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Journal articles on the topic 'Electoral perception'
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Groshev, I. V., A. V. Gorbenko, I. V. Antonenko, and V. N. Voronin. "Peculiarities of the influence of the electoral properties of candidates on voting behavior of voters." Vestnik Universiteta, no. 3 (April 12, 2019): 177–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/1816-4277-2019-3-177-188.
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The problem of impact resistant and variables of electoral properties of candidates for for voting behavior of voters. In particular, it is shown that all factors determining the voting behavior of voters are graded on a fi ed (internal), weakly dependent on agitation characteristics and properties and external candidates voting factors of choice are highly dependent on the impact of social and communication activities of election campaigns has been presented. The classification of models of electoral behavior of voters, the structure of its determination. The author’s defi tion of electoral candidate properties, including objective-personal and socio-political attributes through subjective reflection electorate gradually form a holistic perception of the candidate, thereby defining his image in the mind of the voter, which is the end product of the electoral impact of candidate properties for the target audience during campaigning has be given.
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Zerback, Thomas, Carsten Reinemann, and Angela Nienierza. "Who’s Hot and Who’s Not? Factors Influencing Public Perceptions of Current Party Popularity and Electoral Expectations." International Journal of Press/Politics 20, no. 4 (July 29, 2015): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161215596986.
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This study analyzes how perceptions of the popularity of political parties (i.e., the current opinion climate) and expectations about parties’ future electoral performance (i.e., the future opinion climate) are formed. Theoretically, the paper integrates research on the sources of public opinion perception and empirically draws on a representative survey carried out before the 2013 German federal election. We show that the perceived media slant and opinions perceived in one’s personal surroundings are closely related to perceptions of party popularity, whereas individual recall of poll results and personal opinions about the parties are not. However, poll results are shown to be the single most important predictor of expectations about the parties’ future electoral success.
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Riggs, Jack E., Gerald R. Hobbs, and Todd H. Riggs. "Electoral College Winner's Advantage." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 02 (April 2009): 353–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096509090465.
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Compared to the popular vote, the Electoral College magnifies the perception of the winner's margin of victory. In this analysis, a method of quantifying the magnitude of the advantage given to the winner due to the Electoral College's two electoral vote add-on and winner-take-all methodologies is presented. Using the electoral vote distribution that was present in the 2000 U.S. presidential election, we analyzed one million random two-candidate simulated elections. The results show that the net effect of the Electoral College is to give the winning candidate an average 29.45 electoral vote advantage per election due to the winner-take-all methodology. This winner's advantage includes an average 0.42 electoral vote advantage given to the winner per election due to the two electoral vote add-on.
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Bosch, N., and J. Suárez-Pandiello. "Fiscal Perception and Voting." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 11, no. 2 (June 1993): 233–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c110233.
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The effect of local fiscal policy perception on the electoral process in a representative democracy is investigated. The test is made by using an ordinary least squares regression on a sample of fifty Spanish municipalities. The dependent variable is the relative increase in the number of votes in support of the political party in power between the two previous local elections, and the independent variables are public investment and taxes collected by local government. The empirical evidence supports the hypothesis that fiscal perception affects voters’ behaviour.
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Chang, Horng-Jinh, and Shean-Yuh Lin. "The electoral perception analysis of the presidential candidates in Taiwan." Journal of Information and Optimization Sciences 19, no. 2 (May 1998): 257–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02522667.1998.10699377.
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NAKAMURA, Etsuhiro. "Voters' perception of Japanese party system after the electoral reform." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 63, no. 1 (2012): 1_37–1_64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.63.1_37.
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Helled, Alon. "The Israeli electoral state of mind." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale. QOE - IJES 79, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 71–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-8534.
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The 2015 Israeli general elections provide rare intellectual stimuli to trace and characterize some of the larger sociopolitical stances in Israeli society. Since Israeli politics has undergone many changes over the last decades, a focus on electoral moment unpacks the issues and general perception regarding geopolitics (i.e. the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and the domestic health of the country (i.e. sociopolitical reforms and policy-developments). This paper aims at analyzing the three main dimensions, which were emphasized during the electoral campaign and the turnout, while it connects them with what we may refer to as the Israeli political "state of mind".
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Muhinat, Bello Bolanle. "EDUCATING BORDER DWELLERS TO PROMOTE PEACE AND SECURITY IN AN ELECTORAL PROCESS: PERCEPTION OF COMMUNITY MEMBERS’." SPEKTA (Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat : Teknologi dan Aplikasi) 1, no. 2 (November 10, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.12928/spekta.v1i2.2793.
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This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areasThis study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of This study examined the perception of border community members on educating border dwellers so as to promote peace and security in an electoral process in Nigeria. The study adopted a descriptive survey design, with a target population of Zamfara state’s Zurmi Local Government Areas border communities of Gurbin Bore. Researcher’s designed questionnaire with psychometric properties of content validity of 0.61 and a reliability index of 0.87 was used to elicit the needed data from the respondents. A multistage sampling technique was used to sample 384 respondents. The research questions and hypotheses were analyzed using mean score and t-test. The finding revealed that all the community members perceive educating them as a welcome development that would help in breeding youth that is needed in an electoral process. It was thus, recommended among others that, the government should provide qualitative education for people residing in the international border areas.
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Chiru, Mihail, and Sergiu Gherghina. "When voter loyalty fails: party performance and corruption in Bulgaria and Romania." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (April 8, 2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000063.
