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Books on the topic 'Electoral perception'
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1
Oloyede, Is-haq. Prevention of electoral violence: Stakeholders' perceptions: proceedings of a 2-day workshop on the prevention of violence in 2011 elections in Kwara State, Nigeria, 9-10 March, 2011. Ilorin, Nigeria: John Archers (Publishers), for Centre for Peace and Strategic Studies, University of Ilorin, 2011.
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Voters' perception on parliamentary election: Report on the survey "voters' expectation, and evaluation of the electoral process". Dhaka: Bangladesh Centre for Development, Journalism, and Communication, 2002.
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Kaiser, Roman, and Fabian Michl, eds. Landeswahlrecht. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748905790.
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In German politics, elections occur constantly. When voters are not being called upon to elect a new Bundestag, the next election at federal state level is just around the corner. Despite some commonalities, each federal state parliament is elected within a different legal framework. In both the public’s perception and electoral studies, however, those differences are not always duly taken into account. Therefore, this volume describes the electoral laws of the states in 16 specific chapters following a short introduction on their theoretical and historical foundations as well as on the requirements of the federal constitution. It provides a reliable basis for comparing the German electoral systems with one another. The electoral laws of the states do not appear as mere imitations of the federal system, but as autonomous legislative entities with their own structural decisions and emphases. The volume deals, in particular, with controversial reform projects, such as the reduction of the voting age and so-called affirmative action Legislation. With contributions by Prof. Dr. Tristan Barczak, LL.M.; Dr. Henner Gött, LL.M.; Lukas Christoph Gundling, M.A.; Dorothea Heilmann; Dr. Patrick Hilbert; Laura Jung, MJur, Maître en droit; Benjamin Jungkind; Dr. Roman Kaiser; Dr. Manuel Kollmann, Dr. Stefan Lenz, Dr. Stefan Martini; Michael Meier; Dr. Fabian Michl, LL.M.; Nadja Reimold; Christina Schulz, LL.M.; Dr. Thomas Spitzlei; Victor Struzina
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Online Political Advertising and Microtargeting: The Latest Legal, Ethical, Political and Technological Evolutions. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2020.65.
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Electoral campaigns are central to influencing how people vote and can also affect people’s perception of the legitimacy of a country’s elections and democracy in general. Today, political parties and other stakeholders are increasingly use new online techniques in electoral campaigns. Many countries struggle with applying regulatory frameworks on elections to the online sphere, especially as regards online political advertising and microtargeting. This Event Report provides an overview of the issues at stake and recommendations from two roundtables on online political advertising and microtargeting that were organized by International IDEA in June 2020, in collaboration with the European Commission and the Dutch Ministry of the Interior and Kingdom Relations. It covers topics such as what sets online campaigning apart from traditional campaigning, the rights and freedoms potentially affected by the use of digital microtargeting and online campaigning, gaps in current regulations, and division and coordination of oversight roles both domestically and internationally.
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Lobo, Marina Costa, and Isabella Razzuoli. Party Finance and Perceived Party Responsiveness. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198758631.003.0008.
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This chapter investigates an important implication of the cartel party thesis: that parties’ shift from society towards the state has eroded voters’ sense of political efficacy. More precisely, it explores whether and to what extent parties’ financial dependence on the state shapes electors’ feelings about the responsiveness of parties. The authors do this by linking PPDB (Political Party Database) information with the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) data. The results of their analysis show that the relationship between level of state funding of parties and citizens’ perceptions of party responsiveness is positive, though not strong. This is contrary to the theoretical expectations suggested by the cartel thesis, in that electors voting for parties more dependent on the state are not more likely to have low feelings of political efficacy.
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Roßteutscher, Sigrid, Ina Bieber, Lars-Christopher Stövsand, and Manuela Blumenberg. Candidate Perception and Individual Vote Choice. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0010.
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This chapter explores the relevance of social cues for voting behavior in Germany. It explores effects of social cues that build on role-based and social-similarity-based stereotyping. Using data from voter surveys that are merged with information about candidate characteristics, the analysis demonstrates that role-based cues played no part in affecting voter decisions on the first vote in the 2009 and 2013 German federal elections. By contrast, cues that build on social similarity (e.g. gender, age, education, social class, religion, or migrant background) appear to have made a difference, at least in certain subsections of the electorate, such as partisan independents.
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Johnstone, Andrew, and Andrew Priest, eds. US Presidential Elections and Foreign Policy. University Press of Kentucky, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813169057.001.0001.
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This book explores the relationship between American presidential elections and US foreign policy. It argues that analysis of this relationship is currently underdeveloped (indeed, largely ignored) in the academic literature and among historians in particular and is part of a broader negligence of the influence of US politics and the public on foreign policy. It is usually taken as being axiomatic that domestic factors, especially the economy, are the most influential when people enter the voting booth. This may often be the case, but foreign policy undoubtedly also plays an important part for some people, and, crucially, it is seen to do so by presidential candidates and their advisers. Therefore, while foreign policy issues influence some voters in the way they choose to vote, the perception that voters care about certain foreign policy issues can also have a profound effect on the way in which presidents craft their foreign policies. Although we agree with those scholars who argue that it is difficult to discern the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy making, this complex relationship is one that, we feel, requires further exploration. This collection therefore seeks to understand the relative importance of US foreign policy on domestic elections and electoral positions and the impact of electoral issues on the formation of foreign policy.
