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Journal articles on the topic 'Electoral Systems'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 25 July 2025

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1

Birch, Sarah. "Electoral Systems and Electoral Misconduct." Comparative Political Studies 40, no. 12 (2007): 1533–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414006292886.

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This article is a cross-national study of the impact of electoral system design on electoral misconduct. It argues that elections held in single-member districts (SMD) under plurality and majority rule are more likely to be the object of malpractice than those run under proportional representation (PR). Two reasons are advanced in support of this argument: Candidates in SMD systems have more to gain from individual efforts to manipulate elections than is the case for candidates in PR contests; and malfeasance is more efficient under SMD rules, in that the number of votes that must be altered t

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2

Frosini, Tommaso Edoardo. "Una ley electoral que protege la bipolaridad y favorece la gobernabilidad = An electoral law that protects and promotes bipolarity governance." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 34 (July 1, 2014): 425. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.34.2014.14092.

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Hay muchos sistemas electorales en el mundo; en realidad, cada país tiene el suyo. Sin duda, Italia tiene también derecho a tener su propio sistema electoral, y no han faltado soluciones, comenzando con la restauración del sistema mayoritario, por ejemplo. Lo importante es que sea un sistema electoral destinado a favorecer la formación de mayorías y un Gobierno elegido y legitimado mediante el voto de los electores. Representación y gobernabilidad: estos son los objetivosThere are many electoral systems around the world; actually, each country has its own. Without a doubt, Italy also is entitl

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3

Pappalardo, Adriano. "Electoral Systems, Party Systems." Party Politics 13, no. 6 (2007): 721–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068807080084.

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Garrote de Marcos, María. "Circunscripciones de baja magnitud y proporcionalidad en Europa: una panorámica selectiva." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 45 (April 3, 2020): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.45.2020.27142.

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Este trabajo describe los sistemas electorales de Irlanda, Suiza y Portugal. Estos tres países, al igual que España, comparten la utilización de circunscripciones reducidas en el marco de un sistema electoral proporcional. Sin embargo, cada uno emplea una modalidad de voto diferente, circunstancia que ayuda a comprender la importancia de este elemento en el funcionamiento de los sistemas electorales. El análisis del marco legal, su evolución y los rendimientos políticos nos ofrece una valiosa información sobre modelos electorales distintos que pueden servir de referencia para valorar algunos a

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5

Teorell, Jan, and Catharina Lindstedt. "Measuring Electoral Systems." Political Research Quarterly 63, no. 2 (2009): 434–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912909349630.

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6

Taagepera, Rein, and Matthew S. Shugart. "Designing electoral systems." Electoral Studies 8, no. 1 (1989): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(89)90021-8.

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7

Watts, Duncan. "Comparing electoral systems." Representation 35, no. 2-3 (1998): 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899808523035.

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8

Michalak, Bartłomiej. "Mixed Electoral Systems: A Hybrid or a New Family of Electoral Systems?" World Political Science 12, no. 1 (2016): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wps-2015-0012.

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AbstractThe main research question posed in the article is whether the mixed electoral systems are separate third class of electoral systems? Although, they were primarily designed as a tool for implementing completely contradictory objectives of the majoritarian and proportional representation, as a consequence, they created fully new quality, which cannot be reduced to the sum of effects being produced by their components. Reasons for this include, among others, their genesis and political purpose (the desire to combine the best features and characteristics of the majoritarian and proportion

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9

Borooah, Vani K. "The Proportionality of Electoral Systems: Electoral Welfare and Electoral Inequality." Economics and Politics 14, no. 1 (2002): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-0343.00101.

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10

Golosov, Grigorii V. "Party systems, electoral systems, and legislative fragmentation." Party Politics 23, no. 5 (2015): 487–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815603624.

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Using electoral data from a nearly comprehensive set of the world’s electoral democracies (1992–2014), including 131 independent countries and one non-sovereign territory, this article develops an explanatory model of legislative fragmentation that incorporates electoral fragmentation, the territorial patterns of party support, district magnitude, specific electoral system effects, and the balance of personal and party vote components within the incentive structures generated by electoral rules. The analysis proves that there is a strong negative association between the territorial homogeneity

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11

Tremblay, Manon. "The Politics of Electoral Systems." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (2007): 236–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070199.

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The Politics of Electoral Systems, Michael Gallagher and Paul Mitchell, eds., Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. xxvi, 662.The Politics of Electoral Systems is the most recent and thorough work currently available on electoral systems. There is, of course, The Handbook of Electoral Choice (Josep M. Colomer, ed., London and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004) but this work focuses more specifically on the issue of electoral reform in relation to democratization. The Politics of Electoral Systems covers a wide variety of electoral systems from theoretical and empirical perspectives—and i

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12

Umeda, Michio. "District magnitude and electoral mobilization: how uneven electoral systems shift the focus of campaign efforts by political parties." Japanese Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (2021): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109921000074.