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This article identifies the determinants of party loyalty while making a distinction between government and opposition voters within an electoral cycle in the two most recent European Union members (Bulgaria and Romania). Both countries are characterized by the perception of widespread corruption and a general distrust of politicians that are likely to hinder the development of strong ties between citizens and parties. We test the explanatory potential of both traditional and revisionist theories of partisanship, suggesting that perceptions of corruption should be treated as equal to evaluations of actual performance. The statistical analysis of comparative study of electoral systems survey data emphasizes the salience of party performance evaluations for party loyalty. Corruption perceptions are significant predictors of loyalty in the Bulgarian case. Voters in both countries assess critically the performance of their preferred party whether it was part of the government or in opposition. A significant difference arises between government and opposition voters with regard to the predictive potential of identification conceptualized as closeness to a party.
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Bučaite˙-Vilke, Jurga, and Aiste Lazauskiene. "Territorial Policy Agenda Revised." Hrvatska i komparativna javna uprava 19, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 207–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31297/hkju.19.2.2.
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This paper contributes to the ongoing debates on the relationship between municipality size and non-electoral citizen participation at the local level. We use the data from Lithuania as a case of strongly consolidated local government structures. We discuss three main points. First, our focus is on the limited question of how municipality size affects the intensity of citizens’ non-electoral participation in local decision-making, taking into account citizens’ participatory capacities, contact with municipal authorities and local agents, and municipal performance evaluations. Second, we consider the specificity of the territorial rescaling policy agenda in Lithuania, which is characterised by the long-term direction of the territorial consolidation process. Third, representative population survey data serve as a reasonable platform for testing the hypothesis on the relationship between different citizen participatory practices and municipality size. We assumed that citizen perceptions of municipal problem-solving capacities, local government accessibility, and assessment of local government performance could vary in municipalities of different size. We also expected to find significant correlation between citizen assessment of municipal performance, local government accessibility (varying by local contact activity), and citizen perception of municipal problem-solving capacities by producing statistical clusters of citizen participatory capacity types. The limitations of quantitative statistical approaches constitute a barrier to explaining the subjective perceptions of local citizens hold about their non-electoral participatory behaviour. Our conclusions demonstrate that the perceived potential of non-electoral democratic participation capacities is relatively limited in both small and large Lithuanian municipalities. Nevertheless, the findings indicate that citizens in large municipalities are more likely to establish local contact activity and have better perceptions of municipal problem-solving capacities than those in small municipalities.
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Ahmad, Saeed, Mudasir Mustafa, Ahsan Ullah, Muhammad Shoaib, Muhammad Mushtaq, and Wasif Ali. "Role of types of electoral rigging, socio-economic status, politics and voting behavior in the formation of attitudes toward electoral integrity." Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy 11, no. 2 (May 15, 2017): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/tg-08-2015-0034.
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Purpose This study aims to examine the associations between socioeconomic status, types of rigging (pre- polling-day and post-), politics and voting behavior, vote casting and perceptions of rigging in Pakistan’s most recent elections, and attitudes toward electoral integrity. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected from students at three different universities. In all, 748 units of analysis (488 male and 260 female) recorded their responses by means of a self-structured questionnaire. Linear regression was applied to measure the associations between variables, and the reliability and validity of the scales were tested. Findings A significant relationship was found between pre-poll rigging, post-poll rigging, politics and voting behavior, socioeconomic characteristics (i.e. age, education, father’s education, background or place of residence and monthly household incomes), the perception of rigging in the last elections and attitudes toward electoral integrity. Practical implications Pakistan’s history has been blemished by electoral malpractices during both de facto and de jure regimes. Attention has formerly been paid to either polling-day or post-election rigging. The relationship of electoral integrity with different factors explored in this study have usually been ignored or overlooked. The findings of this study would help policy-makers, youth experts and academicians to reorient their behaviors to strengthen political stability, the rule of law and the continuation of democracy via their participation in the system. Originality/value To the researchers’ best knowledge, there has not been a single peer-reviewed study of Pakistan which has explored the associations between the variables examined for this study. The main academic challenge the researchers faced was to find a standardized and contextualized scale or tool to explore how different types of vote-rigging affected attitudes toward electoral integrity. Thus, the structured scales for types of rigging and electoral integrity developed here would be useful for future studies in the field of electoral integrity in democratic countries.
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Norris, Pippa, Richard W. Frank, and Ferran Martínez i Coma. "Measuring Electoral Integrity around the World: A New Dataset." PS: Political Science & Politics 47, no. 04 (October 2014): 789–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096514001061.
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ABSTRACTMany contentious elections end in disputes about alleged fraud, irregularities, and malpractices. How do we know when these claims are valid and when they are false complaints from sore losers? This article describes a new dataset developed by the Electoral Integrity Project. Based on a survey of election experts, the research provides new evidence to compare how national contests around the world are meeting international standards of electoral integrity. The questionnaire includes 49 key indicators clustered into 11 stages of the electoral cycle, as well as generating an overall summary Perception of Electoral Integrity (PEI) 100-point index. The evidence displays high levels of external validity, internal validity, and legitimacy. The PEI datasets allow researchers to gauge the perceived quality of elections worldwide. This study summarizes the PEI’s research design, compares the quality of elections around the globe, and illustrates how electoral integrity is linked with both democracy and development.
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Krambia-Kapardis, Maria. "Perception of political corruption as a function of legislation." Journal of Financial Crime 21, no. 1 (December 20, 2013): 44–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jfc-04-2013-0025.
