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Journal articles on the topic 'Elite Theory'
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1
Engelstad, Fredrik. "Democratic Elitism – Conflict and Consensus." Comparative Sociology 8, no. 3 (2009): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913309x447585.
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AbstractClassical elite theory stressed tensions between elites and democracy, whereas modern studies of elites take democracy as a point of departure – to a large extent under the heading of democratic elitism. This article discusses two strands of elite studies in a democracy perspective, one stressing elite conflict, the other focusing on elite consensus. As points of departure for empirical analysis both strands are valuable, but when linked to democratic theory they are insufficient. It is necessary to view elites in light of constitutional features that regulate their relationship with the state. Moreover, the public sphere must be taken into account as a constitutive element of democracy and as an arena for communication between elite groups and between them and citizenries.
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van Wyk, M. J. "Elite-teorie en demokrasie/Elite theory and democracy." South African Journal of Sociology 16, no. 1 (February 1985): 22–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02580144.1985.10519984.
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Gulbrandsen, Trygve. "Elite Integration and Institutional Trust in Norway." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 190–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187441.
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AbstractIn modern elite theory accommodation and compromise between national elite groups are seen as preconditions for the continuance and stability of a democratic society. It is claimed that elite accommodation is facilitated to the extent that the elites are integrated. In this article trust between the various elite groups and their respective institutions is investigated as a core aspect of elite integration. The analyses presented in the article demonstrate that in general there is a relatively high level of institutional trust among national elite groups in Norway. There is, however, some variation in how much trust the various elite groups accord the institutions to which other elite groups belong, and this is explained by (1) the extent to which one elite identifies with the functions of other elites, (2) has a similar ideological orientation, and (3) has social contact with members of other elites.
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Bozóki, András. "Theoretical Interpretations of Elite Change in East Central Europe." Comparative Sociology 2, no. 1 (2003): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913303100418762.
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AbstractElite theory enjoyed a remarkable revival in Central and Eastern Europe, and also in international social science research, during the 1990s. Many researchers coming from different schools of thought turned to the analysis of rapid political and social changes and ended up doing centered research. Since democratic transition and elite transformation seemed to be parallel processes, it was understandable that sociologists and political scientists of the region started to use elite theory. The idea of "third wave" of democratization advanced a reduced, more synthetic, "exportable" understanding of democracy in the political science literature. The main focus of social sciences shifted from structures to actors, from path dependency to institutional choices. Transitions, roundtable negotiations, institution-building, constitution-making, compromise-seeking, pactmaking, pact-breaking, strategic choices — all of these underlined the importance of elites and research on them. Elite settlements were seen as alternatives of social revolution. According to a widely shared view democratic institutions came into existence through negotiations and compromises among political elites calculating their own interests and desires. The elite settlement approach was then followed by some important contributions in transitology which described the process of regime change largely as "elite games." By offering a systematic overview of the theoretical interpretations of elite change from New Class theory to recent theorizing of elite change (conversion of capital, reproduction, circulation, political capitalism, technocratic continuity, three elites and the like), the paper also gives an account of the state of the arts in elite studies in different new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe.
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Wedel, Janine R. "From Power Elites to Influence Elites: Resetting Elite Studies for the 21st Century." Theory, Culture & Society 34, no. 5-6 (July 10, 2017): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276417715311.
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The dominant theory of elite power, grounded in Weberian bureaucracy, has analyzed elites in terms of stable positions at the top of enduring institutions. Today, many conditions that spawned these stable ‘command posts’ no longer prevail, and elite power thus warrants rethinking. This article advances an argument about contemporary ‘influence elites’. The way they are organized and the modus operandi they employ to wield influence enable them to evade public accountability, a hallmark of a democratic society. Three cases are presented, first to investigate changes in how elites operate and, second, to examine varying configurations in which the new elites are organized. The cases demonstrate that influence elites intermesh hierarchies and networks, serve as connectors, and coordinate influence from multiple, moving perches, inside and outside official structures. Their flexible and multi-positioned organizing modes call for reconsidering elite theory and grappling with the implications of these elites for democratic society.
