Academic literature on the topic 'Electoral perception'
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Journal articles on the topic "Electoral perception"
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Groshev, I. V., A. V. Gorbenko, I. V. Antonenko, and V. N. Voronin. "Peculiarities of the influence of the electoral properties of candidates on voting behavior of voters." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 3 (April 12, 2019): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-3-177-188.
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The problem of impact resistant and variables of electoral properties of candidates for for voting behavior of voters. In particular, it is shown that all factors determining the voting behavior of voters are graded on a fi ed (internal), weakly dependent on agitation characteristics and properties and external candidates voting factors of choice are highly dependent on the impact of social and communication activities of election campaigns has been presented. The classification of models of electoral behavior of voters, the structure of its determination. The author’s defi tion of electoral candidate properties, including objective-personal and socio-political attributes through subjective reflection electorate gradually form a holistic perception of the candidate, thereby defining his image in the mind of the voter, which is the end product of the electoral impact of candidate properties for the target audience during campaigning has be given.
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Zerback, Thomas, Carsten Reinemann, and Angela Nienierza. "Who’s Hot and Who’s Not? Factors Influencing Public Perceptions of Current Party Popularity and Electoral Expectations." International Journal of Press/Politics 20, no. 4 (July 29, 2015): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161215596986.
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This study analyzes how perceptions of the popularity of political parties (i.e., the current opinion climate) and expectations about parties’ future electoral performance (i.e., the future opinion climate) are formed. Theoretically, the paper integrates research on the sources of public opinion perception and empirically draws on a representative survey carried out before the 2013 German federal election. We show that the perceived media slant and opinions perceived in one’s personal surroundings are closely related to perceptions of party popularity, whereas individual recall of poll results and personal opinions about the parties are not. However, poll results are shown to be the single most important predictor of expectations about the parties’ future electoral success.
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Riggs, Jack E., Gerald R. Hobbs, and Todd H. Riggs. "Electoral College Winner's Advantage." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 02 (April 2009): 353–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090465.
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Compared to the popular vote, the Electoral College magnifies the perception of the winner's margin of victory. In this analysis, a method of quantifying the magnitude of the advantage given to the winner due to the Electoral College's two electoral vote add-on and winner-take-all methodologies is presented. Using the electoral vote distribution that was present in the 2000 U.S. presidential election, we analyzed one million random two-candidate simulated elections. The results show that the net effect of the Electoral College is to give the winning candidate an average 29.45 electoral vote advantage per election due to the winner-take-all methodology. This winner's advantage includes an average 0.42 electoral vote advantage given to the winner per election due to the two electoral vote add-on.
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Bosch, N., and J. Suárez-Pandiello. "Fiscal Perception and Voting." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 11, no. 2 (June 1993): 233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c110233.
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The effect of local fiscal policy perception on the electoral process in a representative democracy is investigated. The test is made by using an ordinary least squares regression on a sample of fifty Spanish municipalities. The dependent variable is the relative increase in the number of votes in support of the political party in power between the two previous local elections, and the independent variables are public investment and taxes collected by local government. The empirical evidence supports the hypothesis that fiscal perception affects voters’ behaviour.
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Chang, Horng-Jinh, and Shean-Yuh Lin. "The electoral perception analysis of the presidential candidates in Taiwan." Journal of Information and Optimization Sciences 19, no. 2 (May 1998): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02522667.1998.10699377.
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NAKAMURA, Etsuhiro. "Voters' perception of Japanese party system after the electoral reform." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 63, no. 1 (2012): 1_37–1_64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_37.
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Helled, Alon. "The Israeli electoral state of mind." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 79, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8534.
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The 2015 Israeli general elections provide rare intellectual stimuli to trace and characterize some of the larger sociopolitical stances in Israeli society. Since Israeli politics has undergone many changes over the last decades, a focus on electoral moment unpacks the issues and general perception regarding geopolitics (i.e. the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and the domestic health of the country (i.e. sociopolitical reforms and policy-developments). This paper aims at analyzing the three main dimensions, which were emphasized during the electoral campaign and the turnout, while it connects them with what we may refer to as the Israeli political "state of mind".
