Relevant bibliographies by topics / Electoral Systems

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Electoral Systems'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Electoral Systems"

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Birch, Sarah. "Electoral Systems and Electoral Misconduct." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 12 (September 17, 2007): 1533–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006292886.

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This article is a cross-national study of the impact of electoral system design on electoral misconduct. It argues that elections held in single-member districts (SMD) under plurality and majority rule are more likely to be the object of malpractice than those run under proportional representation (PR). Two reasons are advanced in support of this argument: Candidates in SMD systems have more to gain from individual efforts to manipulate elections than is the case for candidates in PR contests; and malfeasance is more efficient under SMD rules, in that the number of votes that must be altered to change the outcome is typically smaller than it is under PR. This hypothesis is tested and confirmed on a new data set of electoral manipulation in 24 postcommunist countries between 1995 and 2004. The proportion of seats elected in SMDs is found to be positively associated with levels of electoral misconduct, controlling for a variety of contextual factors.
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Pappalardo, Adriano. "Electoral Systems, Party Systems." Party Politics 13, no. 6 (November 2007): 721–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807080084.

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Frosini, Tommaso Edoardo. "Una ley electoral que protege la bipolaridad y favorece la gobernabilidad = An electoral law that protects and promotes bipolarity governance." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 34 (July 1, 2014): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.34.2014.14092.

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Hay muchos sistemas electorales en el mundo; en realidad, cada país tiene el suyo. Sin duda, Italia tiene también derecho a tener su propio sistema electoral, y no han faltado soluciones, comenzando con la restauración del sistema mayoritario, por ejemplo. Lo importante es que sea un sistema electoral destinado a favorecer la formación de mayorías y un Gobierno elegido y legitimado mediante el voto de los electores. Representación y gobernabilidad: estos son los objetivosThere are many electoral systems around the world; actually, each country has its own. Without a doubt, Italy also is entitled to have its own electoral system, and it doesn’t lack solutions, starting with the restoration of the majoritarian system, for example. The important thing is that there should be an electoral system destined to promote the formation of a majority and government chosen and legitimated by voter. Representation and governability, these are the goals
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Garrote de Marcos, María. "Circunscripciones de baja magnitud y proporcionalidad en Europa: una panorámica selectiva." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 45 (April 3, 2020): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27142.

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Este trabajo describe los sistemas electorales de Irlanda, Suiza y Portugal. Estos tres países, al igual que España, comparten la utilización de circunscripciones reducidas en el marco de un sistema electoral proporcional. Sin embargo, cada uno emplea una modalidad de voto diferente, circunstancia que ayuda a comprender la importancia de este elemento en el funcionamiento de los sistemas electorales. El análisis del marco legal, su evolución y los rendimientos políticos nos ofrece una valiosa información sobre modelos electorales distintos que pueden servir de referencia para valorar algunos aspectos problemáticos del sistema electoral español.This paper describes the electoral systems of Ireland, Switzerland and Portugal. These three countries, like Spain, share the use of low magnitude constituencies within the framework of a proportional electoral system. However, each uses a different ballot structure, a circumstance that helps to understand the relevance of this element in the functioning of electoral systems. The analysis of the legal framework, its evolution and political performance offers us valuable information on different electoral models which can serve as a reference to assess some problematic aspects of the Spanish electoral system.
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Teorell, Jan, and Catharina Lindstedt. "Measuring Electoral Systems." Political Research Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 10, 2009): 434–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912909349630.

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Taagepera, Rein, and Matthew S. Shugart. "Designing electoral systems." Electoral Studies 8, no. 1 (April 1989): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(89)90021-8.

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Watts, Duncan. "Comparing electoral systems." Representation 35, no. 2-3 (June 1998): 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899808523035.

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Borooah, Vani K. "The Proportionality of Electoral Systems: Electoral Welfare and Electoral Inequality." Economics and Politics 14, no. 1 (January 2002): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0343.00101.

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Michalak, Bartłomiej. "Mixed Electoral Systems: A Hybrid or a New Family of Electoral Systems?" World Political Science 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0012.

