Journal articles on the topic 'Electra Garrigo'

Este artigo e uma análise da Electra Garrigó de Virgilio Piñera, teatrólogo cubano, e das suas vinculações com o teatro trágico grego, sobretudo com a Electra de Sófocles, acrescida ainda de aproximações com autores modernos que trataram do mesmo tema. Apesar da inspiração grega, Piñera permanece um típico teatrólogo nacional, marcado pelos momentos de grande tensão social da sua época (a tragédia em apreço data de 1941). O conflito produzido pela excessiva autoridade dos pais sobre os filhos, latente neste mito, interessa-o por seu significado dentro da família cubana.

En Electra Garrigó (1941), drama de Virgilio Piñera, la “sistemática ruptura de la seriedad entre comillas” en que el artista resumió su poética teatral se construye mediante la incongruencia entre un contenido que ha perdido su calidad trágica y un lenguaje que continúa expresándose con la gravedad y la elevación propias del género. Con este procedimiento se logra una inversión del canon, orientada a impedir la síntesis que demanda la tragedia, que la recepción interpreta como grotesque.

María José Garrido Asperó, Soborno, fraude, cohecho: Los proyectos para evitar la manipulación electoral en las primeras elecciones del México independiente 1821-1822, México, Instituto Mora, 2011, 156 p.

Gaur egun, elektrifikazio-maila altuak dituzten hegazkinak (MEA, More Electric Aircraft, ingelesez) kontuan hartzen dira aireko garraio ekologikoagoa, jasangarriagoa eta eraginkorragoa lortzeko. Alde horretatik, tradizionalak diren sistema pneumatikoak, hidraulikoak, eta mekanikoak sistema elektrikoengatik ordezkatu nahi dira, denborarekin, MEA kontzeptuaren helburuak lortzeko. Bi aplikazio elektriko nabarmentzen dira MEA motako hegazkinetan: aktuadore elektromekanikoak (EMA, Electro Mechanical Actuator, ingelesez) eta propultsio elektrikoa/hibridoa. Teknologia horien teknologiaren egoera garatzen da lan honetan, eta egileek EMA prototipo erreal batean lortutako emaitzak azaltzen dira. Horrez gain, sistema horien elementu nagusi diren potentzia-sistemak eta motor elektrikoak aztertzen dira, industria aeronautikoaren beharrizan zorrotzak direla-eta egokienak izan daitezkeen fase anitzeko topologietan zentratuz.

Jon E. Cawthorne, dean of the Wayne State University Library System and the School of Information Sciences, is the 83rd president of ACRL.Julie Garrison, dean of university libraries at Western Michigan University, has been elected vice-president/president-elect of ACRL.

The Volga cities played an important role during the Time of Troubles, but the history of Samara has not been studied enough. There is practically no information about the voivodes and the garrison of Samara from 1602 to 1614. Newly discovered sources allow to correct this gap in historiography. It is known that there were 300 gunmen in Samara and 205 gunmen came to Samara from the destroyed Saratov. Despite the frequent change of power in Moscow, Samara remained loyal to the central authorities, particularly to Tsar Mikhail Romanov elected in 1613. False Dmitry II and his son Ivan (“Vorionok”) from Marina Mnishek, who failed to gain recognition in Moscow, did not receive support in Samara. The consistent identification of the Samara garrison and its commanders with the supreme authority served as a defense against internal unrest. In the face of an external threat, this factor saved Samara from the fate of Saratov and Tsaritsyn that disappeared during the Time of Troubles. Also the courage of the defenders of Samara was supported by the prophecy of Alexy, Metropolitan of Moscow, stated that the enemy would never capture this city. The article shows that in the Time of Troubles, the Samara fortress continued to be a reliable outpost on the southeastern border of Russia. The fortress had to play an important role, first of all, in the fight against internal enemies. After the liberation of Moscow from the invaders and the election of Mikhail Romanov as the Tsar ataman Zarutsky made the last serious attempt to struggle against the new dynasty in the Volga region. Before the government army went on the offensive in 1614, the rebel movement was restrained by the Samara garrison and by its voivode D. P. Pozharsky-Lopata. They also contributed to ensuring ties with the countries of the East, to the restoration of the Volga route, and eventually to the revival of national statehood. After 1614 the Samara authorities returned to “routine” duties to protect trade routes from robbers instead of fighting against the dangerous anti-government movement.

In January 1986 Bruce Boiling, a member of the Boston City Council, became the first black president in the council's 166-year history. Boiling's presidency marks the culmination of the slow, but steadily growing empowerment of blacks in Boston politics. While blacks have always been present in Boston politics they have more often been observers, rather than participants as the Yankees and the Irish have dominated the political stage. In order to understand the role of blacks in Boston it is necessary to have some background knowledge of how Yankee paternalism retarded black political development and how Irish displacement of the Yankees resulted in the exclusion of blacks from Democratic party politics.Historical AntecedentsBoston politics has its roots in the historical relationships among the Yankees, the Irish, and the blacks. Under Yankee domination colonial and pre-Civil War blacks experienced racial harmony in an atmosphere where they could enjoy civil and political rights. Wealthy Yankee traders viewed free blacks paternalistically, as a low income class of people (Lupo, 1977, p. 124). Since Yankees were members of the political and cultural elite they did not perceive blacks as an economic threat to their position. Consequently, blacks could freely operate businesses, buy property, and run for office (Horton, 1979).As slavery became an increasingly important issue in the 1850s free blacks and Yankee abolitionists formed integrated organizations to end slavery. Abolitionist organizations provided an opportunity for free blacks to learn organizational and political skills. Yet, blacks often found that their efforts to become leaders were thwarted by white patrons who expected blacks to work only as obedient followers. A notable case among many was the conflict between white abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass, a former slave, over the crucial issue of the future role of blacks in electoral politics (Quarles, 1969). Frederick Douglass broke with Garrison who felt that blacks should not be encouraged to vote in a political system where the Constitution protected the rights of slaveholders (Horton, 1979, p. 86). Douglass adamantly advocated electoral participation and pulled some black abolitionists from Garrison's ranks. Douglass felt that participation in the electoral process was a necessary step in the political development of blacks. To affirm his convictions Douglass ran on the Liberal ticket for an office in New York state.