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Muhinat, Bello Bolanle. "EDUCATING BORDER DWELLERS TO PROMOTE PEACE AND SECURITY IN AN ELECTORAL PROCESS: PERCEPTION OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS’." SPEKTA (Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat : Teknologi dan Aplikasi) 1, no. 2 (November 10, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/spekta.v1i2.2793.
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This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areasThis study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areas.
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Chiru, Mihail, and Sergiu Gherghina. "When voter loyalty fails: party performance and corruption in Bulgaria and Romania." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (April 8, 2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000063.
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This article identifies the determinants of party loyalty while making a distinction between government and opposition voters within an electoral cycle in the two most recent European Union members (Bulgaria and Romania). Both countries are characterized by the perception of widespread corruption and a general distrust of politicians that are likely to hinder the development of strong ties between citizens and parties. We test the explanatory potential of both traditional and revisionist theories of partisanship, suggesting that perceptions of corruption should be treated as equal to evaluations of actual performance. The statistical analysis of comparative study of electoral systems survey data emphasizes the salience of party performance evaluations for party loyalty. Corruption perceptions are significant predictors of loyalty in the Bulgarian case. Voters in both countries assess critically the performance of their preferred party whether it was part of the government or in opposition. A significant difference arises between government and opposition voters with regard to the predictive potential of identification conceptualized as closeness to a party.
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Bučaite˙-Vilke, Jurga, and Aiste Lazauskiene. "Territorial Policy Agenda Revised." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 19, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 207–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.19.2.2.
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This paper contributes to the ongoing debates on the relationship between municipality size and non-electoral citizen participation at the local level. We use the data from Lithuania as a case of strongly consolidated local government structures. We discuss three main points. First, our focus is on the limited question of how municipality size affects the intensity of citizens’ non-electoral participation in local decision-making, taking into account citizens’ participatory capacities, contact with municipal authorities and local agents, and municipal performance evaluations. Second, we consider the specificity of the territorial rescaling policy agenda in Lithuania, which is characterised by the long-term direction of the territorial consolidation process. Third, representative population survey data serve as a reasonable platform for testing the hypothesis on the relationship between different citizen participatory practices and municipality size. We assumed that citizen perceptions of municipal problem-solving capacities, local government accessibility, and assessment of local government performance could vary in municipalities of different size. We also expected to find significant correlation between citizen assessment of municipal performance, local government accessibility (varying by local contact activity), and citizen perception of municipal problem-solving capacities by producing statistical clusters of citizen participatory capacity types. The limitations of quantitative statistical approaches constitute a barrier to explaining the subjective perceptions of local citizens hold about their non-electoral participatory behaviour. Our conclusions demonstrate that the perceived potential of non-electoral democratic participation capacities is relatively limited in both small and large Lithuanian municipalities. Nevertheless, the findings indicate that citizens in large municipalities are more likely to establish local contact activity and have better perceptions of municipal problem-solving capacities than those in small municipalities.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Electoral perception"
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Sedziaka, Alesia A. "The Causes and Consequences of Perceptions of Election Unfairness." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/332767.
