malpractices.. Our proposed E-Voting System is mainly to protect the cloud database for real time data and to reduce the time consumption in voting and vote counting processes. Instead of standing in the queue for casting the vote, people can cast their votes from anywhere they want through online. The E-VS gives complete privacy and security for the online voting and makes it an ease for every individual to access it and cast their votes from anywhere possible with full pronounced security. In our proposed E-VS, Blockchain security concept called Consensus algorithm is implemented which makes it impossible for any unwanted activities to occur during election process. The E-VS system also achieves a higher level of security. Hence, the proposed system achieves data integrity, data confidentiality, eliminates storage overhead, and reduces time consumption for overall electronic voting system.

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"An Online Voting Platform for Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission." International Journal of Advanced Trends in Computer Science and Engineering 10, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1392–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.30534/ijatcse/2021/1271022021.

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Elections in Nigeria has been plagued by vote buying, ballot box snatching, weak and independent(but dependent on the Executive) electoral management body, corruption and legitimacy crises as well as other forms of election malpractice, violence and irregularities. To curb the incidences of fraud, malpractice and the flagrant absence of transparency, this study introduces the concept of the design and implementation of an online voting platform (OVP) for the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). This application implemented with Python, a powerful web programming language suggests an impartial, electronic and easily managed form of conducting gubernatorial elections (in one of the states) in Nigeria. The database was created using MySQL. The analyses and design of the web application involved some unified modeling diagrams (case, class). The web application promises to eradicate several weakness of the existing system such as slower vote counting, physical location for conducting the gubernatorial polls, inconsistencies and errors resulting from the manual tasks, costliness of the election and most especially delay/ time wastage.

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Ali-Diabacté, Tadjoudine. "Operational and procedural integrity of elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Journal of African Elections, June 1, 2020, 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i1a3.

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Malpractice has affected the integrity of elections in the DRC in its three recent democratic electoral cycles: 2006, 2011, and 2018, particularly the last cycle. However, even though national and international media indicate that the degree of threats to electoral integrity is more critical in the DRC than the rest of Africa, the problems in the DRC are similar to those encountered in the rest of the continent. Moreover, in terms of election integrity the DRC may be better rated than many other African countries. This is particularly true of francophone Africa, as well as the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) to which the DRC belongs. There are many good lessons learned from recent elections in the DRC which could inspire electoral authorities elsewhere in Africa and thus contribute to improving electoral integrity on the continent.

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Szakonyi, David. "Candidate Filtering: The Strategic Use of Electoral Manipulations in Russia." British Journal of Political Science, March 22, 2021, 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123420000836.

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Abstract Incumbents have many tools to tip elections in their favor, yet little is known about how they choose between strategies. By comparing various tactics, this article argues that electoral malpractice centered on manipulating institutions offers the greatest effectiveness while shielding incumbents from public anger and criminal prosecution. To demonstrate this, the study focuses on a widespread institutional tactic: preventing candidates from accessing the ballot. First, in survey experiments, Russian voters respond less negatively to institutional manipulations, such as rejecting candidates, than to blatant fraud, such as ballot box stuffing. Next, using evidence from 25,935 Russian mayoral races, the article shows that lower societal and implementation costs enable incumbents to strategically reject candidacies from credible challengers and then reduce their electoral vulnerability. In all, the technology behind specific manipulations helps determine when and how incumbents violate electoral integrity.

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Lloyd, Ryan, and Mathieu Turgeon. "Polling in New Democracies and Electoral Malpractice: The Case of Brazil." International Journal of Public Opinion Research, May 22, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/edab005.

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Abstract In many developing democracies, polling often comes with elevated levels of bias and variance. We argue that electoral malpractice can be one reason why. We build a theory and test it with data from elections between 2002 and 2014 in Brazil. We find that polling errors are larger in: (a) elections with many undecided voters and large imbalances in financial resources among campaigns; (b) the poorer Northeast region of Brazil, which is more closely associated with patronage and vote buying; and (c) low-profile, low-information elections. Our analysis serves as a cautionary tale for interpreting polling in democracies like Brazil, even if/when other sources of error in the polling industry are mitigated.

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Mauk, Marlene. "Electoral integrity matters: how electoral process conditions the relationship between political losing and political trust." Quality & Quantity, October 17, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-020-01050-1.

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Abstract This contribution adds a new perspective to the debate on electoral integrity by asking how electoral integrity affects the way in which election results translate into citizen attitudes towards the political system. It introduces a causal mechanism that links political losing to political trust via evaluations of electoral fairness: citizens who voted for the losing camp are more likely to view the electoral process as unfair than citizens who voted for the winning camp, resulting in political distrust. It further suggests that the effects of political losing on political trust depend on the level of electoral integrity. In conditions where the elections were conducted in a free and fair manner, even those who voted for the losing camp have little reason to suspect foul play and therefore political losing should barely affect perceptions of the electoral process. Whenever there are actual indications of electoral malpractice, however, political losers have much more reason to doubt the integrity of the electoral process than those who are content with the outcome of the election. The contribution makes use of a unique dataset that ex-post harmonizes survey data from three cross-national survey projects (Asian Barometer Survey, European Social Survey, Latinobarómetro) and macro-level data from the Varieties-of-Democracy Project to cover 45 democracies in Europe, East Asia, and Latin America. Using multi-level modeling, it finds that political losing indeed decreases political trust indirectly via perceptions of electoral fairness. Confirming its key proposition, the empirical analysis shows that political losing has a weaker effect on political trust in countries where electoral integrity is high.

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Ostwald, Kai. "Electoral Malpractice in Malaysia: The Methods and Costs of Entrenching Single-Party Dominance." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3048551.

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Norris, Pippa. "Do Public Perceptions of Electoral Malpractice Undermine Democratic Satisfaction? The U.S. In Comparative Perspective." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3222940.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Electoral malpractices'

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