Deborah Warner is one of the most exciting of the generation of directors who emerged during the 'eighties – incidentally claiming for women a natural entrance into a profession previously dominated by men. In 1980 she formed the Kick Theatre Company, with whom over the following, formative years of her career she directed The Good Person of Szechwan, The Tempest, Measure for Measure, King Lear, Coriolanus, and Woyzeck. In 1988, following a production for the RSC of Titus Andronicus in the previous year, she became one of the company's resident directors, staging King John and Electra before moving in 1990 as an associate director to the National, where her first two productions were of The Good Person with Fiona Shaw and King Lear with Brian Cox. During the 'nineties, she has extended both the nature and the range of her work, directing Shaw in Hedda Gabler in Dublin, Coriolanus in German at the Salzburg Festival, Don Giovanni at Glyndbourne – and, in 1994–95, the season she discusses below, a revival of Beckett's Footfalls at the Garrick, controversially banned by the Beckett Estate, a dramatization of Eliot's seminal inter-war poem The Waste Land, premiered in Brussels, Richard II at the Cottesloe, with a woman, Fiona Shaw, in the title-role, and a project for the London International Festival of Theatre site-specific to the old railway hotel at St. Pancras. In September 1995 she discussed her recent and future work with Geraldine Cousin, who teaches Theatre Studies in the University of Warwick, where she has just completed a study of contemporary plays by women entitled Women in Dramatic Place and Time.

Virgilio Piñera (1912-1979) [1] relata en esta obra las obsesiones que le afectan sobremanera y, especialmente, su fijación por el cuerpo y por el dolor que se le puede aplicar; La carne de René (1952) es una muestra constante, clara y unívoca de esta obsesión. Su experiencia vital en la Cuba del siglo XX, inmersa en la represión, su lucha personal contra las instituciones impositivas y sus intentos por hacer oír su voz por encima de ellas, lo mantienen en un permanente estado de tensión, de estigmatización y de sufrimiento, como al protagonista de su novela. Esta novela de tesis es la clara representación de la lucha interna de Virgilio Piñera, y este artículo pretende demostrar cómo a nuestro autor le persigue la idea de que al cuerpo hay que educarlo en el dolor para poder persistir. El que es capaz de soportarlo con integridad, es capaz de mantener su dignidad. La sociedad represora pretende arrebatársela para convertirlo en un ciudadano-objeto carente de individualidad y adocenado mediante el rito de iniciación al dolor. Siendo la tortura del cuerpo y de la mente la idea central de la obra, Piñera trata de trasladar al lector desde la ansiedad del sufrimiento hasta la fascinación por él, y de forma paulatina a sentir deseo por el dolor, único medio de sobrellevar esta vida. Para una mejor comprensión de estos fundamentos, resaltaremos a tres intelectuales: Maurice Blanchot explica cómo una angustia presente acerca del dolor pasado, afecta al futuro; Mircea Elíade habla acerca de su tesis sobre ritos de iniciación en comunidades impositivas; y Tzvetan Todorov de que el dolor no sólo es algo físico, sino también psicológico. [1] Virgilio Piñera nació en Cárdenas provincia de Matanzas (Cuba) un 4 de agosto de 1912 y murió el 18 de octubre de 1979 en La Habana. Nació en el seno de una familia humilde que se trasladó en 1925 a Camagüey donde Piñera estudió el bachillerato. Posteriormente fue a vivir a La Habana en cuya universidad estudió Filosofía y Letras. No fue fácil para un joven pobre lograr su título universitario. Empezó a publicar poesía en las revistas literarias de la época ya antes de acabar sus estudios universitarios. Aunque eran numerosas las revistas literarias su nivel cultural dejaba mucho que desear. El paisaje cultural tan desolador no logró que el joven Piñera necesitado de una formación literaria rica se sumiera en la frustración. Sus relaciones con intelectuales como Lezama Lima que funda Verbum y posteriormente Espuela de Plata, dos revistas literarias que fueron exponentes de la vanguardia literaria cubana, ayudaron al joven Piñera a mejorar significativamente su formación. Piñera va a participar en la dirección de esta última y más delante va a fundar su propia revista: Poeta. Publica en 1943 La isla en peso una de las mejores obras poéticas cubanas, pero, no gozó en el momento de su publicación del reconocimiento de poetas y críticos cubanos. Escribe en 1941 Electra Garrigó, su obra de teatro más importante también con mala crítica en el momento de su representación, pero que posteriormente ha sido reconocida como el inicio del teatro moderno cubano. En 1946 se instala en Buenos Aires y trabaja como funcionario de la embajada cubana como corrector y traductor. Se incorpora a la vida literaria argentina, pero sigue publicando en las revistas cubanas. Tras fuertes diferencias con Lezama Lima funda con Rodríguez Feo la revista Ciclón que ha sido referente literario en Cuba. Tras la victoria de la Revolución Cubana vive un periodo de ilusión y publica en el periódico Revolución, pero pronto sus diferencias políticas y culturales con los dirigentes de la cultura revolucionaria cubana y su condición de homosexual lo condenan al olvido.