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The role of unfair elections in breakdown or maintenance of electoral authoritarian regimes has been subject to debate in recent research. On the one hand, the conduct of elections may serve to enhance popular legitimacy and deter challenges to the regime. On the other hand, electoral manipulation may contribute to grievances that fuel mass protest. However, empirical research on the consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support has been limited by the availability of appropriate survey data and has mostly focused on summary or process-based assessments of electoral unfairness. The premise of this study is that electoral manipulation is difficult to assess due to its inherent complexity and ambiguity. As a result, citizens are likely to use cognitive shortcuts to interpret electoral manipulation. Applying psychological theories of justice and motivated political reasoning in this context, this project aims to investigate how both process- and outcome-based assessments of election unfairness influence summary judgments of election quality, regime support, and support for electoral protest. It further seeks to determine how voters' political preferences bias, or condition, the impact of election unfairness evaluations. These propositions are tested using novel data from the XIX New Russia Barometer survey, conducted shortly after the controversial 2011 Russian State Duma election that triggered mass electoral protests. This study finds that perceived election outcome unfairness affects reactions to elections alongside assessments of the electoral process; it also shows evidence of partisan reasoning in evaluations of election unfairness. Ultimately, this project points to some factors that may explain the diverging consequences of electoral manipulation for popular support.
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Nyman, Pär. "Austerity Politics : Is the Electorate Responsible?" Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274342.
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This thesis contributes to the public finance literature concerned with fiscal sustainability, and consists of an introduction and four stand-alone essays. The first three essays analyse the reasons why governments accumulate large levels of debt. In the first essay, I find that parties that implement fiscal consolidations are punished by the voters in the following election. However, there does not appear to be a rewarding effect for governments that implement fiscal expansions. The second essay, which is co-authored with Rafael Ahlskog, shows how voter opposition to fiscal consolidation is shaped by moral considerations and feelings of personal responsibility. More precisely, we argue that voters are more likely to refuse fiscal consolidation when they do not feel responsible for the public debt. The third essay argues that misperceptions about the business cycle would have caused fiscal problems even if policy-making was conducted by independent experts. According to my estimates, biased projections have weakened annual budget balances by approximately one per cent of GDP. In the fourth essay, I argue that budgetary mechanisms created to improve fiscal discipline have a bias toward a reduced public sector. Because discretionary decisions are usually required to adjust public expenditures to price and wage increases, periods of rapid growth have repeatedly caused the welfare state to shrink. I use the introduction to discuss the commonalities between the essays and to situate the field of public finance in a broader, historical context.
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Espindola, Roberto. "Electoral campaigning in Latin America's new democracies: The Southern Cone." Routledge, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2707.
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NoThis book examines how political communication and the mass media have played a central role in the consolidation of emerging democracies around the world. Covering a broad range of political and cultural contexts, including Eastern and Southern Europe, Latin America, Asia and Africa, this new volume investigates the problems and conflicts arising in the process of establishing an independent media and competitive politics in post-autocratic societies. Considering the changing dynamic in the relationship between political actors, the media and their audience, the authors of this volume address the following issues: Changing journalistic role perceptions and journalistic quality The reasons and consequences of persisting instrumentalization of the media by political actors The role of the media in election campaigns The way in which the citizens interpret political messages and the extent to which the media influence political attitudes and electoral behaviour The role of the Internet in building a democratic public sphere.
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Ke, Chong. "Infrastructure, Participation and Legal Reforms: An Analysis of the Politics and Potentials of Village Elections in China." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4732.
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Inspired by critiques of controlled elections under “single-party rule,” this dissertation explores the performance, implications and potentials of China’s village elections. It first reviews the most important studies on the progress of China’s grassroots democracy and then analyzes the social-political background of village self-management which to date has been neglected in the academic literature. Based on empirical studies conducted in Sichuan, this dissertation investigates the roles and attitudes of various participatory groups in village elections and in the course of electoral reforms. It also discusses the failure of the existing law to set out fundamental rules for village elections and to effectively guide people’s behavior. Further, this dissertation offers detailed recommendations to improve the existing law in order to guarantee the accessibility, authenticity and competitiveness of village elections.Graduate
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aloeke@gmail.com
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Marques, Tiago Alexandre Gouveia. "Corrupção e deslegitimação da democracia: Um terreno fértil para a emergência do populismo." Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/18959.