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Purpose – The main aim of the paper is to determine whether countries with enacted legislation on electoral accountability issues (such as conflict of interest, revolving doors, asset disclosure, lobbying, immunity, political party funding and a code of conduct for politicians) have lower corruption perception than countries that do not have legislation on those variables. Design/methodology/approach – The author utilised the corruption reports developed by the corruption country experts appointed by the EU DG Home and carried a correlation analysis between the above variables and the Corruption Perception Index (CPI) developed by Transparency International. Findings – A correlation was only found for the asset disclosure variable and CPI. Alternative factors borne out of the literature are briefly discussed and suggestions for future research are made. Research limitations/implications – Due to the small sample size (n=26), the statistical analysis that could be carried out was limited. Practical implications – One policy implication of the negative finding obtained is that politicians are well advised to invest in measures that will enhance the electorate's trust in them. Passing anti-corruption legislation alone does not yield low corruption perception. Originality/value – This is the first study of its kind addressing corruption correlates by looking at electorate accountability.
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BOWLER, SHAUN, and TODD DONOVAN. "Reasoning About Institutional Change: Winners, Losers and Support for Electoral Reforms." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 3 (June 5, 2007): 455–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000245.
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This study assesses how the mass public reasons about political institutions by examining the effects of winning and losing on support for several electoral reform proposals. The national sample survey identified majorities supporting proposals for major changes in America's electoral institutions, and that suggested electoral losses may have a modest effect in reducing losers' satisfaction with how democracy works. Random assignment experiments that tested hypotheses derived from theories of risk perception were conducted. It was found that people who saw themselves as winners and losers in the electoral arena reasoned differently when proposals for change were framed in terms of loss. Losers may be just slightly more supportive than winners of some electoral reforms; however, they appeared less sensitive than winners to framing effects that presented reform proposals in terms of the risks of loss. Winners may support the same reform proposals but their support for change decreased more when the proposals were framed as a potential loss. Winners are thus risk aversive when evaluating electoral reform proposals, while losers may even be risk seeking. Although this survey found support for major reforms, the patterns of reasoning that were identified in the mass public suggest a basis for the stability of electoral institutions.
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Marín Jordà, Maria Josep. "POLITICAL (IM)POLITENESS: DISCOURSE POWER AND POLITICAL POWER IN ELECTORAL DEBATES." Catalan Review: Volume 21, Issue 1 21, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.21.2.
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This paper studies the pragmatic-discursive function of perception-verb markers in electoral debates in Catalan. The analysis reveals that these elements play an important role as implicit argumentation resources. In this sense, they emphasize the confrontation of the participants, which is organized basically through counter-argumentation and attack to the addressee’s face. This main function, related to the persistence of the imperative value of the verb forms, presents different degrees in the different markers analyzed: those markers coming from active perception (miri and even more escoltt) structure a greater argumentative force. The extension of the theory about linguistic politeness frem ordinary conversation to political discourse shows that the elements analyzed emphasize a peculiar kind of linguistic (im)politeness in political debates.
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Kubánek, Martin. "Role populismu ve volebním marketingu hnutí ANO před parlamentními volbami v roce 2013." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 18, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 319–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2016.4.319.
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The text provides an analysis of the practical use of populism in electoral marketing by the movement ANO before the last election to the Czech Parliament in 2013. Its main goal is to link two heretofore unconnected concepts in political science and develop new insights and approaches in political research in the area of political marketing and populism.The first part describes theoretical approaches found in populism and electoral marketing, which are later applied to a case study reflecting the role of populism in the electoral marketing of ANO. In the following empirical part, we analyze how the election campaign staff of ANO implemented and formulated their electoral strategy, used internal market research, classified the electorate, and identified key segments of voters. In the next part, we focus on an analysis of the critical rhetoric of ANO leaders against the whole political establishment, including populist features in various arguments. The research of populism in ANO’s campaign is based on content analysis of the main party documents as well as an analysis of semi-structured interviews with ANO’s election strategists. We confirm that populism was a part of the identity of the movement, which helped it successfully mobilize the segment of disgruntled voters. The author’s perception of populism is based on the proto-political marketing concept, formulated by Henneberg and Eghbalian in 2002. This form of populism’s catch-all strategy of undifferentiated targeting, as well as a lack of clear or dominant ideological roots in ANO’s party profile (identity), would characterize the position of ANO as “The Tactical Populist” party in Henneberg’s typology. However, we question the significance Henneberg assigned to the Tactical Populist category.
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Stewart, David K., and R. K. Carty. "Does Changing the Party Leader Provide an Electoral Boost? A Study of Canadian Provincial Parties: 1960–1992." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 2 (June 1993): 313–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900002973.
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AbstractThe long-standing centrality of party leaders to Canadian elections and politics, and the use of televised extra-parliamentary conventions to choose leaders, have led parties to believe that a new leader will provide them with an electoral boost at the subsequent election. This article tests this perception using the record of 136 cases of leadership change in Canadian provincial parties over the last three decades. The data allow the authors to consider the impact of divisive contests, the relevance of a party's competitive position, and the regional variance on any leadership convention electoral boost. It concludes the conventional wisdom is wrong.
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Ortiz Barquero, Pablo. "The Electoral Breakthrough of the Radical Right in Spain: Correlates of Electoral Support for VOX in Andalusia (2018)." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (December 13, 2019): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040072.
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For a long time, Spain was thought of as an outlier because it did not have a significant radical right movement. However, the sudden popularity of VOX among voters in Andalusia has put an end to so-called “Spanish exceptionalism”. The rise of this radical right party is important for two reasons: its potential direct impact on the political system, and the way in which it will affect other political players. The purpose of this research is to explore the factors that have led voters to cast ballots for VOX during the 2018 regional elections in Andalusia. Regression analysis has been carried out in order to test some of the most widely accepted theories in the literature about the radical right vote. The results show that VOX’s vote is fundamentally dictated by broader socio-political factors related to territorial model, ideological self-identification and perception of political leaders. In this sense, two of the most accepted set of explanations—those which consider that the vote for the radical right is conditioned by economic or identity-related vulnerability—are refuted.