En la presente edición, el lector encontrará dos líneas temáticas: Seguridad Regional, narcotráfico y nuevas amenzas; y, Escenarios alternativos de construcción de poder. Seguridad Regional, narcotráfico y nuevas amenzas Abirmos esta edición, con el artículo: “La diplomacia para la seguridad en el posicionamiento estratégico de Colombia en el ámbito de la paz y la seguridad regional: reflexiones desde el concepto de diplomacia de defensa” de Vicente Torrijos y Juan David Avella, mediante el cual, se evaluán tanto, la pertinencia práctica, como los desafíos de la nueva estrategia colombiana de inserición en el Triángulo Norte de Centroamérica, protagonizando escenarios polémicos en el ámbito de la paz y la seguridad regional y global en un futuro próximo. Analizan los objetivos y alcances de la diplomacia para la seguridad del país a la luz del concepto de diplomacia de defensa. “¿Tabú o pragmatismo? El dilema de López Obrador frente al narcotráfico”, es el artículo de Esteban Arratia Sandoval y Aldo Garrido Quiroz, quienes destacan el llamado electoral de AMLO, a aministiar personas involucradas en el narcotráfico para finalizar su lucha armada, haciendo uso de herramientas clásicas de un proceso de paz: desmovilización, reintegración y justicia transicional. Los autores desde un enfoque cualitativo resaltan las limitaciones de la propuesta, concuyéndola como una mera estrategia de contención de daños, dado que, no busca modificar la escala del mercado ilícito sino modelar su comportamiento. “La Guerra Urbana en Rio de Janeiro: De las Unidades de Policía Pacificadora a la Militarización (2008-2018)” de Carolina Sampó, Ludmila Quiros y Jessica Petrino, ubica a Río de Janeiro entre las ciudades brasileras más violentas por la dinámica de las organizaciones criminales y las políticas de seguridad implementadas para combatirlas entre los años 2008 y 2018. Sostienen que desde 2014 se vive una Guerra Urbana, donde confluyen organizaciones criminales, milicias y fuerzas estatales. Situación de inseguridad que, aunque parece concentrada en las favelas, afecta a la totalidad de la población civil. El análisis cualitativo, que también echa mano de datos cuantitativos, retiñe una alta frecuencia del uso de la violencia y, una visibilidad que pasó, de ser baja a media. “Un subcomplejo regional de seguridad contra el narcotráfico por vías marítimas: caso Ecuador, Colombia, Costa Rica y Panamá” de Luis Fabian Armijos Samaniego y Ricardo Medina, interpreta la formación del subcomplejo a nivel marítimo, luego de la firma de los acuerdos de la Convemar de 2016. Sustentándose en la teoría de complejos regionales de seguridad y los procesos de securitización, enfatizan que, a pesar que existe una cooperación bilateral robusta entre los Estados analizados, el proceso de formación del subcomplejo para una cooperación multilateral, se encuentra aún en un sitial embrionario, si se analizan las capacidades navales y los niveles de captura policial de narcóticos de cada país, a través de una metodología cualitativa con enfoque de rastreo histórico causal, apoyado en datos de fuentes abiertas, entrevistas, discursos y documentos oficiales, con el objetivo de interpretar el proceso de securitización de la problemática. El turno ahora para el artículo: “Inovação e Tomada de Decisão em Defesa: considerações introdutórias ao planejamento baseado em capacidades” de Luiz Maurício de Andrade da Silva, Eduardo Xavier Ferreira Glaser Migon, Rubens Nunes y Fábio Sahm Paggiaro, quienes investigan en las áreas de administración y economía del sector defensa, fundamentándose en la capacidad de las estrategias de base, es decir, atendiendo aspectos de microeconomía y ahorros de los costes de transacción. El artículo esta acompañado de un marco de referencia de necesidades estratégicas de defensa en Brasil, relativos a sus intereses nacionales. Siguiendo con: “América Latina y el desafío de la planificación basada en capacidades. Aportes preliminares desde la experiencia de Chile” de Gonzalo Álvarez Fuentes y Margarita Figueroa Sepúlveda, muestra las transformaciones que en el contexto estratégico, caracterizadas por la emergencia de amenazas no tradicionales, la interdependencia y la incertidumbre, han propiciado el cambio en los modelos de planificación de la defensa. Varios países, principalmente pertenecientes a la OTAN, han transitado desde el modelo tradicional de planificación basado en amenazas hacia el nuevo modelo de planificación basado en capacidades. En América Latina, solo unos cuantos países han iniciado este tránsito, que implica numerosos requerimientos y desafíos para su puesta en funcionamiento. Chile, que ha iniciado el proceso, sostiene que su implementación requiere de condiciones organizacionales y presupuestarias para una efectiva operacionalización, así como una mayor coordinación entre los diversos organismos del Estado. “Narcotráfico en América del Sur más allá del bloque andino: los casos de Argentina y Brasil” de Mariano Bartolomé y Vicente Mario Ventura Barreiro, estudia la cadena del narcotráfico en América del Sur en cuanto la Seguridad Internacional contemporánea. Alejándose de los estudios tradicionales centrados en los paises cocaleros, para analizar la situación, poco conocida, en Brasil y Argentina, contribuyendo a la actualización del Estado del Arte, desde estas dos naciones con marcada potenciaidad de consumo e insersión de estos mercados en ultramar. Usando una metodología deductiva de método cualitativo con niveles de análisis descriptivo y explicativo. Las conclusiones revelan elementos clave en materia de criminalidad: en