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Siegel, David A. Democratic Institutions and Political Networks. Edited by Jennifer Nicoll Victor, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.35.
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Democratic institutions directly alter the way citizens interact with government; electoral institutions are a straightforward example of this. But they also act indirectly. Knowing that one’s vote will be counted can alter one’s perception of other forms of political contestation, such as dissent. Political networks can also have both direct and indirect effects. For example, they not only characterize who has direct influence over one’s thinking, but also delimit available information by specifying the pathways across which information travels. The conditional effects of institutions and networks should be expected to interact; a free press might have a reduced impact when political networks constrain the dissemination of information, or social capital as captured by network ties might improve democratic performance only in the presence of supportive institutions. This chapter explores the types of three-way interactions this dual conditionality suggests and discusses their consequences for the study of comparative politics.
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Pattenden, Miles. The Pope and His Electors. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198797449.003.0002.
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This chapter explains who the cardinals were and how their priorities for the papacy evolved over the course of the early modern period. It is organized around discussions of how the cardinal developed as a concept and of the cardinals’ key relationships: with the pope himself, with their own families, with the Catholic faith, and with secular powers. The chapter explains how Italian elites colonized the papacy from the fifteenth century onwards, adapting it to serve their own political ends, and how this changed profiles and priorities within the Sacred College in the process. It discusses the impact of religious changes, in particular the spread of Protestantism, on cardinals and their spiritual mission, and shows how changes in the papacy’s international position impacted the cardinals’ perceptions of their role.
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Wolf, Christof. Voters and Voting in Context. Edited by Harald Schoen, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, and Bernhard Weßels. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.001.0001.
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This book investigates the role of context in affecting political opinion formation and voting behavior. Building on a model of contextual effects on individual-level voter behavior, the chapters of this volume explore contextual effects in Germany in the early twenty-first century. The contributions draw on manifold combinations of individual and contextual information gathered in the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) framework and employ advanced methods. In substantive terms, they investigate the impact of campaign communication on political learning, the effects of media coverage on the perceived importance of political problems, and the role of electoral competition on candidate strategies and perceptions. Other contributions deal with the role of social and economic contexts as well as parties’ policy stances in affecting electoral turnout. The chapters on vote choice explore the impact of social cues on candidate voting, effects of electoral arenas on vote functions, the role of media coverage on ideological voting, and effects of campaign communication on the timing of electoral decision-making. The volume demonstrates the key role of the processes of communication and politicization in bringing about contextual effects. Context thus plays a nuanced role in voting behavior. The contingency of contextual effects suggests that they should become an important topic in research on political behavior and democratic politics.
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Giebler, Heiko. Not Second-Order, but Still Second-Rate? Patterns of Electoral Behavior in German State Elections. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.003.0009.
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Looking at differences in electoral outcome in first- and second-order elections, there is only scant evidence that the second-order approach holds when translated to and tested on the micro level. We present a more nuanced framework that distinguishes between direct and indirect contextual effects as implicit elements of the original second-order approach. Applying our framework to Länder and federal elections in Germany, we show that electoral behavior does not differ—there is no direct effect of the second-order arena. However, the analysis makes a strong case for an indirect effect that refers to the importance of first-order factors for their second-order counterparts. The first-order arena strongly influences individuals’ perceptions of the second-order arena and this indeed speaks in favor of a substantively revised second-order approach.
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Retallack, James. Red Saxony. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199668786.001.0001.
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This book throws new light on the reciprocal relationship between political modernization and authoritarianism in Germany over the span of six decades. Election battles were fought so fiercely in Imperial Germany because they reflected two kinds of democratization. Social democratization could not be stopped; but political democratization was opposed by many members of the German bourgeoisie. Frightened by the electoral success of Social Democrats after 1871, anti-democrats deployed many strategies that flew in the face of electoral fairness. They battled socialists, liberals, and Jews at election time, but they also strove to rewrite the electoral rules of the game. Using a regional lens to rethink older assumptions about Germany’s changing political culture, this book focuses as much on contemporary Germans’ perceptions of electoral fairness as on their experiences of voting. It devotes special attention to various semi-democratic voting systems whereby a general and equal suffrage (for the Reichstag) was combined with limited and unequal ones for local and regional parliaments. For the first time, democratization at all three tiers of governance and their reciprocal effects are considered together. Although the bourgeois face of German authoritarianism was nowhere more evident than in the Kingdom of Saxony, this book illustrates how Germans grew to fear the spectre of democracy. Certainly twists and turns lay ahead, yet that fear made it easier for Hitler and the Nazis to inter German democracy in 1933.
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Packer, Ian. Whigs and Liberals. Edited by David Brown, Gordon Pentland, and Robert Crowcroft. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198714897.013.6.