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Ryabchenko, Daniil O. "ON THE ISSUE OF THE FUNCTIONAL THEORY OF ELITES: LOSSES AND POSSIBILITIES OF A NEW APPROACH." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kul'turologiya i iskusstvovedenie, no. 43 (2021): 147–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/22220836/43/11.
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The article examines the prerequisites for reinterpreting the concept of "elite" at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries. The author analyzes the need to change the concept of the elite as a factor of social practice, investigates the prerequisites for a retreat from the traditions of interpreting the elite in the problem field of classical sociology. The thesis about the fruitfulness of the study of the elite in the discourse of such trends of its development as sociologization, rationalization, and subjectivation is outlined. The explanatory potential of the functional and functionalist concepts of the elites is compared.
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Wintrop, Norman. "Elite theory and neo‐elite theory understandings of democracy: An analysis and criticism." Australian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (November 1992): 462–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269208402209.
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Mawardi, Ahmad Imam. "CHARLES WRIGHT MILLS DAN TEORI POWER ELITE: MEMBACA KONTEKS DAN PEMETAAN TEORI SOSIOLOGI POLITIK TENTANG KELAS ELITE KEKUASAAN." Jurnal Sosiologi Pendidikan Humanis 4, no. 2 (January 31, 2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um021v4i2p73-83.
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This study aims to explain the paradigm of power elite theory by Charles Wright Mills (C. Wright Mills, henceforth) in relation to the context of mapping the political sociology theory of the elite class in the United States. The method employed in this study was library research. Based on the literature review, it is concluded that three groups of political elites in the United States according to C. Wright Mills controlled the political and power arena consisting of the bureaucratic elite, business elite, and military elite. Second, the middle and lower classes are often exploited in the interests of the elite in politics and struggle for class power in the United States. Genealogical and other external factors greatly influence the birth and development of elite power generation in the United States. The theory is eventually in contact with the theory of pluralism that has long-lived among American societies. This literature study can be a catalyst showing how political theories and sociology compete each other to seize dominance in the political and social arena, especially in a developed country like the United States.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.17977/um021v4i22019p073
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McCormick, John P. "Machiavellian Democracy: Controlling Elites with Ferocious Populism." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 297–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002027.
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This essay demonstrates that Niccolò Machiavelli’s political thought addresses the deficiencies of two opposite poles of contemporary democratic theory: As do formal or minimalist approaches, he specifies electoral mechanisms for elite control; and similar to substantive or civic culture approaches, he encourages more direct and robust modes of popular participation. On these grounds, I cull from Machiavelli’s Discourses a theory of democracy in which the populace selects the elites who will hold office but also constantly patrols them through extraelectoral institutions and practices, such as the tribunes of the people, public accusations, and popular appeals. Machiavelli adds to these institutional features of popular government an important cultural dimension: The people should despise and mistrust elites, and they should actively confront the injustice that elite governing inevitably entails. Finally, I explore the ramifications of this theory for debates over elite accountability in contemporary democratic theory.
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О.Ю., Хацринова, Тарасова Е.Н., and Галиханов М.Ф. "ELITE EDUCATION: THEORY, METHODOLOGY, PRACTICE." “Educational bulletin “Consciousness” 21, no. 9 (September 30, 2019): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26787/nydha-2686-6846-2019-21-9-31-37.
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Damele, Giovanni, and Andre Santos Campos. "Introduction. Elite Theory: Philosophical Challenges." Topoi 41, no. 1 (February 2022): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11245-022-09794-1.
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Svanikier, Johanna Odonkor. "Political Elite Circulation: Implications for Leadership Diversity and Democratic Regime Stability in Ghana." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 114–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187423.