el caso argentino, la vulnerabilidad de su frontera norte, por donde ingresan las drogas ilegales; respecto a Brasil, las preocupantes perspectivas que ofrece el grupo PCC que se encamina a constituirse en la entidad criminal más relevante del Cono Sur. Ahora, el artículo: “Reconciliation perspectives in Colombia: characterizing the 2016 peace agreement with the FARC” de Andres Eduardo Fernandez Osorio y Rocio del Pilar Pachon Pinzon, parte del acuerdo de paz de 2016 entre Farc y Estado, analizando la oposición, negatividad y resistencia de la población, fundamentándose en la inexistencia de literatura aclaratoria de los contenidos. Basado en la Matriz de Acuerdos de Paz de la Universidad de Notre Dame, explora algunas de las críticas generalizadas al comparar este acuerdo con otros, en 31 países. Los hallazgos clave sugieren que el acuerdo estudiado es el más extenso y el segundo más complejo firmado desde 1989, y su esencia puede clasificarse en cinco grupos diferentes de disposiciones. El análisis estadístico sugiere que su crítica más significativa, su complejidad, es el principal factor que obstaculiza el nivel de implementación esperado y, por lo tanto, su estabilidad debería garantizarse mediante la exploración de estrategias inventivas para obtener apoyo popular y legitimidad. El autor Jose Julio Fernandez Rodríguez, presenta: “El encuentro entre seguridad y derechos humanos: actualidad y problemas”, donde analiza de forma crítica los aspectos de la relación entre seguridad y derechos humanos, tanto desde un sentido dialéctico como desde un punto de vista complementario. Para precisar estas cuestiones también se efectúa un pequeño abordaje del tema de los límites de los derechos o del principio de proporcionalidad. Asimismo, el estudio se completa con diversas precisiones sobre las situaciones excepcionales y sobre la suspensión de derechos. De lo que se trata es de alcanzar soluciones equilibradas que siendo eficaces mantengan la calidad del sistema democrático. “Disensos e imprecisiones del concepto terrorismo: cuestionamientos a los enfoques teóricos tradicionales” de Eduardo Andrés Hogde, postula que las indefiniciones conceptuales del terrorismo – que dan paso a una serie de imprecisiones que dificultan su comprensión según los estudiosos- deben ser releídas, pues en realidad son los mismos autores quienes han establecido los elementos mínimos para comprender este fenómeno: el terrorismo se manifiesta en ataques violentos y deliberados contra civiles, perpetrados por grupos pequeños, y con importantes efectos públicos y psicológicos. Para comprobar esta hipótesis, contrasta algunas de las obras más reconocidas y citadas por la comunidad académica experta en terrorismo. Finalizamos con: “El binomio seguridad desarrollo: Algunas aproximaciones interpretativas” de John Sebastian Zapata Callejas, realiza una reconstrucción teórico-conceptual del binomio seguridad y desarrollo desde un par de marcos interpretativos basados alrededor de dos corrientes explicativas, una primera orientada al accionar internacional; y, una segunda, que busca mostrar los ejes articuladores del binomio en la contemporaneidad, el desarrollo humano y la seguridad humana. En este orden, el texto se va a dividir en cuatro momentos: una introducción que sirva como carta de navegación a la problemática; un desarrollo binomio seguridad- desarrollo desde la lógica del accionar internacional; una interpretación del binomio en la lógica de sus discursos articuladores modernos: el desarrollo humano y la seguridad humana; y, finalmente, se ofrecen las conclusiones. Escenarios alternativos de construcción de poder El novedoso artículo: “Ciberfeminismo: emergencia y características del feminismo online en Corea del Sur” de Bárbara Bavoleo y Desirée Chaure, estudia los grupos feministas online de Corea del Sur con el objetivo de contextualizar su emergencia, analizar sus características y evaluar sus acciones a nivel cultural y político. Los datos se recolectaron por mapeo y selección de sitios web, información periodística y literatura especializada y se procesaron los resultados en función de cinco dimensiones de análisis: características de los miembros de grupos ciberfeministas, tipos de colaboración, temas de interés, modalidades de la acción y posicionamiento con respecto a la comunidad LGBT. Se constató que dicho feminismo, se compone casi exclusivamente de mujeres estudiantes y profesionales; con tipos de espacio online y offline; abordando temas “sensibles” e información de difícil acceso; con una modalidad de acción entre activa (manifestaciones, uso de mirroring) y pasiva (clubs de lectura, traducciones de textos feministas), aunque prevalece la primera; y cuyo posicionamiento con respecto a la comunidad LGBT se separa entre apoyo e inclusión de sus demandas en la lucha feminista y rechazo por considerar que sólo las mujeres son sujeto de su debate. Finalizando esta primera edición del año 2019, dejamos a vuestra consideración, el artículo: “Las áreas marinas protegidas como asunto de política internacional: el escenario de la Comisión para la Conservación de los Recursos Vivos Marinos Antárticos” de Cristian Lorenzo, Ana Seitz y Diego Navarro, en el cual se analiza con una metodología cualitativa perspectiva inductiva, los documentos y materiales publicados por la CCRVMA y Reino Unido, Estados Unidos y Nueva Zelanda, por considerarlos influenciadores de la creación del área manina protegida, dentro del contexto de los efectos del calentamiento global en la geopolítica antártica. Esperando que la presente edición sea de su mayor gusto y utilidad.