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AbstractThe main research question posed in the article is whether the mixed electoral systems are separate third class of electoral systems? Although, they were primarily designed as a tool for implementing completely contradictory objectives of the majoritarian and proportional representation, as a consequence, they created fully new quality, which cannot be reduced to the sum of effects being produced by their components. Reasons for this include, among others, their genesis and political purpose (the desire to combine the best features and characteristics of the majoritarian and proportional systems into one system), mechanics (multi-formula and multiple-tiered seat allocation mechanism), multiplicity of variants and detailed technical solutions (presence or lack of mandate transfer and/or of vote transfer between majoritarian and proportional subsystems). The distinctiveness of mixed electoral systems is, however, determined primarily by self-relevant political consequences generated within strategies of nominating party candidates (the number of candidates listed within single-mandate constituencies of the majority part has a positive effect on the party’s results in proportional subsystem), electorate voting behaviors (the psychological effect is acting on voters toward honest and not strategic voting), the level of disproportionality of election results (the mixed system are in general less proportional than traditional systems of proportional representation, however, they are more proportional than the majoritarian voting systems) and the degree of party dispersion (the mixed systems are usually correlated with three-body format of the party system).
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Golosov, Grigorii V. "Party systems, electoral systems, and legislative fragmentation." Party Politics 23, no. 5 (September 22, 2015): 487–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815603624.

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Using electoral data from a nearly comprehensive set of the world’s electoral democracies (1992–2014), including 131 independent countries and one non-sovereign territory, this article develops an explanatory model of legislative fragmentation that incorporates electoral fragmentation, the territorial patterns of party support, district magnitude, specific electoral system effects, and the balance of personal and party vote components within the incentive structures generated by electoral rules. The analysis proves that there is a strong negative association between the territorial homogeneity of the vote and legislative fragmentation, and shows that those varieties of electoral rules that increase the salience of personal component in party-centred elections tend to enhance legislative fragmentation. Due to its statistical properties, the model allows for establishing the impact of each of the factors, as well as their relative weights, with a high degree of certainty.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Electoral Systems"

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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.

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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Asmal, Kader 1934-2011. "Electoral systems: critical survey." Centre for Development Studies, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/66455.

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Ever since union - and before - black South Africans have been excluded from parliament, provincial councils and other law-making bodies. This means that blacks have never participated in the electoral process. The voting (electoral) system - its nature and workings - remained the sole preserve of white political parties and the Apartheid government of the day. As a result of a conjuncture of circumstances (as per Harare Declaration), the African National Congress and the apart0heid government are now engaged in talks. Hopefully this will ultimately lead to negotiations towards a new Constitution which will make provision for a single unitary, non-racial, non-sexist South Africa with universal franchise on one single common voters roll and one person one vote. Part of the process of constitution-making for such a South Africa, will be the working out of a system of voting, an electoral system, which would be appropriate for the country. The African National Congress has recognised the need for a multi-party system, the right of all other political forces and organisations to organise and to compete for power on the political terrain. The ANC also recognises that all parties enjoying significant support should have the right to be represented in a Constituent Assembly and parliament. The question which needs to be resolved is: What would be an appropriate electoral system to achieve the stated objec0tive? It is to place the issue before the people of our country and to ensure participation at the widest levels by all the organisa0tions of the people in the process of constitution-making (including formulating and/or agreeing upon an acceptable system of voting), that the African National Congress, Community Law Centre (University of the Western Cape) and the Centre for Development Studies have organised a conference to be held in the Western Cape on 2 - 4 NOVEM0BER 1990. This conference will not be a decision-making one. nor will there be any resolutions at the end of the conference. The objective is to facilitate meaningful discussions throughout the country. To facilitate this process, we present a discussion document entitled "ELECTORAL SYSTEMS: A CRITICAL SURVEY" which has been prepared by Professor KADER ASMAL, a member of the Constitutional Committee of the ANC and Professor of Law at Trinity College, Dublin. It is hoped that arising from these discussions, there will be more meaningful discussions and consultations amongst or0ganisations such as trade unions, civic organisations, women’s organisations and other sectoral or0ganisations - ultimately leading to a situation which we would be better able to decide on an acceptable, unity building and democratic electoral system.
"The Community Law Centre (UWC) & Centre for Development Studies in conjunction with the ANC Constitutional Committee."--Cover
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Verardi, Vincenzo. "The Economics of electoral systems." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211302.