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AbstractThis article proposes that elite theory is at the heart of understanding political conflict in Africa. A case study of Ghana analyses the historical origins of elite conflict in Ghana before and after independence. The article links high levels of political elite circulation resulting from the transformation of traditional social structures with high levels of political elite differentiation and instability in the post-colonial era. Since 1992 Ghana's new liberal democratic regime has flourished. There are indications that there is a gradual increase in unity amongst competing political elites. Diversity amongst political elites has resulted in greater representation at the leadership level. These factors may explain the sustained period of political stability and the gradual deepening of liberal democracy in Ghana.
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Schijf, Huibert, Jaap Dronkers, and Jennifer van den Broeke-George. "Recruitment of members of Dutch noble and high-bourgeois families to elite positions in the 20th century." Social Science Information 43, no. 3 (September 2004): 435–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018404045492.
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This article offers a counter-example of the modernization theory by looking at the elite positions of the nobility in the Netherlands in the 20th century. We compare the elite positions of the parents and the children, and between noble families and high bourgeoisie families. The likelihood of achieving an elite position has not decreased for different generations of the nobility or in comparison with the high bourgeoisie. An important factor is their social and cultural capital as indicated by the noble titles of their mothers and parents-in-law. This suggests that the modernization theory may apply to the middle classes, but far less to the elites.
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Sarniati, Sarniati, La Ode Dirman, and Bahtiar Bahtiar. "STRATEGI ELIT DAN PARTISIPASI MASYARAKAT DALAM PENYELENGGARAAN PILKADA MUNA TAHUN 2020." Jurnal Penelitian Budaya 6, no. 2 (October 30, 2021): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33772/jpeb.v6i2.19325.
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Abstract: The purpose of this research is to identify, analyze and understand the Elite strategies, community participation and the implications of elite strategies and community participation on the results of the Regional Election. The theory used in this research is the theory of social practice by Pierre Bourdieu, methodologically this research is a qualitative research by collecting the data using observation and in-depth interviews technique. The results of this study indicate that the TERBAIK candidate pair fully empowers political elites and party elites in socializing to become campaign teams, empowers volunteer teams and approaches religious elites and civil elites. The pair of candidates for TERBAIK has also built good communication so that they have the full support of two former Muna Regents who still have a strong mass among the Muna community, namely the former Muna Regent for the 2000-2010 period and the former Muna Regent for the 2010-2015 period and other bureaucratic elites in Muna Regency. While the RAPI candidate pair did not empower the political elite and their supporting/supporting parties in socializing, the RAPI candidate pair maximized the teams and volunteers that were formed long before the Regional Election stage began and approached the religious elite and the civil elite. Several traditional and religious leaders were involved in practical politics so that there was disharmony between communities after the determination of the winner. The increasing political participation in the Regional Election is because apart from the vigur of the two pairs of candidates, alsi because of material rewards. In winning a candidate pair, the communication that is built is unconsciously influenced by history and the agreement of the Ancestors, affected by the district (ghoera) and social stratification (kaomu and walaka). Keywords: Community Participation, Elite Strategy, Implications, Regional Election Results
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Higley, John. "Elite Trust and the Populist Threat to Stable Democracy." American Behavioral Scientist 64, no. 9 (July 19, 2020): 1211–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764220941215.
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One aspect of elite theory holds that democratic stability depends heavily on elites trusting each other to keep distributive issues from reaching acute degrees impelling power seizures. This presumes that agreement about the distribution of valued things is seldom deep or wide in large publics. When distributive issues rise to clear public consciousness, the tendency is toward civil strife. Populists assail and undermine elite trust and the management of politics by elites. They thereby weaken an important basis of democratic stability. I argue that the rise of populist leaders to power leads to an erosion of elite trust, which makes distributive issues more acute and threatens the stability of democratic institutions.
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Ahmed, Muhammad Ashfaq. "Pakistan: State Autonomy, Extraction, and Elite Capture—A Theoretical Configuration." Pakistan Development Review 56, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 127–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v56i2pp.127-162.