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Ajagba, Caleb Okezie, Daniel Eseme Gberevbie, and Osita Agbu. "Rebranding the Electoral Process in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic (1999-2019): Constraints and Prospects of the Independent National Electoral Commission." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 9, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2020-0005.
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Nigeria continued to dominate both national and international political discourse as a model of democracy for the rest of Sub-Saharan Africa immediately after the successful conduct of the 2015 general elections that saw for the first time peaceful conduct of elections and transition from one civilian administration to the other and which brought the opposition party to power without violence or bloodshed. However, following the conclusion and outcome of the 2019 general elections, the perception of Nigeria has changed from being a beacon of hope for democratic Africa to being an amazement to Political scholars and commentators who find it difficult to unravel how she failed to consolidate the gains of the 2015 general elections and to emerge stronger as a democratic nation. This study leverages the governance approach, and explores the need to rebrand the electoral process for enhanced democratic governance in Nigeria. It examines the need for a healthy synergy between the electorate, the political class, political parties and the institutions of government for inclusive nation building. It adopts both the qualitative and quantitative methods of research in its exploration between 1999 and 2019. It takes a critical look at what has become characterized as Nigeria’s ‘brand of politics’- which is essentially corrupt, violent, and manipulative of the wishes of the people. The work argues that except the electoral process is rebranded in line with acceptable international best practices of democratic culture where the will of the people is seen to prevail, political apathy may persist.
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Rutchick, Abraham M., Joshua M. Smyth, and Sara Konrath. "Seeing Red (and Blue): Effects of Electoral College Depictions on Political Group Perception." Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 9, no. 1 (December 2009): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1530-2415.2009.01183.x.
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Igwe, Dickson Ogbonnaya. "The Perception of Electoral Violence and Democratization in Ibadan, Oyo State Southwest Nigeria." Democracy and Security 8, no. 1 (January 2012): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17419166.2012.654051.
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Ogbonna, Christian Alozie, Nnanyelugo Okoro, and Joseph O. Wogu. "Influence of Hate Speech on Public Perception of Presidential Candidates’ Credibility During the 2015 Presidential Election in Nigeria." Global Journal of Health Science 12, no. 5 (March 11, 2020): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/gjhs.v12n5p20.
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The study examines the influence of hate speech on public perception of presidential candidates’ credibility during the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. The study was guided by two research questions. A descriptive survey design was adopted for the study using 72,001, 204 eligible registered voters in the six geo-political zones of Nigeria. 600 questionnaires were distributed and 518 were returned for analysis through multi-stage sampling. The research questions were answered using mean and standard deviation, while the hypotheses were tested using Pearson – chi-square test at 0.05 level of significance. Findings reveal that the extent to which voters were aware of hate speech against a political opponent during the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria was high. The findings further show that one of the factors that influenced hate speech against a political opponent during the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria was the political affiliation of voters. Concerning the null hypotheses, findings indicated that there was no significant relationship among the responses of the electorate in the six geo-political zones on the factors that influenced hate speech during the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. A significant relationship was also not found on how hate speech influenced public perception of presidential candidates during the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria. The study recommends that politicians, political parties as well as their supporters should be cautioned on using social media to post hate speech, inciting messages, attack opponents, spread false news. The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) should propose to the National Assembly to enact laws in the electoral act that will make the use of hate speech for campaign purposes a punishable offence in the country.
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Dalton, Russell J., Paul A. Beck, and Robert Huckfeldt. "Partisan Cues and the Media: Information Flows in the 1992 Presidential Election." American Political Science Review 92, no. 1 (March 1998): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585932.
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Electoral research acknowledges the growing significance of the mass media in contemporary campaigns, but scholars are divided on the nature of this influence. Using a unique database that includes both media content and public opinion, we examine the flow of partisan information from newspapers to the voters and assess the press's role in electoral politics and citizen learning. We find that the American press does not present clear and singular messages about presidential elections but, rather, multiple messages about the candidates and the campaign. In addition, perception of the information is shaped as much by an individual's political views as by the objective content. Despite the mixed messages, we find that a newspaper's editorial content is significantly related to candidate preferences in 1992. These results challenge the minimal effects interpretation of the media, because local newspapers can play a significant role in providing cues that influence voters' electoral calculus.
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Bamidele, Seun. "Local Issues and Perspectives: The Role of Federal Government’s Intervention in the Minority Fulani Herdsmen and Majority Local Farmers’ Crisis in Nigeria." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 27, no. 3 (August 3, 2020): 625–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02703001.
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The public’s grievances with long-drawn incessant bloody clashes between the Fulani herdsmen and local farmers in all parts of Nigeria, together with economic recession or national economic slowdown, climatic change, anti-grazing laws, the religious crisis, and the strains of electoral campaign politics in the country – thus, convoluting efforts for the country’s long-term stabilisation. High poverty levels and dwindling financial assistance have added to the Nigerian states’ anxieties of being discarded once again. This article illuminates the contradictory perceptions among the main stakeholders in Nigeria and global world on the trajectory of the Fulani herdsmen insurgency stage. The article contends that the farmers’ and herdsmen’s clashes are substantially a war of perceptions on the progress made thus far. This broadening divergence in perception will result in making a long-term stabilisation strategy difficult.
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Demarest, Leila. "Staging a “Revolution”: The 2011–12 Electoral Protests in Senegal." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (December 2016): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.78.