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Esta tese procura entender o fenómeno da corrupção e a sua relação com o populismo. Nos últimos anos, a multiplicação de escândalos de corrupção na imprensa tem empiorado a perceção da corrupção. Estudos anteriores têm evidenciado que o estereótipo do político está associado a uma moralidade negativa (Moriconi e Ramos, 2017). É neste contexto que a tendência atual está virada para líderes populistas, que se aproveitam das ameaças constantes às instituições democráticas por todo o mundo e enunciam uma retórica de um povo mais unido contra a corrupção e a caminho da igualdade económica (Galito, 2017).
A perceção da corrupção tem vindo a aumentar em Portugal e tem contribuído para uma crise democrática que afeta todos os setores da sociedade. A mediatização de casos corrupção com a participação de funcionários públicos e grandes figuras do Governo tem vindo a deixar os cidadãos com a sensação de que tudo e todos são corruptos, de que é necessária uma mudança radical, de que precisam de novos líderes com novos fundamentos, mas que principalmente, não sejam corruptos e que prossigam valores morais e éticos de forma a exercer o poder de forma transparente. Neste sentido procedeu-se à criação de um modelo de análise sobre a perceção dos processos eleitorais e características do conjunto social "políticos”, que consiste em oito hipóteses com fundamento nas respostas às afirmações recolhidas do questionário realizado à população alvo (portugueses com mais de 18 anos), de forma a perceber como surge o populismo no contexto democrático e se será possível acontecer no nosso país, pela primeira vez.
Numa visão geral do problema, apesar de os resultados serem um pouco ambíguos, foi possível verificar que, apesar da falta de confiança que os portugueses inquiridos têm do típico político, ainda não sentem a necessidade de ver uma mudança de paradigma e aceitar a presença de um populista no Governo.This thesis seeks to understand the phenomenon of corruption and its relation to populism. In recent years, the multiplicity of corruption scandals in the press has aggravated the perception of corruption. Previous studies have shown that the stereotype of the politician is associated with a negative morality. It is in this context that the current trend is directed towards populist leaders who take advantage of the constant threats to democratic institutions around the world and enunciate a rhetoric of a united people against corruption and towards economic equality. The perception of corruption has been increasing in Portugal and has contributed to a democratic crisis that affects all sectors of society. The mediatization of corruption cases involving public officials and major figures of the Government has been leaving citizens with the feeling that everything and everyone is corrupt, that a radical change is needed, that they need new leaders with new foundations, but above all, that they are not corrupt and that they pursue moral and ethical values in order to exercise power transparently. In this sense, a model of analysis on the perception of electoral processes and characteristics of the "political" social group was created, which consists of eight hypotheses based on the answers to the statements collected from the questionnaire to the target population (Portuguese over 18 years) in order to understand how populism arises in the democratic context and if it is possible to happen in our country for the first time. In an overview of the problem, although the results are somewhat ambiguous, it was possible to verify that, despite the lack of confidence that the portuguese respondents have of the typical politician, they still do not feel the need to see a paradigm shift and accept the presence of a populist in the Government.
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Dieudonne, Tumba Tuseku. "Stakeholders' perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo." Diss., 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20300.
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This study investigated the perceptions of election stakeholders with regard to the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The involvement of civil society organizations, electoral experts and academia, including party agents as domestic observers and stakeholders in Congolese electoral processes, is crucial as they help electoral and participatory democracy to take root in the DRC. This study was underpinned by political trust, political support and neopatrimonial theories. Furthermore, a mixed methods research design was used in order to understand the perceptions of stakeholders on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC. The findings of the study showed that stakeholders‟ perceptions on the management of the 2011 electoral processes in the DRC were driven by both internal and external factors pertaining to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) that have the potential to affect the electoral processes as well as the level of trust in the INEC and other institutions involved in the electoral processes.Political Sciences
M.A. (Politics)
Books on the topic "Electoral perception"
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Oloyede, Is-haq. Prevention of electoral violence: Stakeholders' perceptions: proceedings of a 2-day workshop on the prevention of violence in 2011 elections in Kwara State, Nigeria, 9-10 March, 2011. Ilorin, Nigeria: John Archers (Publishers), for Centre for Peace and Strategic Studies, University of Ilorin, 2011.