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―When groups are adequately stated, everything is stated!‖1 Management of actions and interest groups has historically been sovereign‘s existentialist imperative. The paper revitalizes philosophical state autonomy debate and then narrows down its focus to capture extractive antics of as erratic a state as Pakistan. A typology of factions – captioned as Elites – operative in extractive realm of Pakistan is developed to round them in theory, identify their properties, and lay bare mechanics of intra-elite and elite-non-elite transactions. The paper seminally develops the rational actor dilemma confronting Pakistani elites and identifies the modes through which the dilemma plausibly resolves itself. The transactional engagement between Pakistan‘s internal and external rational actors is dissected to theorize that Pakistan essentially is an equilibrium consensus subsistence state thereby opening up vast vistas for future research. The paper concludes with the glum finding that Pakistan in its current essence and manifestation is fundamentally a captive state – beholden to elites of Pakistan. JEL Classification: H1 Keywords: State Autonomy; Elite Capture; Pakistan‘s Tax System; Pakistani Elites; Elites‘ Rational Actor Dilemma; Equilibrium Consensus Subsistence State; Captive State
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CHAUMONT, ALAIN, JOHANNES LEICHT, TOM MÜLLER, and ANDREAS REINHART. "THE CONTINUING SEARCH FOR LARGE ELITE PRIMES." International Journal of Number Theory 05, no. 02 (March 2009): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793042109002031.
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A prime number p is called elite if only finitely many Fermat numbers 22n + 1 are quadratic residues modulo p. So far, all 21 elite primes less than 250 billion were known, together with 24 larger items. We completed the systematic search up to the range of 2.5 · 1012 finding six more such numbers. Moreover, 42 new elites larger than this bound were found, among which the largest has 374 596 decimal digits. A survey on the knowledge about elite primes together with some open problems and conjectures are presented.
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Boucekkine, Raouf, Rodolphe Desbordes, and Paolo Melindi-Ghidi. "A theory of elite-biased democracies." Mathematical Social Sciences 112 (July 2021): 159–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.mathsocsci.2021.03.007.
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Acemoglu, Daron, and James A. Robinson. "A Theory of Political Transitions." American Economic Review 91, no. 4 (September 1, 2001): 938–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.91.4.938.
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We develop a theory of political transitions inspired by the experiences of Western Europe and Latin America. Nondemocratic societies are controlled by a rich elite. The initially disenfranchised poor can contest power by threatening revolution, especially when the opportunity cost is low, for example, during recessions. The threat of revolution may force the elite to democratize. Democracy may not consolidate because it is redistributive, and so gives the elite an incentive to mount a coup. Highly unequal societies are less likely to consolidate democracy, and may end up oscillating between regimes and suffer substantial fiscal volatility. (JEL D72, D74, O15, P16)
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Sakti, Luxy Pujo. "LOGIKA ELITE DESA DALAM PRAKTIK PEMBANGUNAN DESA WISATA PUJON KIDUL." Jurnal Pariwisata 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31294/par.v8i1.8943.