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Troumpounis, Orestis. "Electoral systems and forms of abstention." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/51487.

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Esta tesis es de carácter interdisciplinario, entre economía y ciencias políticas. Usando métodos bien explotados en economía explico como las instituciones electorales afectan las decisiones de los individuos en varios contextos políticos. El capítulo 2 es normativo y propone dos modificaciones en los sistemas electorales. Ambos resultan en una participación más alta y dan incentivos a los partidos políticos a que sean de mejor calidad. Primero, analizo un sistema electoral donde el número de los candidatos que obtienen representación en el parlamento es endógeno y depende del nivel de la participación. Segundo, analizo el efecto de un quorum de participación en elecciones parlamentarias. Según mis resultados, las dos modificaciones implican beneficios más bajos para los partidos, y bienestar más alto para los ciudadanos. Dichos resultados explican porqué los partidos usan otros tipos de medidas para incrementar la participación en las elecciones. Además, mis resultados explican la evolución del uso de un quorum en algunos países. El capítulo 3 es un trabajo junto con Sabine Flamand. Estudiamos el efecto de un quorum de participación en reuniones de pocos miembros. Usando un modelo de reuniones repetitivas, demostramos que la decisión se retrasa cuando el quorum es alto, y que los miembros no pierden utilidad por el hecho de retrasar la decisión. Finalmente, la presencia de un quorum puede tanto aumentar como reducir el número de miembros tomando la decisión final. El capítulo 4 ofrece un análisis empírico de las decisiones de votar en blanco y votar nulo. El análisis es innovador porque por primera vez se tratan las dos decisiones por separado. Demuestro que el voto blanco contiene un mensaje de insatisfacción contra los partidos políticos, mientras que el voto nulo contiene insatisfacción contra las instituciones y los niveles de democracia.
The present thesis lies at the intersection of economics and political science. Using methods, well developed in economics, I try to understand how electoral institutions shape individuals' behavior in different political contexts. Chapter 2 has a normative flavor. Focusing on the interplay between low quality parties and citizens' apathy, I try to break the vicious cycle that links the two, by proposing two electoral rules that increase turnout in PR elections, and at the same time give incentives to parties to be of better quality. First, I propose an electoral rule where the number of candidates elected depends on the level of participation. Second, I propose the introduction of a participation quorum that has to be met in order for the election to be valid. The common feature and innovation of these rules is that turnout affects the electoral outcome, and as a consequence these rules incentivize parties to care about the level of turnout. I show that both rules, while they increase turnout they imply lower profits for parties. My results explain why parties target to increase turnout through a certain type of measures that do not necessary improve the quality of the vote. Moreover, I also explain the evolution of the use of the participation quorum in certain countries. Chapter 3 is coauthored with Sabine Flamand, and tries to understand the effect of such a participation requirement on individuals' behavior and the decision outcome. To this end, we model a setup of repeated meetings, where a small group of individuals has to take a decision. We show that the decision is delayed when the quorum requirement is high and members are not harmed by postponing the decision. Surprisingly, the presence of the quorum may decrease the number of attendees taking the decision, while we show that in order to avoid policy distortions, the required number of participants must be even. Apart from abstaining, voters that are not willing to support any of the candidates in most parliamentary elections, are given the choice to participate in the election and cast a blank or a null vote. A blank vote is a disapproval vote of all competing candidates, while a null vote is a vote cast erroneously or deliberately in a way not conforming with the legal voting procedure. Political scientists were treating blank and null votes in an identical way. My attempt in chapter 4 is to study these two protest actions on a separate basis, in order to understand, why in some elections blank votes are many more than null votes and vice versa. After constructing a database considering the percentages of blank and null votes separately, I show that the amount of blank and null votes cast in an election are not affected by the same factors. Null votes convey dissatisfaction towards the electoral and democratic institutions, while blank votes convey dissatisfaction towards the parties. More important, my results go against one of the prevailing criticisms of compulsory voting. The latter has no significant effect on the amount of uninformative votes since it has no significant effect on the amount of null votes. On the contrary, it increases only the amount of blank votes, which by definition disclose information, and in particular voters' disapproval of all competing parties. Although abstention is one of the most studied issues both by political scientists and economists, the current thesis extends our knowledge, by giving insight into some of abstention's unexplored but widely observed aspects.
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Church, Stephen. "Electoral systems, party systems and stability in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4680.