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Voters' perception on parliamentary election: Report on the survey "voters' expectation, and evaluation of the electoral process". Dhaka: Bangladesh Centre for Development, Journalism, and Communication, 2002.
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Kaiser, Roman, and Fabian Michl, eds. Landeswahlrecht. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748905790.
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In German politics, elections occur constantly. When voters are not being called upon to elect a new Bundestag, the next election at federal state level is just around the corner. Despite some commonalities, each federal state parliament is elected within a different legal framework. In both the public’s perception and electoral studies, however, those differences are not always duly taken into account. Therefore, this volume describes the electoral laws of the states in 16 specific chapters following a short introduction on their theoretical and historical foundations as well as on the requirements of the federal constitution. It provides a reliable basis for comparing the German electoral systems with one another. The electoral laws of the states do not appear as mere imitations of the federal system, but as autonomous legislative entities with their own structural decisions and emphases. The volume deals, in particular, with controversial reform projects, such as the reduction of the voting age and so-called affirmative action Legislation. With contributions by Prof. Dr. Tristan Barczak, LL.M.; Dr. Henner Gött, LL.M.; Lukas Christoph Gundling, M.A.; Dorothea Heilmann; Dr. Patrick Hilbert; Laura Jung, MJur, Maître en droit; Benjamin Jungkind; Dr. Roman Kaiser; Dr. Manuel Kollmann, Dr. Stefan Lenz, Dr. Stefan Martini; Michael Meier; Dr. Fabian Michl, LL.M.; Nadja Reimold; Christina Schulz, LL.M.; Dr. Thomas Spitzlei; Victor Struzina
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Online Political Advertising and Microtargeting: The Latest Legal, Ethical, Political and Technological Evolutions. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.65.
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Electoral campaigns are central to influencing how people vote and can also affect people’s perception of the legitimacy of a country’s elections and democracy in general. Today, political parties and other stakeholders are increasingly use new online techniques in electoral campaigns. Many countries struggle with applying regulatory frameworks on elections to the online sphere, especially as regards online political advertising and microtargeting. This Event Report provides an overview of the issues at stake and recommendations from two roundtables on online political advertising and microtargeting that were organized by International IDEA in June 2020, in collaboration with the European Commission and the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. It covers topics such as what sets online campaigning apart from traditional campaigning, the rights and freedoms potentially affected by the use of digital microtargeting and online campaigning, gaps in current regulations, and division and coordination of oversight roles both domestically and internationally.
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Lobo, Marina Costa, and Isabella Razzuoli. Party Finance and Perceived Party Responsiveness. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0008.
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This chapter investigates an important implication of the cartel party thesis: that parties’ shift from society towards the state has eroded voters’ sense of political efficacy. More precisely, it explores whether and to what extent parties’ financial dependence on the state shapes electors’ feelings about the responsiveness of parties. The authors do this by linking PPDB (Political Party Database) information with the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) data. The results of their analysis show that the relationship between level of state funding of parties and citizens’ perceptions of party responsiveness is positive, though not strong. This is contrary to the theoretical expectations suggested by the cartel thesis, in that electors voting for parties more dependent on the state are not more likely to have low feelings of political efficacy.
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Roßteutscher, Sigrid, Ina Bieber, Lars-Christopher Stövsand, and Manuela Blumenberg. Candidate Perception and Individual Vote Choice. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0010.
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This chapter explores the relevance of social cues for voting behavior in Germany. It explores effects of social cues that build on role-based and social-similarity-based stereotyping. Using data from voter surveys that are merged with information about candidate characteristics, the analysis demonstrates that role-based cues played no part in affecting voter decisions on the first vote in the 2009 and 2013 German federal elections. By contrast, cues that build on social similarity (e.g. gender, age, education, social class, religion, or migrant background) appear to have made a difference, at least in certain subsections of the electorate, such as partisan independents.