Tanto Eugene O’Neill como Virgilio Piñera crearon sus propias versiones sobre el mito clásico de Electra con el fin de realizar una crítica a las sociedades estadounidense y cubana, respectivamente. Separadas por una década, ambas obras de teatro giran en torno a las relaciones paterno-filiales y a la necesidad de romper con las tradiciones heredadas a través de la educación recibida. El presente ensayo compara Mourning Becomes Electra, de O’Neill, y Electra Garrigó, de Piñera, con el objetivo de destacar tanto sus similitudes como sus diferencias. Haciendo uso de tradiciones distintas para ahondar en las dinámicas familiares (el psicoanálisis en el caso de O’Neill y el existencialismo y el choteo cubano en el de Piñera), ambos autores actualizan el mito a su manera, siempre recalcando la necesidad de rebelión contra modelos impuestos con el fin de ser libres. Mientras que el autor estadounidense se decanta por condenar a su protagonista, Lavinia Mannon, a un determinismo psicológico consecuencia de los comportamientos de sus padres, el escritor cubano prefiere hacer a su Electra, de apellido Garrigó, libre y capaz de romper con toda tradición para así poder elegir su destino. Si bien ambos personajes terminan encerradas detrás de las puertas de sus palacios, Lavinia Mannon lo hace forzada por la imposibilidad de escapar a su destino, mientras que Electra Garrigó lo hace por decisión propia, ejerciendo su libertad. En definitiva, este ensayo busca recalcar el mensaje común de ambos autores y cómo cada uno lo desarrolla de forma completamente diferente. Both Eugene O’Neill and Virgilio Piñera wrote their own versions of the classical myth of Electra as a critique of the distinct societal structures they perceived in the United States and Cuba respectively. Only a decade apart, these reinterpretations focus on the nature of the relationships between parents and children and on the urge to emancipate from inherited traditions and parental constraints. This comparative essay thus highlights the similarities and differences in the plays­ Mourning Becomes Electra by O’Neill and Electra Garrigó by regarding the ways both authors reimagined the Greek myth, using different critical approaches: while O’Neill relies on Freudian psychoanalysis to delve into family dynamics, Piñera has a tendency towards existentialism and Cuban choteo. Their works are an appeal to a rebellion against cultural structures based on tradition in order liberate oneself from their crippling nature. While the American author condemns his Electra character (named Lavinia Mannon) to a life determined by psychological constraints resulting from her parent’s behavior, Piñera makes his Electra (whose surname is Garrigó) emancipated and in the position to break with tradition in order to pursue her own fate. Despite both characters remaining locked in their own mansions, Lavinia Mannon is trapped due to her psychological inability to escape her own destiny, whereas Electra Garrigó does it because it is her own free choice to do so. Ultimately, this essay shows how these authors share a common message that they carry out in completely distinct ways.

Recensión de la obra escrita de Ramón Entrena Cuesta como Letrado de las Cortes Generales: ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (1980). La Corona. En Comentarios a la Constitución Española. Madrid: Civitas. GARRIDO FALLA, F. (dir.) y ENTRENA CUESTA, R. et al. (1981). El modelo económico en la Constitución española. Madrid: Instituto de Estudios Económicos. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (1997). El recurso contencioso-electoral: naturaleza y objetivo. En IV Jornadas de Derecho Parlamentario: reflexiones sobre el régimen electoral, enero 1993 (pp. 475-490). Madrid: Congreso de los Diputados. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (2001). El proceso contencioso-electoral. En P. García Escudero (dir.). Derecho Contencioso-electoral (pp. 205-246). Madrid: Consejo General del Poder Judicial. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (2010). Justicia electoral. En F. Pascua Mateo (coord.). Estado democrático y elecciones libres: cuestiones fundamentales de derecho electoral (pp. 631-662). Madrid: Thomson Reuters. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (2014). Artículos 108 y 113. En M. Delgado-Iribarren (coord.). Comentarios a la Ley Orgánica del Régimen Electoral General y a la Ley Orgánica de Referéndum. Madrid: La Ley. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (1999). La capitalidad de la Comunidad de Madrid. En E. Arnaldo Alcubilla y J. J. Mollinedo Chocano (coords.). Comentarios al Estatuto de Autonomía de la Comunidad de Madrid (pp. 100-101). Madrid: Comunidad de Madrid. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (1999). Régimen electoral y partidos políticos. En P. González-Trevijano y E. Arnaldo Alcubilla (coords.). Comentarios a la Constitución de la República Dominicana (pp. 1103-1128). Madrid: La Ley, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos. ENTRENA CUESTA, R. (2002). Las campañas electorales ante la Junta Electoral Central. En E. Arnaldo Alcubilla, R. Ávila Ortiz y J (coord.). Elecciones y Justicia en España y México. Memorias del II Curso de Formación Judicial Electoral. México: Tribunal electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación.