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ABSTRAK Pariwisata merupakan industri terbesar dan terkuat dalam pembiayaan ekonomi global pada saat ini. Pariwisata juga menjadi penyumbang devisa terbesar di Indonesia serta memberikan dampak yang baik dalam pembangunan pariwisata desa. Elite desa berperan penting dalam mensosialisasikan ide terhadap masyarakat. Peran penting bagi elite desa dalam melakukan pemberdayaan kepada masyarakat lokal dibutuhkan realisasi guna pengembangan desa. Logika dari desa Pujon Kidul, terhadap elite desa yang telah berhasil melakukan pembangunan wisata dengan produk lokal desa dengan melakukan pemberdayaan kepada masyarakat lokal perlu dikaji secara berlanjut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui Logika Elite Desa Dalam Praktik Pembangunan Desa Wisata Pujon Kidul. penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dan dengan jenis penelitian deskriptif, melalui observasi lapangan, wawancara dan dokumentasi terhadap informan. Teori yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini yaitu teori dari Pierre Bourdieu mengenai praktik habitus. Tahun 2015 elite desa Pujon Kidul berhasil melakukan pembangunan kafe sawah, kampung wisata Tulungrejo, dan melakukan pengembangan di bidang wisata edukasi, hingga kini berhasil membangun Desa Wisata Pujon Kidul. Kata Kunci : Elite, Pembangunan Desa Wisata, dan Pemberdayaan Masyarakat. ABSTRACT Tourism is the largest and strongest industry in financing the global economy at this time. Tourism is also the largest contributor to foreign exchange in Indonesia and has a good impact on rural tourism development. Village elites play an important role in disseminating ideas to the community. The important role for village elites in empowering local communities requires realization for village development. The logic from Pujon Kidul village, towards village elites who have succeeded in developing tourism with village local products by empowering local communities needs to be studied continuously. This study aims to determine the Logic of Village Elite in Pujon Kidul Tourism Village Development Practices. This research uses a qualitative approach and descriptive research type, through field observations, interviews and documentation of informants. The theory used in this research is Pierre Bourdieu's theory of the practice of habitus. In 2015, the elite of Pujon Kidul village succeeded in building a rice field cafe, a tourist village in Tulungrejo, and developing in the field of educational tourism, until now they have succeeded in building the Pujon Kidul Tourism Village. Keywords: Elite, Tourism Village Development, and Community Empowerment.
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Wright, Gerald C., Robert S. Erikson, and John P. McIver. "The Impact of State Party Elite Ideology." American Review of Politics 15 (July 1, 1994): 304–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1994.15.0.304-327.
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This study looks at the impact of state party elite ideology in American state politics. Drawing on the spatial theory of Anthony Downs, we develop hypotheses first to explain the non-convergence of candidates. Party elites are ideologically distinct, influential and strongly policy motivated. They are a force pulling candidates away from the average voter in varying degrees across the states. Second, elites influence public policy. Although the single greatest influence on the general liberalism- conservatism of state policy is public opinion, the ideological tendencies of the party elites have an important added impact. Finally, we examine the long-term impact of party elite ideology on state partisanship. We find that ideological extremism loses party identifiers; across the states, the ideological tendencies of party elites, relative to public opinion, is an important influence on state partisanship. Party elites, particularly the policy motivated activists, are an important force shaping politics in the states.
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Schara, Tomaz, and Richard Common. "Leadership and elite interviews." International Journal of Public Leadership 12, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 32–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-03-2016-0007.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to evaluate critically the constructivist-grounded theory in elite interviews, the methodology used for this research. Design/methodology/approach – The research is about the challenges of the EU rail industry integration in the context of EU integration as seen and told by the involved actors. In particular, the integration process requires leadership in the multi-level governance context of the EU and in the transition from state monopolies to businesses providing services on the integrated market. This provides a potential source of theoretically and practically relevant research questions; and second rigorous grounded research methodologies will bring insight that transcends the currently accepted formal and public statements about the phenomena. The work is situated within social constructivist ontology, enacted through a rigorous grounded theory approach to understanding the current challenges of the industry and seeking more effective developments for the future. Findings – Findings place the concepts of leadership and debt into a relationship that could offer profound understanding of certain social relations and contribute to the growth of theory and practice. These findings are also elaborated in this paper as reflections on the methodological process. Research limitations/implications – Contribution to theory and practice supports the relevance and rigor of “constructivist-grounded theory in elite interviews” as a methodological approach. Practical implications – In particular, it supports qualitative research in complex political environments, such as the multi-level governance structures of the EU. Social implications – A clearer understanding of leadership within such dynamic contexts can make a substantial contribution to better policy-making in the EU and better outcomes for its citizens. Originality/value – Further analysis and research of the concepts of leadership and debt and their relationship could offer profound understanding of certain social relations and contribute to the growth of theory and practice.
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Spence, Crawford, Chris Carter, Javier Husillos, and Pablo Archel. "Taste matters: Cultural capital and elites in proximate Strategic Action Fields." Human Relations 70, no. 2 (July 20, 2016): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0018726716649247.