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In 1996 New Zealand changed its electoral system from single-member-district plurality to a form of proportional representation known as MMP. One of the most persistent theories in political science posits that plurality systems produce two dominant parties, which in turn leads to stable single party government. By contrast, it has been hypothesised that systems of PR multiply the number of parties, thereby encouraging governments which are less stable because more than one party is required to share in government. This thesis uses New Zealand as a test case for this
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Monroe, Burt L. "Electoral science : the analysis of voting systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.358508.

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Heine, Rebecca. "Electoral Systems and Women’s Political Representation : A Quantitative Case Study of Female Legislators in Mexico’s Mixed Member Electoral System." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-373871.

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This paper uses the case of Mexico to explore the effects of electoral systems on women’s representation in legislatures. While a number of studies have looked at how electoral rules affect women’s presence in parliament (descriptive representation), less work has focused on how these rules affect female legislators’ inclination to promote policy directed toward women as a constituency (substantive representation). Mexico’s mixed member electoral system serves to compare legislators operating within the same cultural, institutional and political context but who were elected under distinct electoral formulas, either through the local popular vote in single member districts (SMDs), or through proportional representation (PR) on the basis of party lists. A quantitative approach is adopted to explore the differences between the two groups when it comes to introducing legislative proposals related to women’s rights and gender equality. Based on data from the Mexican Chamber of Deputies covering a time span of 20 years, the results show that female legislators elected through Mexico’s PR tier are more likely to put forward bills on these issues than their SMD elected counterparts, independently of their party identification and where in the country they belong geographically. This suggests that the design of the electoral system can have an impact on legislative behavior, in this case that of female politicians when it comes to advancing women’s rights policy.
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Dirke, Lundberg Tora. "Voting Women? : A Quantitative Analysis of the Effects of Electoral Systems on Women's Electoral Participation." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402757.

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The matter of a gender gap in electoral participation is a fact in many parts of the world but has mostly been investigated by, and studied within, the Global North. In spite of this, scholars have not reached an undisputed conclusion for why this is. Scholars have argued for the importance of studying the institutions and systems composing voting in order to explain electoral participation, especially since the form and degree of direct influence of voters are differing within different electoral systems. Relying on the rational voter hypothesis in combination with feminist theory this thesis suggests that women have different experiences of civic duty and influence, and therefore participate in elections to a lesser extent than men. The main results suggest that presidentialism, to an extent which is neither statistically nor practically significant, decrease women’s electoral participation while majoritarian electoral rules seem to have an even smaller, but similar, effect. Testing electoral systems’ effect on the gender gap, statistically significant results points to the fact that presidentialism increases the gender gap in electoral participation. Majoritarian electoral rules do too increase the gender gap, but to a more restricted extent. This thesis concludes that electoral systems do have a gendered effect on electoral participation and that these effects need to be further investigated by future research.
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Townsend, David James. "Electoral and party systems in post-Communist Russia." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/mq22038.pdf.

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Johnson, Joel W. "Electoral systems and campaign finance in legislative elections." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3371953.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed October 13, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Books on the topic "Electoral Systems"

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Farrell, David, and Matthew Shugart. Electoral Systems. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road, London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781446261491.

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Felsenthal, Dan S., and Moshé Machover, eds. Electoral Systems. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-20441-8.

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Farrell, David M. Electoral Systems. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-28550-8.

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Australia. Dept. of the Parliamentary Library. Legislative Research Service. Electoral systems. [Canberra]: Dept. of the Parliamentary Library, 1989.

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Victor, Gunewardena, Wesumperuma Dharmapriya, Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, eds. Electoral systems. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, 1987.