Abstract: The takeover of Estonia from the German occupying authorities in November of 1918 Although the independent Republic of Estonia was declared on 24 February 1918, the German occupation that followed prevented the actual establishment of statehood. The chance for this did not come until November of that same year when Germany’s defeats on the Western Front and the November Revolution that broke out as the expression of worsening discontent brought an end to the First World War and German domination in Eastern Europe. The policy of the occupying authorities in Estonia was aimed at neutralising society, and in this way the Germans succeeded in preventing active resistance. Nevertheless, news of Germany’s military setbacks also reached Estonia and aroused some measure of hope for a better future. The cautious rebirth of political activity was noticeable in October of 1918. The way subsequent events took shape was nevertheless a surprise for both the German authorities and Estonian politicians. The breakthrough started with spontaneous riots that broke out in Tallinn on 7 November arising from food shortages. These rapidly snowballed into a city-wide strike. Political demands emerged alongside demands for improving the supply of food: demands for the withdrawal of German troops from Estonia and for transferring power to the institutions of local government that had been democratically elected in 1917. News of the November Revolution in Germany reached Tallinn at the same time, triggering unrest in the city garrison. Lieutenant General Adolf von Seckendorff, commander of the 68th Army Corps and the highest ranking local administrator, was forced to seek support from Estonian politicians. As a result of these events, the Estonian Provisional Government convened on 11 November and this date can be considered the starting point of the building of the independent Estonian state. The Provisional Government first had to take the reins of power into its own hands. This was accomplished quickly and smoothly in Tallinn and Northern Estonia, which were in the administrative area of the 68th Army Corps. General Seckendorff recognised the Estonian Provisional Government on 13 November. At the same time, Estonians took over the Provincial Government of Estonia, the Food Office, the judicial and prison systems, post offices, ports, etc. The Provisional Government appointed its proxies (deputies) in the counties and ordered the reconvening of the local county, municipal and rural municipal governments. The municipal police force (militia) that had been formed in 1917 was restored, to which the newly formed voluntary armed organisation known as the Kaitseliit [Defence League] was added. The representative popular assembly – the Maanõukogu – reconvened after an interval of a year on 20 November, and as fate would have it, Prime Minister Konstantin Päts arrived in Tallinn on the same day after being released from a camp for interned persons and took up his position at the head of the government. Yet in Southern Estonia in the territory occupied by the 60th Army Corps, the Germans refused to relinquish power, referring to the fact that they had not received orders to this effect. A particularly serious conflict appeared to be brewing in Tartu, where Estonians were preparing a large demonstration for pushing through their demands. The Provisional Government sent representatives to Riga, where August Winnig, Germany’s Minister Plenipotentiary to the Baltic Provinces, resided, to resolve the situation that had developed. According to the agreements concluded with him, the Germans committed themselves to relinquishing power to Estonians throughout Estonian territory starting on 21 November. Even though further attempts to delay this were made in some places, from that point on, power in Southern Estonia as well was transferred into the hands of the Provisional Government’s deputies and the local governments. This process proceeded with probably the greatest difficulty on the Western Estonian islands, where a drought of information prevailed since they were cut off from the mainland. Only the future Petseri County (Setomaa) was not taken over and shortly thereaft er was subjected to the control of the armed forces of Soviet Russia.

This article explores how fat women protesting challenges norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces. We use the term fat as a political reclamation; Fat Studies scholars and fat activists prefer the term fat, over the normative term “overweight” and the pathologising term “obese/obesity” (Lee and Pausé para 3). Who is and who isn’t fat, we suggest, is best left to self-determination, although it is generally accepted by fat activists that the term is most appropriately adopted by individuals who are unable to buy clothes in any store they choose. Using a tweet from conservative commentator Ann Coulter as a leaping-off point, we examine the narratives around women in the public sphere and explore how fat bodies might transgress further the norms set by society. The public representations of women in politics and protest are then are set in the context of ‘activist wisdom’ (Maddison and Scalmer) from two sides of the globe. Activist wisdom gives preference to the lived knowledge and experience of activists as tools to understand social movements. It seeks to draw theoretical implications from the practical actions of those on the ground. In centring the experiences of ourselves and other activists, we hope to expand existing understandings of body politics, gender, and political power in this piece. It is important in researching social movements to look both at the representations of protest and protestors in all forms of media as this is the ‘public face’ of movements, but also to examine the reflections of the individuals who collectively put their weight behind bringing social change.A few days after the 45th President of the United States was elected, people around the world spilled into the streets and participated in protests; precursors to the Women’s March which would take place the following January. Pictures of such marches were shared via social media, demonstrating the worldwide protest against the racism, misogyny, and overall oppressiveness, of the newly elected leader. Not everyone was supportive of these protests though; one such conservative commentator, Ann Coulter, shared this tweet: Image1: A tweet from Ann Coulter; the tweet contains a picture of a group of protestors, holding signs protesting Trump, white supremacy, and for the rights of immigrants. In front of the group, holding a megaphone is a woman. Below the picture, the text reads, “Without fat girls, there would be no protests”.Coulter continued on with two more tweets, sharing pictures of other girls protesting and suggesting that the protestors needed a diet programme. Kivan Bay (“Without Fat Girls”) suggested that perhaps Coulter was implying that skinny girls do not have time to protest because they are too busy doing skinny girl things, like buying jackets or trying on sweaters. Or perhaps Coulter was arguing that fat girls are too visible, too loud, and too big, to be taken seriously in their protests. These