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Abstract:This paper advances a resource mobilization perspective on the 2011–12 electoral protests in Senegal based on social movement theory. Motivational explanations, in the form of grievance accounts, have already been used to explain successful protest mobilization in this case. Here the emphasis is placed on organizational efforts and the financial and human resources behind social movements. Using this approach to analyze the rise and fall of the social movement created to protest against President Abdoulaye Wade reveals its strategic role for opposition parties and their leaders. These findings add nuance to the perception of a democratic revolution in Senegal.
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Berz, Jan. "The effect of voters’ economic perception, Brexit and campaigns on the evaluation of party leaders over time." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 22, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148119886220.
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When and why do voters change their evaluation of party leaders? Voters’ evaluations of party leaders are an increasingly important determinant of electoral behaviour. Which factors influence these evaluations of party leaders? Do voters evaluate party leaders who hold the office of prime minister differently from other party leaders, and do electoral campaigns and issues change these evaluations? I use a multilevel growth model with panel data from the United Kingdom to analyse effects over time. I find that campaigns play a significant role and that voters’ stance on Brexit has a considerable time-varying effect. In addition, voters use economic performance as a valence signal for party leaders holding the office of prime minister and therefore hold them accountable for bad economic performance, especially during election campaigns. These findings show that the personalization of politics may endanger the democratic function of elections to a lesser extent than is commonly feared.
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Handlin, Amy. "Why Political Contributions Are A Business Issue: State Campaign Finance Reform And The Bottom Line." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 12, no. 3 (February 19, 2013): 355. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v12i3.7678.
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While electoral finance reform has finally taken hold at the national level -- due partly to pressure from the corporate community -- this paper argues that reform at the state level is equally critical to business. The current system is costly both in dollars and in the perception of corruption, but is amenable to change.
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Omilusi, Mike. "Campaign communication in Nigeria’s 2019 General Elections: unfulfilled party pledges and voter engagement without a social contract." Journal of African Elections 19, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i2a6.
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Broken campaign promises challenge the sanctity of the electoral process in Nigeria. Six decades after political independence and six electoral cycles in the last two decades of the Fourth Republic, there are inadequate legal frameworks and a lack of political will to change the narrative. Ambushing the voters with plans of action on the eve of every election remains a constant ritual to legitimise party campaigns in both digital media and at heavily mobilised rallies, often with limited substance. The general purpose of this study is twofold. First, to provide analysis of campaign communication and the extent to which it influences the participation of citizens in the electoral process. Second, to investigate the electorate’s understanding of policy issues inherent in the 2019 election manifestos of the two dominant political parties, All Progressive Congress (APC) and People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and how other elements shape perception and trust in elected representatives/ government. The research design relies on sample surveys and indepth interviews, and seeks to identify, within the context of an electoral cycle, why conversations between public office seekers and voters do not translate into a concrete social contract or generate timebound inclusive policies.
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Oh, Hyun Jee, Jongmin Park, and Wayne Wanta. "Exploring Factors in the Hostile Media Perception: Partisanship, Electoral Engagement, and Media Use Patterns." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 88, no. 1 (March 2011): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769901108800103.
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Jockers, Heinz, Dirk Kohnert, and Paul Nugent. "The successful Ghana election of 2008: a convenient myth?" Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 1 (February 3, 2010): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09990231.
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ABSTRACTGhana's 2008 election has been hailed by national and international observers as a model for Africa. The perception of success has prevailed despite persistent concerns about an inflated voters' register and electoral fraud perpetrated by the two major parties, the NPP and NDC, in their strongholds in the Ashanti and Volta Regions respectively. Electoral malpractice in Ghana's virtual two-party system could acquire a decisive importance as a ‘third force’, representing an even more important factor than the smaller opposition parties. Unfortunate diplomatic and technocratic biases in election monitoring, combined with a reluctance on the part of the responsible authorities to investigate what appears to be a long history of fraudulent voting, amounts to a dangerous time bomb of unresolved conflict which could detonate in future elections.
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안종기 and 박상운. "Influence of TV debate on perception of electoral process and participation in deliberative political dialogue." Journal of Social Science 40, no. 2 (August 2014): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15820/khjss.2014.40.2.008.
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Yu, Ching-Hsin. "First Experience: Citizens' Perception, Participation, and Evaluation of the New Legislative Electoral System in Taiwan." Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research 1, no. 1 (November 30, 2013): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15206/ajpor.2013.1.1.061.
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Muno, Wolfgang, and Daniel Stockemer. "A Model for Right-Wing Populist Electoral Success?" Populism 4, no. 1 (March 8, 2021): 25–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10014.
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Abstract This article adds to the large literature on right-wing populist parties (RWPP), explaining how anti-immigrant sentiments become salient for vote choice. Within the large literature on RWPP, anti-immigration attitudes are the most important variable to explain the vote share of RWPP. Yet, recent research shows that there is not always an empirical effect between having anti-immigrant attitudes and voting for the RWPP. In this article, we develop a theoretical model that explains the conditions under which anti-immigration attitudes matter. We then test this model based on the case of the AfD in Germany, a typical case for a right-wing populist party exploiting anti-immigrant sentiment. Focusing on the AfD in Germany, we illustrate that the refugee crisis in 2015 in combination with a perception of high government unresponsiveness to stop the crisis provided the structural conditions necessary to activate latent anti-immigration sentiment among large parts of the population. Using a structural analysis and individual panel data for Germany’s general elections in 2013 and 2017, we find that immigration critical attitudes were already present among parts of the population in 2013 but immigration was a secondary topic in the 2013 election, even among AfD voters. Due to the immigration crisis in 2015, immigration became a salient topic. The combination of a perceived external crisis or shock combined with a perceived government’s unresponsiveness quickly offered a winning formula for the AfD. A probability probe for two other countries (Sweden and Italy) with different contexts also show salience for the model.