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AbstractThis paper shows how an uneven electoral system in Japan shapes political parties' mobilization strategies by utilizing a majoritarian electoral system with heterogeneous district magnitudes, which in turn contributes to the gap in turnout across districts. Scholars have long debated the relationship between electoral systems and turnout; it is known that countries with proportional representation electoral systems – those with larger district magnitude – tend to have higher turnout rates than countries with majoritarian electoral systems, especially single-member district (SMD) system

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13

Siaroff, Alan. "Spurious majorities, electoral systems and electoral system change." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 41, no. 2 (2003): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040412331310131.

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14

Schakel, Arjan H., and Régis Dandoy. "Electoral Cycles and Turnout in Multilevel Electoral Systems." West European Politics 37, no. 3 (2014): 605–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402382.2014.895526.

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15

Austen-Smith, David, and Jeffrey Banks. "Monotonicity in Electoral Systems." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (1991): 531–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963173.

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Much of the literature concerning the relative merits of alternative electoral rules is centered around the extent to which particular rules select “representative” legislatures. And an important concern in evaluating the “representativeness” of an electoral rule is whether or not the rule responds positively to changes in individuals' preferences, that is, whether or not the rule is monotonic. By explicitly considering electoral rules in the context of a complete electoral system—voting, selection of legislature, and legislative choice of policy—we argue that monotonicity in electoral systems

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16

Hanish, Shak Bernard. "WESTERN ELECTORAL SYSTEMS APPLIED." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 5, no. 10 (2020): 3094–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2020.v05i10.019.

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Hanish, Shak Bernard. "WESTERN ELECTORAL SYSTEMS APPLIED ." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 6, no. 4 (2021): 1376–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2021.v06i04.018.

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18

Russo, Giuseppe, and Francesco Salsano. "Electoral systems and immigration." European Journal of Political Economy 60 (December 2019): 101807. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2019.07.005.

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19

Blais, André, and Kees Aarts. "Electoral Systems and Turnout." Acta Politica 41, no. 2 (2006): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500148.

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20

Zimmerman, Joseph F. "Alternative local electoral systems." National Civic Review 79, no. 1 (1990): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ncr.4100790104.

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21

Usova, V. А. "MIXED INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND ELECTORAL AUTHORITARISM." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 15, no. 1 (2021): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2021-1-19-34.

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Over the past decade, the mixed system became the fastest growing variety of electoral systems used in elections for national legislatures. Opinions about the reasons for the popularity of mixed systems in the research literature still vary. There are no cross-national studies in political science that would link the use of a mixed independent electoral system with the consolidation of an authoritarian order. Under authoritarianism, elections perform three functions: imitation, control and signaling. These functions set the structure of incentives for choosing an electoral formula. The purpose

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22

PEKKANEN, ROBERT, BENJAMIN NYBLADE, and ELLIS S. KRAUSS. "Electoral Incentives in Mixed-Member Systems: Party, Posts, and Zombie Politicians in Japan." American Political Science Review 100, no. 2 (2006): 183–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055406062095.

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How do electoral incentives affect legislative organization? Through an analysis of Japan's mixed-member electoral system, we demonstrate that legislative organization is strongly influenced not only by the individual legislators reelection incentives but also by their interest in their party gaining power and maintaining a strong party label. Electorally vulnerable legislators are given choice legislative positions to enhance their prospects at the polls, whereas (potential) party leaders disproportionately receive posts with greater influence on the party's overall reputation. Members of Par

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23

Bochsler, Daniel. "BENDING THE RULES: ELECTORAL STRATEGIES UNDER MIXED ELECTORAL SYSTEMS." Representation 51, no. 2 (2015): 261–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2015.1064223.

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24

Carey, John M., and Simon Hix. "The Electoral Sweet Spot: Low‐Magnitude Proportional Electoral Systems." American Journal of Political Science 55, no. 2 (2011): 383–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00495.x.

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25

Gallego, Maria, and Norman Schofield. "The Convergence Coefficient across Political Systems." Scientific World Journal 2013 (2013): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/653035.

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Formal work on the electoral model often suggests that parties or candidates should locate themselves atthe electoral mean. Recent research has found no evidence of such convergence. In order to explain nonconvergence, the stochastic electoral model is extended by including estimates of electoral valence. We introduce the notion of a convergence coefficient,c. It has been shown that high values ofcimply that there is a significant centrifugal tendency acting on parties. We used electoral surveys to construct a stochastic valence model of the the elections in various countries. We find that the

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26

XHAFERI, Abla. "Impact of electoral systems and rules on political representation in Albania: shortcomings, changes and fight against their violations." Jus & Justicia 17, no. 2 (2023): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/isws2121.