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O'Neal, Brian. Electoral systems. [Ottawa]: Library of Parliament, Research Branch, 1993.

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Ferrara, Federico, Erik S. Herron, and Misa Nishikawa. Mixed Electoral Systems. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978851.

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Farrell, David M. Comparing Electoral Systems. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15009-0.

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Electoral Systems Seminar (1992 Brașov, Romania). Electoral Systems Seminar. Washington, D.C. (1620 I Street, N.W., Washingto, D.C. 20006): IFES, 1992.

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M, Farrell David. Comparing electoral systems. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Electoral Systems"

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Wong, Mathew Y. H. "Electoral Systems." In Comparative Hong Kong Politics, 181–200. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3096-3_9.

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Ortona, Guido. "Electoral Systems." In Encyclopedia of Law and Economics, 697–704. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7753-2_733.

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Ortona, Guido. "Electoral Systems." In Encyclopedia of Law and Economics, 1–8. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-7883-6_733-1.

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de Silva, K. M. "Electoral Systems." In Ethnic Diversity and Public Policy, 72–107. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26798-9_3.

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Miezah, Hilary A. A. "Electoral Systems." In Elections in African Developing Democracies, 23–33. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53706-1_4.

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Arceneaux, Craig L. "Electoral Systems." In Democratic Latin America, 265–312. New York, NY : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315544991-7.

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Grofman, Bernard. "Electoral Systems." In The SAGE Handbook of Political Science, 744–59. 1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP: SAGE Publications Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529714333.n47.

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Farrell, David M. "Electoral Systems and Electoral Institutions." In Electoral Systems, 201–12. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-28550-8_9.

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Denver, David, Christopher Carman, and Robert Johns. "Electoral Geography and Electoral Systems." In Elections and Voters in Britain, 187–216. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36984-9_7.

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Farrell, David M. "Majority Electoral Systems: Two-Round Systems and the Alternative Vote." In Electoral Systems, 44–63. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-28550-8_3.

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Conference papers on the topic "Electoral Systems"

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Konstantinov, M. M., and Michail D. Todorov. "Mathematical Aspects of Electoral Systems." In APPLICATIONS OF MATHEMATICS IN ENGINEERING AND ECONOMICS' 33: 33rd International Conference. AIP, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.2806039.

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Saeed, Kurdistan, and Chawan Salah. "Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study)." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp277-289.

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This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.
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Corres-Illera, Maria. "American democracy: one day, three electoral systems." In The 6th International Virtual Conference on Advanced Scientific Results. Publishing Society, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.18638/scieconf.2018.6.1.510.

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Hor, Mawkae, and Yifan Peng. "Improving Electoral Districting through Geographic Information Systems." In 2015 International Conference on Computer Science and Intelligent Communication. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/csic-15.2015.43.

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Guimaraes Alipio, Lenon. "Analyzing Electoral Donations Through Congress Ideological Segmentation." In 2019 8th Brazilian Conference on Intelligent Systems (BRACIS). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/bracis.2019.00052.

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Shuaibu, Aishatu, Muhammadou Kah, and Olumide Longe. "THE IMPLEMENTATION OF ICT TOOL FOR THE FACILITATION OF ELECTORAL PROCESSES IN NIGERIA: A CASE STUDY OF THE INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION." In 13 th IADIS International Conference Information Systems 2020. IADIS Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33965/is2020_202006c022.

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Conde-Vazquez, Erika, Ivan Puentes-Rivera, and Paulo Carlos Lopez-Lopez. "Electoral Television Debate and Infotainment: Elections to the Spanish Parliament." In 2019 14th Iberian Conference on Information Systems and Technologies (CISTI). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/cisti.2019.8760979.

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Ambarkov, Nikola. "THE ELECTORAL LIST IN THE ELECTORAL SYSTEMS OF THE COUNTRIES ESTABLISHED ON THE GROUND OF THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA IN ONE COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE." In "Social Changes in the Global World". Универзитет „Гоце Делчев“ - Штип, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46763/scgw222389a.