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Johnstone, Andrew, and Andrew Priest, eds. US Presidential Elections and Foreign Policy. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169057.001.0001.
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This book explores the relationship between American presidential elections and US foreign policy. It argues that analysis of this relationship is currently underdeveloped (indeed, largely ignored) in the academic literature and among historians in particular and is part of a broader negligence of the influence of US politics and the public on foreign policy. It is usually taken as being axiomatic that domestic factors, especially the economy, are the most influential when people enter the voting booth. This may often be the case, but foreign policy undoubtedly also plays an important part for some people, and, crucially, it is seen to do so by presidential candidates and their advisers. Therefore, while foreign policy issues influence some voters in the way they choose to vote, the perception that voters care about certain foreign policy issues can also have a profound effect on the way in which presidents craft their foreign policies. Although we agree with those scholars who argue that it is difficult to discern the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy making, this complex relationship is one that, we feel, requires further exploration. This collection therefore seeks to understand the relative importance of US foreign policy on domestic elections and electoral positions and the impact of electoral issues on the formation of foreign policy.
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Siegel, David A. Democratic Institutions and Political Networks. Edited by Jennifer Nicoll Victor, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.35.
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Democratic institutions directly alter the way citizens interact with government; electoral institutions are a straightforward example of this. But they also act indirectly. Knowing that one’s vote will be counted can alter one’s perception of other forms of political contestation, such as dissent. Political networks can also have both direct and indirect effects. For example, they not only characterize who has direct influence over one’s thinking, but also delimit available information by specifying the pathways across which information travels. The conditional effects of institutions and networks should be expected to interact; a free press might have a reduced impact when political networks constrain the dissemination of information, or social capital as captured by network ties might improve democratic performance only in the presence of supportive institutions. This chapter explores the types of three-way interactions this dual conditionality suggests and discusses their consequences for the study of comparative politics.
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Pattenden, Miles. The Pope and His Electors. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797449.003.0002.
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This chapter explains who the cardinals were and how their priorities for the papacy evolved over the course of the early modern period. It is organized around discussions of how the cardinal developed as a concept and of the cardinals’ key relationships: with the pope himself, with their own families, with the Catholic faith, and with secular powers. The chapter explains how Italian elites colonized the papacy from the fifteenth century onwards, adapting it to serve their own political ends, and how this changed profiles and priorities within the Sacred College in the process. It discusses the impact of religious changes, in particular the spread of Protestantism, on cardinals and their spiritual mission, and shows how changes in the papacy’s international position impacted the cardinals’ perceptions of their role.
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Wolf, Christof. Voters and Voting in Context. Edited by Harald Schoen, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, and Bernhard Weßels. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.001.0001.
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This book investigates the role of context in affecting political opinion formation and voting behavior. Building on a model of contextual effects on individual-level voter behavior, the chapters of this volume explore contextual effects in Germany in the early twenty-first century. The contributions draw on manifold combinations of individual and contextual information gathered in the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) framework and employ advanced methods. In substantive terms, they investigate the impact of campaign communication on political learning, the effects of media coverage on the perceived importance of political problems, and the role of electoral competition on candidate strategies and perceptions. Other contributions deal with the role of social and economic contexts as well as parties’ policy stances in affecting electoral turnout. The chapters on vote choice explore the impact of social cues on candidate voting, effects of electoral arenas on vote functions, the role of media coverage on ideological voting, and effects of campaign communication on the timing of electoral decision-making. The volume demonstrates the key role of the processes of communication and politicization in bringing about contextual effects. Context thus plays a nuanced role in voting behavior. The contingency of contextual effects suggests that they should become an important topic in research on political behavior and democratic politics.