tweets provide a point of illustration for how fat women protesting challenge norms of womanhood, the place of women in society, and who has the power to have their say in public spaces While Coulter’s tweet was most likely intended as a hostile personal attack on political grounds, we find it useful in its foregrounding of gender, bodies and protest which we consider in this article, beginning with a review of fat girls’ role in social justice movements.Across the world, we can point to fat women who engage in activism related to body politics and more. Australian fat filmmaker and activist Kelli Jean Drinkwater makes documentaries, such as Aquaporko! and Nothing to Lose, that queer fat embodiment and confronts body norms. Newly elected Ontario MPP Jill Andrew has been fighting for equal rights for queer people and fat people in Canada for decades. Nigerian Latasha Ngwube founded About That Curvy Life, Africa’s leading body positive and empowerment site, and has organised plus-size fashion show events at Heineken Lagos Fashion and Design Week in Nigeria in 2016 and the Glitz Africa Fashion Week in Ghana in 2017. Fat women have been putting their bodies on the line for the rights of others to live, work, and love. American Heather Heyer was protesting the hate that white nationalists represent and the danger they posed to her friends, family, and neighbours when she died at a rally in Charlottesville, North Carolina in late 2017 (Caron). When Heyer was killed by one of those white nationalists, they declared that she was fat, and therefore her body size was lauded loudly as justification for her death (Bay, “How Nazis Use”; Spangler).Fat women protesting is not new. For example, the Fat Underground was a group of “radical fat feminist women”, who split off from the more conservative NAAFA (National Association to Aid Fat Americans) in the 1970s (Simic 18). The group educated the public about weight science, harassed weight-loss companies, and disrupted academic seminars on obesity. The Fat Underground made their first public appearance at a Women’s Equality Day in Los Angeles, taking over the stage at the public event to accuse the medical profession of murdering Cass Elliot, the lead singer of the folk music group, The Mamas and the Papas (Dean and Buss). In 1973, the Fat Underground produced the Fat Liberation Manifesto. This Manifesto began by declaring that they believed “that fat people are full entitled to human respect and recognition” (Freespirit and Aldebaran 341).Women have long been disavowed, or discouraged, from participating in the public sphere (Ginzberg; van Acker) or seen as “intruders or outsiders to the tough world of politics” (van Acker 118). The feminist slogan the personal is political was intended to shed light on the role that women needed to play in the public spheres of education, employment, and government (Caha 22). Across the world, the acceptance of women within the public sphere has been varied due to cultural, political, and religious, preferences and restrictions (Agenda Feminist Media Collective). Limited acceptance of women in the public sphere has historically been granted by those ‘anointed’ by a male family member or patron (Fountaine 47).Anti-feminists are quick to disavow women being in public spaces, preferring to assign them the role as helpmeet to male political elite. As Schlafly (in Rowland 30) notes: “A Positive Woman cannot defeat a man in a wrestling or boxing match, but she can motivate him, inspire him, encourage him, teach him, restrain him, reward him, and have power over him that he can never achieve over her with all his muscle.” This idea of women working behind the scenes has been very strong in New Zealand where the ‘sternly worded’ letter is favoured over street protest. An acceptable route for women’s activism was working within existing political institutions (Grey), with activity being ‘hidden’ inside government offices such as the Ministry of Women’s Affairs (Schuster, 23). But women’s movement organisations that engage in even the mildest form of disruptive protest are decried (Grey; van Acker).One way women have been accepted into public space is as the moral guardians or change agents of the entire political realm (Bliss; Ginzberg; van Acker; Ledwith). From the early suffrage movements both political actors and media representations highlighted women were more principled and conciliatory than men, and in many cases had a moral compass based on restraint. Cartoons showed women in the suffrage movement ‘sweeping up’ and ‘cleaning house’ (Sheppard 123). Groups like the Women’s Christian Temperance Union were celebrated for protesting against the demon drink and anti-pornography campaigners like Patricia Bartlett were seen as acceptable voices of moral reason (Moynihan). And as Cunnison and Stageman (in Ledwith 193) note, women bring a “culture of femininity to trade unions … an alternative culture, derived from the particularity of their lives as women and experiences of caring and subordination”. This role of moral guardian often derived from women as ‘mothers’, responsible for the physical and moral well-being of the nation.The body itself has been a sight of protest for women including fights for bodily autonomy in their medical decisions, reproductive justice, and to live lives free from physical and sexual abuse, have long been met with criticisms of being unladylike or inappropriate. Early examples decried in NZ include the women’s clothing movement which formed part of the suffrage movement. In the second half of the 20th century it was the freedom trash can protests that started the myth of ‘women burning their bras’ which defied acceptable feminine norms (Sawer and Grey). Recent examples of women protesting for body rights include #MeToo and Time’s Up. Both movements protest the lack of bodily autonomy women can assert when men believe they are entitled to women’s bodies for their entertainment, enjoyment, and pleasure. And both movements have received considerable backlash by those who suggest it is a witch hunt that might ensnare otherwise innocent men, or those who are worried that the real victims are white men who are being left behind (see Garber; Haussegger). Women who advocate for bodily autonomy, including access to contraception and abortion, are often held up as morally irresponsible. As Archdeacon Bullock (cited in Smyth 55) asserted, “A woman should pay for her fun.”Many individuals believe that the stigma and discrimination fat people face are the consequences they sow from their own behaviours (Crandall 892); that fat people are fat because they have made poor decisions, being too indulgent with food and too lazy to exercise (Crandall 883). Therefore, fat people, like women, should have to pay for their fun. Fat women find themselves at this intersection, and are often judged more harshly for their weight than fat men (Tiggemann and Rothblum). Examining Coulter’s tweet with this perspective in mind, it can easily be read as an attempt to put fat girl protestors back into their place. It can also be read as a warning. Don’t go making too much noise or you may be labelled as fat. Presenting troublesome women as fat has a long history