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Puentes-Rivera, Ivan, Montse Vazquez-Gestal, and Ana Belen Fernandez-Souto. "Self-promotion in the electoral television debates Catalan Parliament Election, 2017." In 2018 13th Iberian Conference on Information Systems and Technologies (CISTI). IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23919/cisti.2018.8399469.

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de Sousa, Artur Jorge Afonso, and Luis Manuel Borges Gouveia. "Proposal of a functional model for digital mediation initiatives in electoral campaigns." In 2014 9th Iberian Conference on Information Systems and Technologies (CISTI). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cisti.2014.6876871.

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Reports on the topic "Electoral Systems"

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ⓡ, Garance Genicot, Laurent Bouton ⓡ, and Micael Castanheira ⓡ. Electoral Systems and Inequalities in Government Interventions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, October 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w25205.

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Opalo, Ken Ochieng'. What Is the Point of Schooling? Education Access and Policy in Tanzania since 1961. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2023/pe07.

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Learning is not always the goal of schooling. As policymakers around the world tackle the ongoing global “learning crisis,” it is important to understand the logics behind the design of education systems. Using a political settlements approach, this article documents the evolution of education policy and associated outcomes in Tanzania in tandem with shifts in elite perceptions of the goals of schooling. Tanzania has experienced four phases of political settlements, each of which encapsulated a different policy posture regarding the goal of schooling. The article also shows that electoral incentives are decidedly biased in favor of increasing access to schooling, even at the expense of quality. These findings advance our understanding of the politics of education policy and the persistent failures to invest in improving learning outcomes in many countries around the world.
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Kállai, Péter. How to Lose (the Almost) Guaranteed Representation – Recent Developments concerning Roma Parliamentary Representation in Hungary. European Centre for Minority Issues, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/djpm0924.

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As the Roma National Self-Government in Hungary failed to draw up its electoral list for the 2022 elections, it seemed that nobody would represent the most populous minority in Parliament; at least not within the framework of the preferential mandate system. This blog post covers the circumstances and developments behind this paradoxical situation and explains how uncompromising political wings have caused this outcome. The incumbent Roma minority advocate in Parliament and his allies worked hard to prevent anyone else from obtaining the first position on the electoral list and thus becoming a member of parliament, while the other political wing within the Roma self-government ruled out the re-election of the sitting advocate. As the author points out, however, the main problem lies in the very nature of the system, namely in the lack of real internal competition. Interestingly, as recent developments show, other Roma politicians may get elected on the party lists of both sides of the political spectrum.
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Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy: The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.

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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.
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Alkan, Haluk. GOVERNANCE IN THE TURKEY OF THE FUTURE. İLKE İlim Kültür Eğitim Vakfı, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26414/gt011.

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Report considers the field of governance first at the level of constitutional institutions and tradition, addressing the development of Turkey’s constitutional politics and contemporary debates as its subject matter. Secondly, the report includes the primary institutional structures relevant to establishing constitutional institutions into its subject matter. In this context, the political party regimes, electoral system, and public administration must be handled with their current structures and problems. Whether at the level of the constitution or the primary institutional structures, analyses are debated in terms of the socio-administrative dynamics that are determinant in shaping these structures, the effects these dynamics have on the formation of institutional structures and administrative traditions, and finally their impact on the functioning of Turkish politics. When creating the vision document, the report will identify Turkey’s stance within global debates through both its similarities, as well as its peculiarities to other nations. In this context, concrete and practicable recommendations are made to improve the functionality of the Presidential System, which was introduced with the 2017 Constitutional Referendum.
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Kemoklidze, Nino. Proportional Representation: Implications for Georgia. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.111.