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The purpose of the article is to deal with the influence of electoral systems and rules on the strategies of political parties, on increasing voter confidence and on creating a sustainable electoral framework. Through research into the history of elections in Albania, especially in recent years, the article points out that electoral systems and rules have had and have a significant impact on political representation, the behavior of the electorate, the representation of minorities, regional and local representation, accountability, coalition building and public perception. For a democratic and

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27

Okunev, Igor. "GEOGRAPHICAL FAVOURITISM OF PARTIES AND ELECTORAL SYSTEMS." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2022): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.04.04.

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The task of this work is to identify the phenomenon of geographical favouritism in parties and electoral systems, which consists in the degree of the tendency of the latter to territorial differentiation. In our opinion, this is a mandatory step towards finding ways to take into account the degree of spatial distortion of the electoral and party systems of public choice, which in the future should enable multiple comparative electoral and geographical studies. Based on the analysis of all existing electoral systems, it is concluded that proportional elements reduce the potential of geographica

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28

Lin, Pei-Chun, and Chiu Cheng. "Electorate redistricting for a single-member district plurality, two-ballot voting system: Taiwan’s electoral reform." Yugoslav Journal of Operations Research 24, no. 1 (2014): 71–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/yjor110210002l.

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In this study, we formulated a mathematical model for electorate demarcation in line with Taiwan?s electoral reforms, minimizing legislative seats for the main opposition party in Taipei City. The model is compared with historical election data to establish characteristics that are most contested and germane to the reform. Examination of the constituency demarcation for the Seventh Legislator Election ascertains that electorate demarcation can/can not be manipulated to create electoral advantage. Demonstrable evidence of a bias toward disproportionate representation in the single-member distri

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29

Williams, Brian D., and Indridi H. Indridason. "Luck of the Draw? Private Members’ Bills and the Electoral Connection." Political Science Research and Methods 6, no. 2 (2017): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2017.13.

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The legislative agenda in most parliamentary systems is controlled tightly by the government and bills offered by individual members of parliament have low rates of success. Yet, members of parliament (MPs) do seek to present (private) members’ bills even where the rate of adoption is very low. We argue that members’ bills serve as an electoral connection but also as an opportunity for MPs to signal competence to their co-partisans. To demonstrate the presence of an electoral connection we take advantage of the random selection of private members’ bills in the New Zealand House of Representati

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30

Mulgan, Aurelia George. "Electoral Determinants of Agrarian Power: Measuring Rural Decline in Japan." Political Studies 45, no. 5 (1997): 875–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00117.

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The Japanese farm sector illustrates the key measures of rural electoral influence in advanced industrialized societies and the principal causes of decline in the electoral basis of agrarian power. The political impact of the farm vote is sensitive to wider social, economic and demographic changes as well as to restructuring processes in electoral, organizational and party-political systems. In Japan's case the agricultural electorate continues to shrink along with the electoral profile of rural and semi-rural constituencies and the number of farm politicians in the Diet, although the orientat

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31

Fell, Dafydd. "Impact of Candidate Selection Systems on Election Results: Evidence from Taiwan before and after the Change in Electoral Systems." China Quarterly 213 (January 3, 2013): 152–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001282.

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AbstractA central challenge for scholars of party politics is to explain parties' electoral success or failure. Campaign strategies, candidate personalities, electoral systems, parties' issue emphasis and policy positions all receive extensive coverage in the literature. One variable that has been neglected is the role of nomination systems in election results. This is surprising considering how politicians often blame candidate selection failures for disappointing electoral outcomes and then reform nomination mechanisms in the hope of improving future election prospects. In this study I exami

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32

Khudoley, D. M., and K. M. Khudoley. "FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF ELECTORAL LAW AS IMPLEMENTED IN ELECTORAL SYSTEMS." Вестник Пермского университета. Юридические науки, no. 49 (2020): 442–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/1995-4190-2020-49-442-475.

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Introduction: the article analyzes the fundamental principles of electoral law and how they are implemented in various electoral systems. Purpose: to identify the objective criteria a democratic electoral system must meet. Methods: along with general scientific methods, there have been used specific scientific methods, including comparative legal and systemic ones. Results: there have been identified three principles of electoral law that can be recognized as fundamental: the principles of equal, free, and fair election. They mutually presuppose, guarantee, and supplement each other. Moreover,

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33

Preye Winston Biu, Johnson Sunday Oliha, and Ogagua Chimezie Obi. "LEVERAGING GIS FOR ENHANCED COMMUNITY ENGAGEMENT IN ELECTIONS: A REVIEW OF PRACTICES, IMPACT, AND CIVIC RESPONSIBILITY." Engineering Science & Technology Journal 5, no. 2 (2024): 471–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.51594/estj.v5i2.825.