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Larionova, M. V. "Slogan in the Spanish political discourse: cognitive, linguistic and pragmatic dimension." Philology at MGIMO 23, no. 3 (September 17, 2020): 121–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-3-23-121-130.
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The article explores the cognitive, linguistic and pragmatic potential of Spanish political slogans as an integral part of political communication. The relevance of the investigation, carried out as part of a comprehensive methodology combining discursive, pragmalinguistic and content analysis, is determined by the need for a profound study of discursive mechanisms of influence on public consciousness and behavior, as well as ways to recognize and resist manipulative tactics. Slogans represent a variety of discursive texts and operate in the communicative-pragmatic contexts of “Protests” and “Elections”. Their illocutionary characterization is determined by the discursive situation: for protest slogans, demand dominates as the main speech act, while for electoral slogans, the main task is the desire to attract voters, to force them to vote for a particular candidate or party. Due to the linguistic, pragmatic and structural features, slogans influence the conceptual picture of the world of the electorate and serve as a mechanism for controlling public opinion and behavior. The addresser creates a slogan with regard to its perception by a recipient. Metaphors and other language techniques serve as linguistic means to create a desired perception vector and behavior algorithm, as well as cognitively integrate images and symbols, which often become precedents for the national language community.
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HUȘANU, Mihaela. "THE GLOBAL POLITICAL IMPACT OF THE CORONA-VIRUS PANDEMIC." STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no. 72 (July 15, 2021): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-02.
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The Coronavirus pandemic has put profound pressure on the democratic electoral system around the world. Many national and regional elections, as well as referendums werepostponed, while others took place in a form adapted to the acute health crisis. The pandemic affected not only the actual conduct of election campaigns, which, due to health restrictions,used the online environment extensively, but also national public agendas. Issues such as public health, social and economic inequality, violations of individual rights and freedoms, as a resultof measures to prevent the risk of infection with the SARS-CoV-2 virus, have come to the fore. The crisis has generated unpredictable and potentially disastrous results, from the collapse ofmainstream (traditional) parties to the emergence of new leaders and new political parties, some with strong extremist orientations. How has the Coronavirus pandemic changed theperception of the electorate and how has this perception influenced voting in times of crisis?Keywords: pandemic; Coronavirus; crisis; democracy; elections; impact
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A., Ezekiel, Dahiru M.K., and Abdullahi S.B. "Households Perception on the Generation and Disposal of Solid Waste in Lafia Metropolis of Nasarawa State, Nigeria." African Journal of Environment and Natural Science Research 4, no. 4 (August 21, 2021): 16–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.52589/ajensr-ifsp0f7d.
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Proper solid waste generation and disposal are key components of effective management of municipal solid waste. This study examined households’ perception of the generation and disposal of solid waste in the Lafia metropolis. A systematic random sampling method was adopted in selecting respondents. A well-structured questionnaire was administered to 240 selected households heads within the Lafia metropolis which includes four electoral wards (Chiroma, Gayam, Makama and Zanwa). Each of the four electoral wards was divided into three units (totalling 12 units) and administered 20 samples of the questionnaire. The data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. The findings showed the dominance of males over females in the study area. Ages 30 to 59 constitutes over 70% of the sampled population. About half (49.58%) of the respondents were civil servants. More than half of the respondents (51.25%) reported that the waste they generate is food waste. 46.25% of the respondents use plastic containers as their waste storage facilities. 51.67% of the respondents indicated getting infected by malaria parasites as a result of the improper location of dumpsites (which serves as breeding sites for disease vectors) within their vicinity. On the basis of the findings, it is recommended that relevant government agencies should provide adequate enlightenment on proper waste generation and disposal, adequate designated dumpsites and collection points, and the need to improve the monthly environmental sanitation exercise in the metropolis.
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Gil de Zúñiga, Homero, and Trevor Diehl. "News finds me perception and democracy: Effects on political knowledge, political interest, and voting." New Media & Society 21, no. 6 (December 12, 2018): 1253–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444818817548.
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Recent scholarship suggests that overreliance on social networks for news and public affairs is associated with the belief that one no longer needs to actively seek information. Instead, individuals perceive that the “news will find me” (NFM) and detach from the regular habit of traditional news consumption. This study examines effects of the NFM perception on political knowledge, political interest, and electoral participation. Drawing on a nationally representative panel survey from the United States ( N = 997), this study finds that the NFM perception is negatively associated with both political knowledge and political interest across two time periods. The NFM perception also leads to negative, indirect effects on voting as the relationship is mediated through lower reported levels of political knowledge and interest in politics. The findings add to current conversations about the ability of personalized information networks to adequately inform and engage the public.
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Laebens, Melis G., and Aykut Öztürk. "Partisanship and Autocratization: Polarization, Power Asymmetry, and Partisan Social Identities in Turkey." Comparative Political Studies 54, no. 2 (June 14, 2020): 245–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414020926199.
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Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.
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QI, Dongtao. "Taiwan’s Politics 2018: The Dilemma of the Movement Government." East Asian Policy 11, no. 01 (January 2019): 80–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930519000072.
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Declining Taiwanese nationalism, rising independent voters and more realistic public perception of democracy had contributed to the Democratic Progressive Party’s (DPP) electoral debacle in 2018. The structural dilemma of the DPP administration as a movement government significantly contributed to its rapidly declining public support. The DPP administration had to keep a delicate balance by compromising on its promises to various social movement and progressive forces after it took power, which consequently alienated many of its supporters.
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Okunev, Igor Yu, Marianna N. Shestakova, and Emma S. Bibina. "Neighborhood with Russia: Implications for Regional Differentiation of Public Opinion in Belarus." Russia in Global Affairs 18, no. 4 (2020): 10–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31278/1810-6374-2020-18-4-10-36.