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In a process that spanned over three years, Georgia adopted some important changes to its constitution that is meant to complete the country’s transition from a “semi-presidential to a parliamentary system of governance” (Civil.ge, 17 Dec. 2018). In the last 2020 parliamentary elections, Georgia’s current (revised) electoral mixed system was already the most proportional the country had seen in three decades (Bogishvili, 2020). 120 Members of Parliament (MPs) were elected proportionally by a party list (previously the number was 77) and the remaining 30 were single mandate (majoritarian) MPs elected by the ‘first-past-the-post’ rule (previous number was 73) (Bogishvili, 2020; OSCE, 2021, p.6). However, in the next parliamentary elections, due to take place in 2024, Georgia is meant to move to a fully proportional system (Civil.ge, 17 Dec. 2018). This rapid review explores some of the questions surrounding proportional representation in Georgia. In particular, what do these constitutional changes mean for Georgia? What might be some of the implications of Georgia’s move to proportional representation in 2024 and how might this affect governance? The report examines some of the main aspects of these constitutional changes during 2017-20 and puts them in context. It outlines some of the main discussions in Georgia concerning opportunities and challenges often associated with proportional representation and highlights some of the main points that emerge from these discussions on the future dynamics of governance in Georgia. Material summarised in this report is based on a mixture of (online) newspaper articles, government and other reports, and policy, and practitioner-based literature.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/5jchdy.

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Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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Yilmaz, Ihsan, Raja M. Ali Saleem, Mahmoud Pargoo, Syaza Shukri, Idznursham Ismail, and Kainat Shakil. Religious Populism, Cyberspace and Digital Authoritarianism in Asia: India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, and Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0001.

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Abstract:
Turkey, Pakistan, India, Malaysia, and Indonesia span one of the longest continuously inhabited regions of the world. Centuries of cultural infusion have ensured these societies are highly heterogeneous. As plural polities, they are ripe for the kind of freedoms that liberal democracy can guarantee. However, despite having multi-party electoral systems, these countries have recently moved toward populist authoritarianism. Populism —once considered a distinctively Latin American problem that only seldom reared its head in other parts of the world— has now found a home in almost every corner of the planet. Moreover, it has latched on to religion, which, as history reminds us, has an unparalleled power to mobilize crowds. This report explores the unique nexus between faith and populism in our era and offers an insight into how cyberspace and offline politics have become highly intertwined to create a hyper-reality in which socio-political events are taking place. The report focuses, in particular, on the role of religious populism in digital space as a catalyst for undemocratic politics in the five Asian countries we have selected as our case studies. The focus on the West Asian and South Asian cases is an opportunity to examine authoritarian religious populists in power, whereas the East Asian countries showcase powerful authoritarian religious populist forces outside parliament. This report compares internet governance in each of these countries under three categories: obstacles to access, limits on content, and violations of user rights. These are the digital toolkits that authorities use to govern digital space. Our case selection and research focus have allowed us to undertake a comparative analysis of different types of online restrictions in these countries that constrain space foropposition and democratic voices while simultaneously making room for authoritarian religious populist narratives to arise and flourish. The report finds that surveillance, censorship, disinformation campaigns, internet shutdowns, and cyber-attacks—along with targeted arrests and violence spreading from digital space—are common features of digital authoritarianism. In each case, it is also found that religious populist forces co-opt political actors in their control of cyberspace. The situational analysis from five countries indicates that religion’s role in digital authoritarianism is quite evident, adding to the layer of nationalism. Most of the leaders in power use religious justifications for curbs on the internet. Religious leaders support these laws as a means to restrict “moral ills” such as blasphemy, pornography, and the like. This evident “religious populism” seems to be a major driver of policy changes that are limiting civil liberties in the name of “the people.” In the end, the reasons for restricting digital space are not purely religious but draw on religious themes with populist language in a mixed and hybrid fashion. Some common themes found in all the case studies shed light on the role of digital space in shaping politics and society offline and vice versa. The key findings of our survey are as follows: The future of (especially) fragile democracies is highly intertwined with digital space. There is an undeniable nexus between faith and populism which offers an insight into how cyberspace and politics offline have become highly intertwined. Religion and politics have merged in these five countries to shape cyber governance. The cyber governance policies of populist rulers mirror their undemocratic, repressive, populist, and authoritarian policies offline. As a result, populist authoritarianism in the non-digital world has increasingly come to colonize cyberspace, and events online are more and more playing a role in shaping politics offline. “Morality” is a common theme used to justify the need for increasingly draconian digital laws and the active monopolization of cyberspace by government actors. Islamist and Hindutva trolls feel an unprecedented sense of cyber empowerment, hurling abuse without physically seeing the consequences or experiencing the emotional and psychological damage inflicted on their victims.
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