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In contemporary democracies, fostering active citizen participation in electoral processes stands as a fundamental pillar of governance. Leveraging Geographic Information Systems (GIS) has emerged as a potent tool in facilitating enhanced community engagement in elections. This review delves into a comprehensive review of practices, impact, and civic responsibility associated with the integration of GIS in electoral processes. GIS technologies offer a spatial dimension to electoral data, enabling stakeholders to visualize, analyze, and disseminate information pertinent to the voting populace.

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34

Oktyabrskiy, R. D. "Risks of the Electoral Systems." Issues of Risk Analysis 18, no. 1 (2021): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/1812-5220-2021-18-1-10-15.

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The article examines the existing electoral systems for the election of top officials of the state. Based on historical experience and analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of the systems, an attempt is made to identify the most preferable election model for Russian conditions that meets modern democratic principles. The requirements for such a model are formulated for a possible competition over the best solution and one of the options is proposed in which the risks of conflict situations are minimized.

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35

Hikmet Sami, TÜRK. "ELECTORAL SYSTEMS AND TURKISH EXPERIENCE." Ankara Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi 43, no. 1 (1993): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/hukfak_0000000738.

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36

Reilly, Ben. "Electoral Systems for Divided Societies." Journal of Democracy 13, no. 2 (2002): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0029.

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37

Rule, Wilma. "Women's Underrepresentation and Electoral Systems." PS: Political Science and Politics 27, no. 4 (1994): 689. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420369.

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38

KAPUR, J. N., C. R. BECTOR, and UMA KUMAR. "Mathematical Modelling of Electoral Systems." Teaching Mathematics and its Applications 6, no. 4 (1987): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/teamat/6.4.184.

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39

BRADY, DAVID, and JONGRYN MO. "Electoral Systems and Institutional Choice." Comparative Political Studies 24, no. 4 (1992): 405–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092024004001.

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This article shows how the ruling party of Korea, the DJP, chose and implemented a strategy to win the 13th National Assembly election of 1988 and explains why that strategy failed. In addition, this election is analyzed in a more general context. The authors find, for example that the preference of a party over electoral systems is determined by the spatial distribution of its votes and that the choice of an electoral system is the outcome of a bargaining process among the parties. In the context of democratization, the Korean experience shows that the democratic reform policies of an authori

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40

Milesi-Ferretti, G. M., R. Perotti, and M. Rostagno. "Electoral Systems and Public Spending." Quarterly Journal of Economics 117, no. 2 (2002): 609–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355302753650346.

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41

Gassner, Marjorie, Darwin Ugarte Ontiveros, and Vincenzo Verardi. "Human Development and Electoral Systems." Journal of Human Development 7, no. 1 (2006): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14649880500501161.

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42

Lago, Ignacio, Sandra Bermúdez, Marc Guinjoan, Kelly Rowe, and Pablo Simón. "Party Mobilization and Electoral Systems." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.46.

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How party strategies vary by electoral system remains largely unexplored in election studies. Using qualitative and quantitative data from Spanish national and European elections, we test how party strategies diverge between districted electoral systems and systems using a single national district. We use the number of visits to districts by the party leaders to determine if targeted party strategies are driven by district magnitude, the share of the population entitled to vote in every district, the number of districts or the strength of parties’ local organizations. Our results show that onl

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43

Gallagher, Michael. "Proportionality, disproportionality and electoral systems." Electoral Studies 10, no. 1 (1991): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(91)90004-c.

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44

Aboal, Diego. "Electoral systems and economic growth." Economia Politica 37, no. 3 (2020): 781–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40888-020-00185-6.

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45

Verardi, Vincenzo. "Electoral systems and income inequality." Economics Letters 86, no. 1 (2005): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.econlet.2004.05.001.

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46

Hazan, Reuven Y., and Gerrit Voerman. "Electoral Systems and Candidate Selection." Acta Politica 41, no. 2 (2006): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500153.

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47

Harfst, Philipp. "The Politics of Electoral Systems." Acta Politica 42, no. 4 (2007): 466–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500196.

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48

Myerson, Roger B. "Theoretical comparisons of electoral systems." European Economic Review 43, no. 4-6 (1999): 671–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0014-2921(98)00089-0.

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49

Hunter, Lance Y., and Joseph W. Robbins. "Military Spending and Electoral Systems." Armed Forces & Society 42, no. 1 (2014): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x14559976.

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50

Rule, Wilma. "Women's Underrepresentation and Electoral Systems." PS: Political Science & Politics 27, no. 04 (1994): 689–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500041731.

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