within political art and depictions. Marianne (the symbol of the French Republic) was depicted as fat and ugly; she also reinforced an anti-suffragist position (Chenut 441). These images are effective because of our societal views on fatness (Kyrölä). Fatness is undesirable, unworthy of love and attention, and a representation of poor character, lack of willpower, and an absence of discipline (Murray 14; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 1).Fat women who protest transgress rules around body size, gender norms, and the appropriate place for women in society. Take as an example the experiences of one of the authors of this piece, Sandra Grey, who was thrust in to political limelight nationally with the Campaign for MMP (Grey and Fitzsimmons) and when elected as the President of the New Zealand Tertiary Education Union in 2011. Sandra is a trade union activist who breaches too many norms set for the “good woman protestor,” as well as the norms for being a “good fat woman”. She looms large on a stage – literally – and holds enough power in public protest to make a crowd of 7,000 people “jump to left”, chant, sing, and march. In response, some perceive Sandra less as a tactical and strategic leader of the union movement, and more as the “jolly fat woman” who entertains, MCs, and leads public events. Though even in this role, she has been criticised for being too loud, too much, too big.These criticisms are loudest when Sandra is alongside other fat female bodies. When posting on social media photos with fellow trade union members the comments often note the need of the group to “go on a diet”. The collective fatness also brings comments about “not wanting to fuck any of that group of fat cows”. There is something politically and socially dangerous about fat women en masse. This was behind the responses to Sandra’s first public appearance as the President of TEU when one of the male union members remarked “Clearly you have to be a fat dyke to run this union.” The four top elected and appointed positions in the TEU have been women for eight years now and both their fatness and perceived sexuality present as a threat in a once male-dominated space. Even when not numerically dominant, unions are public spaces dominated by a “masculine culture … underpinned by the undervaluation of ‘women’s worth’ and notions of womanhood ‘defined in domesticity’” (Cockburn in Kirton 273-4). Sandra’s experiences in public space show that the derision and methods of putting fat girls back in their place varies dependent on whether the challenge to power is posed by a single fat body with positional power and a group of fat bodies with collective power.Fat Girls Are the FutureOn the other side of the world, Tara Vilhjálmsdóttir is protesting to change the law in Iceland. Tara believes that fat people should be protected against discrimination in public and private settings. Using social media such as Facebook and Instagram, Tara takes her message, and her activism, to her thousands of followers (Keller, 434; Pausé, “Rebel Heart”). And through mainstream media, she pushes back on fatphobia rhetoric and applies pressure on the government to classify weight as a protected status under the law.After a lifetime of living “under the oppression of diet culture,” Tara began her activism in 2010 (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She had suffered real harm from diet culture, developing an eating disorder as a teen and being told through her treatment for it that her fears as a fat woman – that she had no future, that fat people experienced discrimination and stigma – were unfounded. But Tara’s lived experiences demonstrated fat stigma and discrimination were real.In 2012, she co-founded the Icelandic Association for Body Respect, which promotes body positivity and fights weight stigma in Iceland. The group uses a mixture of real life and online tools; organising petitions, running campaigns against the Icelandic version of The Biggest Loser, and campaigning for weight to be a protected class in the Icelandic constitution. The Association has increased the visibility of the dangers of diet culture and the harm of fat stigma. They laid the groundwork that led to changing the human rights policy for the city of Reykjavík; fat people cannot be discriminated against in employment settings within government jobs. As the city is one of the largest employers in the country, this was a large step forward for fat rights.Tara does receive her fair share of hate messages; she’s shared that she’s amazed at the lengths people will go to misunderstand what she is saying (Vilhjálmsdóttir). “This isn’t about hurt feelings; I’m not insulted [by fat stigma]. It’s about [fat stigma] affecting the livelihood of fat people and the structural discrimination they face” (Vilhjálmsdóttir). She collects the hateful comments she receives online through screenshots and shares them in an album on her page. She believes it is important to keep a repository to demonstrate to others that the hatred towards fat people is real. But the hate she receives only fuels her work more. As does the encouragement she receives from people, both in Iceland and abroad. And she is not alone; fat activists across the world are using Web 2.0 tools to change the conversation around fatness and demand civil rights for fat people (Pausé, “Rebel Heart”; Pausé, “Live to Tell").Using Web 2.0 tools as a way to protest and engage in activism is an example of oppositional technologics; a “political praxis of resistance being woven into low-tech, amateur, hybrid, alternative subcultural feminist networks” (Garrison 151). Fat activists use social media to engage in anti-assimilationist activism and build communities of practice online in ways that would not be possible in real life (Pausé, “Express Yourself” 1). This is especially useful for those whose protests sit at the intersections of oppressions (Keller 435; Pausé, “Rebel Heart” para 19). Online protests have the ability to travel the globe quickly, providing opportunities for connections between protests and spreading protests across the globe, such as SlutWalks in 2011-2012 (Schuster 19). And online spaces open up unlimited venues for women to participate more freely in protest than other forms (Harris 479; Schuster 16; Garrison 162).Whether online or offline, women are represented as dangerous in the political sphere when they act without male champions breaching norms of femininity, when their involvement challenges the role of woman as moral guardians, and when they make the body the site of protest. Women must ‘do politics’ politely, with utmost control, and of course caringly; that is they must play their ‘designated roles’. Whether or not you fit the gendered norms of political life affects how your protest is perceived through the media (van Acker). Coulter’s tweet loudly proclaimed that the fat ‘girls’ protesting the election of the 45th President of the United States were unworthy, out of control, and not worthy of attention (ironic, then, as her tweet caused considerable conversation about protest, fatness, and the reasons not to like the President-Elect). 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