Book chapters on the topic "Electoral perception"
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Lauermann, Robin M. "Conclusions: Constituent Evaluations: Linking Member Behavior and Electoral Accountability." In Constituent Perceptions of Political Representation, 102–13. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137400437_7.
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Judd, Charles M., Leaf van Boven, Michaela Huber, and Ana P. Nunes. "Chapter 13. Measuring Everyday Perceptions of the Distribution of the American Electorate." In Improving Public Opinion Surveys, edited by John H. Aldrich and Kathleen M. McGraw, 220–37. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400840298.220.
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Maggini, Nicola. "Between Numbers and Political Drivers: What Matters in Policy-Making." In IMISCOE Research Series, 19–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67284-3_2.
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AbstractThis chapter aims to investigate whether (restrictive) policy measures on migration across seven European countries (the Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Greece, Italy, Switzerland and the UK) are better explained by political factors, rather than the actual number of migrants/refugees/asylum seekers, their integration process or the effective European societies’ demographic and economic needs, within each national context. The analysis shows, indeed, that restrictive legislative and policy measures on immigration and integration issues seem to be not justified by the reality of immigration in the selected European countries. Conversely, these restrictive measures can be explained by some relevant political factors: prevalence of negative attitudes towards immigration among European citizens and salience of the immigration issue; electoral relevance of populist radical-right parties who mostly mobilized on immigration issues and significant diffusion of their authoritarian/traditionalist/nationalist positions within each country’s party system. These data confirm that citizens’ perceptions and party systems’ features are closely related phenomena, which influence one another and are all key factors that need to be considered to explain the law and policy-making of recent years on immigration issues.
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Persons, Georgia A., and Lenneal J. Henderson. "Mayor of the Colony: Effective Mayoral Leadership as a Matter Of Public Perception." In Black Electoral Politics, 145–53. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313803-12.
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Ayele, Zemelak Ayitenew. "Constitutionalism and Electoral Authoritarianism in Ethiopia." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa, 169–97. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0008.
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After centuries of monarchical rule, 14 years of military rule, and three years of a one-party political system, Ethiopia adopted a constitution that provides for multiparty democracy. The Constitution establishes democratic institutions and contains democratic principles that are vital for competitive multiparty democracy; it also guarantees civil liberties and political rights, including freedom of expression and association that are critical in this regard. Be that as it may, in the past two-and-a-half decades, no competitive multiparty democracy has existed in Ethiopia. Instead, an electoral authoritarian system was instituted that allowed the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and its affiliates to enjoy exclusive control over every level and unit of government. This was so because, among other things, even if the domestic and global political dynamics that were at work when the EPRDF came to power in the 1990s left it with no choice but to constitutionalize multipartyism, its violent history, its vanguardist self-perception, and the developmental-state paradigm it later endorsed have driven it into electoral authoritarianism. The various formal and informal mechanisms that the party put in place, the socioeconomic structure of the country, and the minimal international pressure it faced when not democratizing allowed it successfully to retain its incumbency for more than two decades. New domestic and international dynamics put pressure on the EPRDF to open up the political space and to change its leadership leading to the rise to power of Abiy Ahmed who, having begun as a reformer, is now showing the tell-tale signs of authoritarianism and harbingers of one-man rule.
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Tillman, Erik R. "The Evolving Relationship between Authoritarianism and EU Attitudes." In Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics, 97–114. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0005.