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The perception of neighboring states is one of the main focus areas in sociology and political science. However, the issue of regional differentiation of public opinion often remains outside of sociological and political research. This article aims to determine regional differences in the perception of Russia by Belarusians. The study uses the results of a survey conducted by the authors in Belarus following the November 2019 parliamentary election, and the data received from a spatial analysis of the last four electoral cycles in Belarus. The authors presumed that there were no consistent lines of regional differentiation in the public opinion in Belarus, with the exception of differences in residents’ perception of the center (the capital) and peripheral regions. This main assumption was divided into ten working hypotheses, and the attitude of Belarusians towards Russia as its closest neighbor was chosen as a variable in order to determine the degree of Russia’s influence on the Belarusian political agenda as perceived by Belarusians, their attitude towards different types of institutional relations between the two states, and to assess how strong social ties between people living in Belarus and Russia are. A comprehensive analysis of the obtained data has proven that there is no regional cleavage in Belarusian society concerning Russia, except for expected differences in the attitude of Minsk residents and those living in other regions. Belarusians’ electoral behavior is influenced not by the region they live in but by their stable social practices such as trips to Russia, use of Russian media as a source of information, and of the “Russia” theme in the election campaign debates.
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Feijó, Rui Graça. "Elections, Independence, Democracy: The 2012 Timorese Electoral Cycle in Context." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 31, no. 3 (September 2012): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341203100302.
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Timor-Leste rose to independence following a path that included three electoral processes organized under the auspices of the UN and has thus got elections imprinted on its own genetic code. After independence, the responsibility for electoral processes – a key aspect of the sovereignty of the Timorese people – was passed to the nation's authorities, who organized two full rounds of presidential and legislative elections in 2007 and 2012 with the assistance of the international community. This effort constitutes a major element in the process of granting the new regime internal and external legitimacy and at the same time is a response both to citizens’ perception of the political game in order to secure their empowerment and to the call for transparent, internationally acknowledged procedures. Initially, this essay analyses the legal and administrative framework for Timorese elections, bearing these competing requirements in mind. It then focuses on the 2012 elections: first, on the two rounds of presidential elections, including the intricate relationship between presidential candidacies and political parties, and then on the results of the legislative poll, which had a major impact on the political landscape. The final section deals with the challenges that lie ahead for the coming political cycle (2012–2017).
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Ng, Ka Shing. "Rethinking the political participation of Hong Kong Christians." Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 13, no. 1 (May 2, 2017): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-10-2016-0017.
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Purpose Christian-affiliated social groups and leaders have been active and vocal in movements advocating democracy, equality and social justices. Christians are also specular in the “July 1st Protest” in 2003 and “Umbrella Movement” in 2014. Are Christians, in general, more politically active in Hong Kong? This paper aims to examine these questions from a quantitative viewpoint. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines the effects of religion and other socio-demographic factors on both electoral and non-electoral participation based on data from the World Value Survey 2013 Hong Kong data set. Findings Interest in politics and education level are strong predictors of both electoral and non-electoral participation in Hong Kong. Confidence in government is negatively associated with political participation. Religious affiliation is not a predictor of any kinds of political participation. The effects of interest in politics are greater among Protestants and Catholics than people with no religion. Research limitations/implications While previous surveys show that Christians have a strong presence in political participation, the results suggest that being a Christian is not statistically related to a higher level of political participation. On the other hand, affiliating to Christian churches may provide necessary resources (e.g. networks, skills and knowledge) only to those members who are already interested in politics and thereby facilitate their political participation. Originality/value Based on national sample data, this study debunks the public perception that “Christianity is politically active” and suggests the possible role of churches in mobilizing politically interested members into political activities.
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Kozierska, Joanna. "The Influence of the National Political Scene on the Behavior of Local Politicians and Voters in Polish Local Elections in 2018." Political Preferences, no. 23 (August 15, 2019): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2019.23.5-21.
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Polish local elections in 2018, many months before their commencement, became one of the main elements of the political discourse. Due to the specificity of the electoral calendar, for the first time since the parliamentary and presidential elections in 2015, voters had to assess the actions taken by the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) in the electoral act. Of course, this could only happen indirectly, precisely through local elections, which due to their specificity, are not able to fully reflect the balance of powers that operates on the national arena. However, also in this way voters could refer to national events. Expressing support for them by voting on PiS, or by showing negations of their actions by voting for groups remaining in opposition. The aim of the paper is to check whether, in the perception of voters, events on the national political arena determine the behavior of two types of participants in local elections: local politicians and voters.
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Hilgers, Tina. "Democratization Without Representation: The Politics of Small Industry in Mexico." Canadian Journal of Political Science 38, no. 4 (December 2005): 1080–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423905319974.
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Democratization Without Representation: The Politics of Small Industry in Mexico, Shadlen, Kenneth C., University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004, pp. vii–xvi, 208.In this book Kenneth Shadlen addresses the important question of what democracy has really meant for civil society in Mexico. Mexico counts among the stragglers over the finish line of third-wave transitions, but, as elsewhere, hopes were high that democratization would magically result in political, social and economic betterment for all. Shadlen's book is among a growing number of studies drawing attention to the differences between electoral democracy—based on electoral turnover through relatively free and fair contests—and quality democracy—a more ideal regime type with intensive participatory and representative aspects. He challenges the perception that any kind of democracy always benefits all citizens more than other regimes, by offering an in-depth analysis of small business's interest aggregation and articulation difficulties, which have increased with the transition.