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This chapter examines some of the main historiographical trends in interpreting the nature, achievements, and fortunes of the Whig groupings of the early to mid-nineteenth century and then the Liberal party from the mid-nineteenth century to the present. In doing so it takes a fresh look at the many controversies that have raged over Whig and Liberal ideology, their perceptions of the political system, their actions in government, party organization, and their electoral successes and failures. It also reviews the fraught problem of whether and how these developments can be related to changes in society, the British political system, and prevalent intellectual trends.
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Torres, Maria de los Angeles. Chicago Youth Activists. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037658.003.0002.
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This chapter examines youth civic engagement in Chicago, with particular emphasis on young people's attitudes regarding democracy. Drawing on interviews with directors and youth workers in a variety of organizations throughout the city, it looks at young people participating in empowerment projects and how they engage. The discussion focuses on youth activists' demographics and families as well as early influences on them, their self-perceptions, and their social awareness. It shows that awareness of shared characteristics was an important first step for these young people in becoming part of a social group. The prevalent social categories identified as important by the youths included age, race, ethnicity, and gender. The chapter also considers the impact of discrimination on youth activism, along with the issues important to Chicago's young people and the ways in which they engaged with such issues, including immigration and the electoral process, and their political ideas with respect to topics like democracy and the place of the United States in the world.
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Marietta, Morgan, and David C. Barker. One Nation, Two Realities. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190677176.001.0001.
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Is climate change real? Does racism still determine who gets ahead? Is sexuality innate? Do immigration and free trade help or hurt the economy? Does gun control reduce violence? Are false convictions common? On these and many other basic questions of fact, Americans are deeply divided. How did this happen? What does it mean? And is there anything we can do about it? Drawing upon several years of original survey data and experiments, Marietta and Barker reach a number of enlightening and provocative conclusions. Among them is that dueling fact perceptions are not so much a result of hyper-partisanship or media propaganda as they are of simple value differences and deepening distrust of authorities. The educated—on both the Left and Right—carry the biggest guns and are the quickest to draw. These duels foster social contempt—even in the workplace—and they warp the electorate. And finally, the remedies that have been proposed don’t seem to holster many weapons; in fact, they add bullets to the chamber in some cases. Marietta and Barker’s pessimistic conclusions will challenge idealistic reformers.
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Makse, Todd, Scott Minkoff, and Anand Sokhey. Politics on Display. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190926311.001.0001.
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Political yard signs are one of the most conspicuous features of American political campaigns, yet they have received little attention as a form of political communication or participation. In a climate in which the American public is highly polarized, these symbols are more than simple campaign tools—they are literal markers of partisan identity. As public cues that push into private life, they affect individuals and their neighborhoods, coloring perceptions of social spaces and impacting social networks. In Politics on Display we answer a series of questions about this familiar feature of electoral politics: Why do people put their preferences out there for the world to see? Do neighborhoods become political battlegrounds? And what are the consequences of displaying yard signs in these spaces where we spend most of our time? We answer these questions with an innovative research design, documenting political life in neighborhoods with complementary data sources: street-level observation of the placement of signs and neighborhood-specific survey research that delves into the attitudes, behavior, and social networks of residents. Integrating these data into a geo-database that also includes demographic and election data—and supplementing these data with nationally representative studies—we bring together insights from political communication, political psychology, and political geography. Against a backdrop of today’s political environment of conflict and division, we advance a new understanding of how citizens experience campaigns, why many still insist on airing their views in public, and what happens when social spaces become political spaces.
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Hennessey, Thomas, Máire Braniff, James W. McAuley, Jonathan Tonge, and Sophie A. Whiting. The Ulster Unionist Party. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198794387.001.0001.
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This book undertakes the first detailed membership study of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). The UUP was the dominant political party in Northern Ireland during the twentieth century, but since the 1998 Belfast Agreement, the UUP has struggled to retain the loyalty and affection of many within the majority Protestant-Unionist-British community. The Belfast Agreement was internationally lauded, the UUP leader David Trimble feted with a Nobel Peace Prize.The Agreement largely produced by the UUP established power-sharing between unionists and nationalists. Yet many unionists abandoned the UUP. Many defectors, angered by UUP concessions of paramilitary prisoner releases, policing changes, and ‘terrorists’ in government, wanted a more robust defender of unionist interests. Having switched to the one-time ferociously religious and militant DUP, they have not returned to the UUP. This book analyses these developments and the current state of the Party, particularly through the prism of its (still sizeable) membership. It draws upon the first-ever quantitative study of those members, examining who they are; how and why they joined; why they have stayed loyal to their party; how they view those who defected and where the UUP is heading. The volume also uses a wide range of interviews with members at all levels of the Party and with its five most recent leaders, to analyse views on the UUP’s electoral and political difficulties and how they might be reversed. The book draws upon historical, political, and sociological perspectives in analysing the identities of UUP members and their perceptions of a wide range of contemporary issues, covering political institutions, other parties, social change, moral issues, religion, and voting.