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This chapter examines the evolving relationship between authoritarianism and EU attitudes from the early 1990s until 2017. Up until the early 1990s, EU attitudes were structured primarily by economic concerns. The economic ‘winners’ of European integration (e.g. professionals) supported the EU more than the ‘losers’ (e.g. unskilled workers). With the debate over the EU centred increasingly on socio-cultural issues, the structure of EU attitudes has shifted—activating the perception of threat among high authoritarians. In the 1990s, there is no relationship between authoritarianism and EU attitudes, but a negative relationship emerges in the twenty-first century. Moreover, this relationship is stronger in those countries that had more national-level party conflict over the EU. Because this conflict resulted from the emergence of anti-EU parties, this result indicates that high authoritarians became more likely to oppose the EU in those countries where Eurosceptical parties were more successful in advancing the message that the EU threatens national community. These results suggest that the evolution of EU attitudes reflects the growing perception of threat to national community and sovereignty—and this evolution has been strongest where Eurosceptical political elites have been more influential.
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Adeyinka, Tella, and Gbolahan Olasina. "Voters’ Perception of the Adequacy and Suitability of e-Voting in the Nigeria Polity." In Digital Democracy, 1006–27. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-1740-7.ch049.
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This chapter examines the perception of academics regarding the suitability and adequacy of e-Voting in the Nigeria polity. A qualitative approach using interviews as the data collection instruments was employed. Five research questions were developed and used in the interviews. The population of the study comprised academic staff in the South West Nigerian universities. From this population, 250 academic staff were purposely selected from five universities. This represents the sample for the study. Five research questions were developed and used in the interviews. The results demonstrated that Nigerians are aware of e-Voting systems, the advantages of e-Voting revealed include ease of voting, ease of counting, electoral vote fraud prevention, and cost reduction, To a great extent, Nigeria is e-Voting ready, and the e-Voting system is relevant to the Nigeria electoral system. Respondents find electronic voting desirable in Nigeria given reasons such as saving time/cost, queuing reduction, and Nigeria being technologically advanced enough to carry out a fast voting process. Hindrances to e-Voting and recommendations for the effective adoption of e-Voting in the Nigeria polity were highlighted.
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Adeyinka, Tella, and Gbolahan Olasina. "Voters’ Perception of the Adequacy and Suitability of e-Voting in the Nigeria Polity." In Handbook of Research on E-Government in Emerging Economies, 123–44. IGI Global, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-0324-0.ch006.
Full textAbstract:
This chapter examines the perception of academics regarding the suitability and adequacy of e-Voting in the Nigeria polity. A qualitative approach using interviews as the data collection instruments was employed. Five research questions were developed and used in the interviews. The population of the study comprised academic staff in the South West Nigerian universities. From this population, 250 academic staff were purposely selected from five universities. This represents the sample for the study. Five research questions were developed and used in the interviews. The results demonstrated that Nigerians are aware of e-Voting systems, the advantages of e-Voting revealed include ease of voting, ease of counting, electoral vote fraud prevention, and cost reduction, To a great extent, Nigeria is e-Voting ready, and the e-Voting system is relevant to the Nigeria electoral system. Respondents find electronic voting desirable in Nigeria given reasons such as saving time/cost, queuing reduction, and Nigeria being technologically advanced enough to carry out a fast voting process. Hindrances to e-Voting and recommendations for the effective adoption of e-Voting in the Nigeria polity were highlighted.
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Gusev, Nikita S. "Features of the political process in Bulgaria from the perspective of the Russian subjects (late 19th – early 20th centuries)." In Slavs and Russia: Problems of Statehood in the Balkans (late XVIII - XXI centuries), 252–66. Institute of Slavic Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2618-8570.2020.14.
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The paper examines the functioning of the Bulgarian political system in the first 40 years of its existence (1878–1918) according to the Russian eyewitnesses observations. Involvement of this type of sources as well as Bulgarian memoirs and scientific works allowed us to consider the real implementation of such components of the constitutional state as equality, freedom of speech, political competition, the electoral process and their perception by the Bulgarians themselves. The data used in the research enabled us to conclude that these components of the political system have been adapted to local realities, which largely changed the essence of the aforementioned concepts.
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Kerr, Nicholas N. "EMB Performance and Perceptions of Electoral Integrity in Africa." In Advancing Electoral Integrity, 189–210. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199368709.003.0010.
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