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KÖLLE, FELIX, TOM LANE, DANIELE NOSENZO, and CHRIS STARMER. "Promoting voter registration: the effects of low-cost interventions on behaviour and norms." Behavioural Public Policy 4, no. 1 (June 3, 2019): 26–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bpp.2019.10.
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AbstractWe report two studies investigating whether, and if so how, different low-cost interventions affect voter registration rates. Low-cost message-based interventions are increasingly used to promote target behaviours. While growing evidence shows that such ‘nudges’ often significantly impact behaviour, understanding of why interventions work or fail in particular contexts remains underdeveloped. In a natural field experiment conducted before the 2015 UK general election, we varied messages on a postcard sent by Oxford City Council to unregistered students encouraging them to join the electoral register. Our primary finding from the field study is that just one of our interventions – a reminder that people failing to register may be fined – has a significant positive impact. Offering small monetary rewards to register instead has a negative but insignificant effect. In a second study, using an online experiment we identify a particular mechanism explaining the influence of this intervention. Specifically, we show that our interventions have divergent effects on perceptions of the normative appropriateness of registering: emphasising that failing to register is punishable by law strengthened the perception that one ought to register, while offering monetary inducements for registering weakened the perception that doing so is an action already expected within society.
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Bieniek, Karol. "Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Donald Trump : Distinct Political Entities, Similar Leadership Styles?" Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 4 (December 26, 2017): 175–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2017.4.9.
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Since the center-periphery cleavage is widely used in the rhetoric of the two highly controversial political figures of R.T. Erdogan and D. Trump, it is interesting to examine their political careers. Both perform their political routes and construct their electoral appeal on the base of the center-periphery divide. The presented paper in general aims at qualifying the leadership style of both politicians. While the two leaders function in different political entities and traditions, their perception and understanding of politics seems to be quite similar
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Morini, Marco. "Uno studio sulle presidenziali americane: l'economia conta?" HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 9 (September 2012): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2012-009005.
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The economy matters. This is one of the dogmas taught us by those who have studied the history of the American presidential elections. But is this collective perception of the influence of economic data on individual electoral behaviour confirmed by statistical analysis of the history of presidential elections? This study shows that the most commonly used economic indicators are poor predictors of election outcomes, and also that variation in the approval rating of the incumbent president is a variable independent from the real economic data.
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Limón-Domínguez, Gerardo Arturo, Oscar Valdés-Ambrosio, Héctor Daniel Molina-Ruíz, Bertha Leticia Rivera-Varela, and Cruz García-Lirios. "Risk-benefit perception and intention to vote in favor of bicycle lanes." Tendencias Sociales. Revista de Sociología, no. 4 (July 17, 2019): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/ts.4.2019.25255.
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Within the framework of policies against the effects of climate change on public health, mobility policies based on zero carbon dioxide emissions have focused their interest on the implementation of bicycle lanes, the subsidy of bicycle engines and restriction of automobiles. In this sense, the objective of this paper has been to establish the reliability and validity of an instrument that measures the perceptions of risk and utility, as well as the intentions of voting in favor of electoral proposals and candidates that support the urban sustainability policy in Subject d mobility. A non-experimental, cross-sectional and exploratory study was carried out with a non-probabilistic sample selection of 250 residents of the metropolitan area of Mexico City. From a structural model. The factors cited were found to correlate positively and significantly, but it is recommended to extend the study to the contrast of the model in other scenarios with local elections and mobility policy based on the use of the bicycle
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Prihatini, Ella S. "On The Same Page? Support for Gender Quotas among Indonesian Lawmakers." Asian Social Science 14, no. 5 (April 19, 2018): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v14n5p48.
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As a strategy to improve women’s share in Indonesian parliament, gender quotas were introduced in 2002 and first implemented in the 2004 elections. Despite vast research on the influence of gender quotas in nominating women into parliament, little is known about male and female politicians’ acceptance and perception of gender quotas. This paper seeks to explore how distinct are male and female MPs in perceiving gender quotas and in explaining the roots of women’s political under-representation. Using a questionnaire involving 104 representatives (54 male and 50 female), the study suggests a significant gender gap occurs not only in perceptions related to quotas’ positive-discrimination legitimacy and efficiency but also in explanations that hinder women’s electoral success and which strategies might work best in overcoming the disparity. These distinctions matter because they offer insights as to the dynamics explaining why gender quotas are not resulting in a notable increase in women’ parliamentary representation.
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Waldvogel, Thomas. "Applying Virtualized Real-Time Response Measurement on TV-Discussions with Multi-Person Panels." Statistics, Politics and Policy 11, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 23–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/spp-2018-0013.
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AbstractTelevised debates are major events in electoral campaigns, serving voters as a substantial source of political information and reaching millions of the potential electorate. Scholars have made use of this potential by applying Real-Time Response Measurement (RTR) to assess reception and perception processes. However, RTR-research has yet almost exclusively focused on duel scenarios. In this paper, we argue that the focus on the duel format in political and communication science research is inappropriate. Thus, we apply virtualized RTR on TV-debates with a multi-person panel. Drawing on data of two field studies (n = 1191/1058) conducted with the Debat-O-Meter – an innovative virtualized RTR-Measurement toolbox – in the course of the 2017 federal election in Germany, we show that virtualized RTR-Measurement can indeed produce valid and reliable data regarding TV-discussions with a multi-person podium. Additionally, we find perception processes to be primarily shaped by party identification and prior political preferences such as candidate orientation. Furthermore, our results give strong evidence that candidate preferences are substantially affected by debate reception. Overall, our data follows an established structure well-known from research on TV-duels. As such, research on TV discussions with a multi-person panel is compatible with the existing repertoire of methods, offers great potential for political communication research and provides results that can be linked to current findings in empirical debate research while making its own contribution to the research field.