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Recent literature suggests that elites are increasingly fragmented and divided. Yet there is very little empirical research that maps the distinctions between different elite groups. This article explores the cultural divisions that pertain to elite factions in two distinct but proximate Strategic Action Fields. A key insight from the article is that the public sector faction studied exhibits a much broader, more aesthetic set of cultural dispositions than their private sector counterparts. This permits a number of inter-related contributions to be made to literature on both elites and field theory. First, the findings suggest that cultural capital acts as a salient source of distinction between elite factions in different Strategic Action Fields. Second, it is demonstrated how cultural capital is socially functional as certain cultural dispositions are strongly homologous with specific professional roles. Third, the article demonstrates the implications for the structure of the State when two culturally distinct elites are brought together in a new Strategic Action Field.
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Grimstead, Deanna N., and Frank E. Bayham. "Evolutionary Ecology, Elite Feasting, and the Hohokam: A Case Study from a Southern Arizona Platform Mound." American Antiquity 75, no. 4 (October 2010): 841–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.75.4.841.
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A number of researchers have shown that the abundance, diversity, and size of prey consumed or displayed at a feast can be used by elites to solidify and/or aggrandize their social position. Expectations for archaeological signatures of elite feasting—derived from ethnographic studies, archaeological research, and ecological theory—are used to assess the archaeofaunal record from selected contexts of the Marana platform mound site, located in southern Arizona. The magnitude of work conducted in the region provides a unique opportunity to address the importance of feasting as a mechanism of power consolidation among Hohokam elites. Here, we examine a hypothesized locus of elite feasting among the Classic period Hohokam (ca. A.D. 1250). A relatively high concentration of animal bone derived from a burned room adjacent to the Marana platform mound was first thought to represent debris from elite feasting. Analysis reveals a proportionate taxonomic profile that is similar to the remainder of the community and an overwhelming abundance of small game relative to large prey. Neither situation is consistent with elite feasting expectations. These results argue for a form of feasting among non-elites that likely served to promote intragroup solidarity or political support within the community.
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Grigoriev, L. "The Demand for Law on the Part of Elites: "The Effect of the Tram"." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 6 (June 20, 2012): 33–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-6-33-47.
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The demand for law on the part of the society (business, middle class, civil society) is not sufficient at the transformation stage — the reciprocal demand for law from the power elite is necessary. Modern theory states that in the contrary case the pressure on elites would require more open regime of participation. Strengthening the positions of the power elite in the long-run would require limiting endless redistribution of assets and introducing the common rule for all.
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Engelen, Ewald. "Shadow Banking after the Crisis: The Dutch Case." Theory, Culture & Society 34, no. 5-6 (July 23, 2017): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276417716513.
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This paper presents the case of the post-crisis discursive defence of shadow banking in the Netherlands to argue, first, that there is a need to dust off older elite theories and adapt them to post-democratic conditions where there are no widely shared ‘political formulas’ to secure mass support for elite projects. Second, that temporality should be taken more seriously; it is when stories fail that elite storytelling can be observed in practice. As new ‘political formulas’ are minted and become established, elites can again hope to withdraw from the political scene and leave policy-making to the self-evidence of output legitimacy and/or the perpetuum mobile of There-Is-No-Alternative (TINA). This suggests that elite theory should replace an epochal reading of post-democracy with a more conjunctural one.
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Febriani, Anita, Dilla Janu Istanti, and Ponco Wibowo. "TEORI OLIGARKI WINTERS ATAS PENAMBANGAN BATUBARA DI KALIMANTAN TIMUR (RELASI PENGUSAHA MENJADI PENGUASA)." Jurnal Ilmiah Widya Sosiopolitika 2, no. 2 (January 8, 2021): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/jiwsp.2020.v02.i02.p05.
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Oligarchy portrait occurs in the process of coal mining in East Kalimantan. Many of the power-holding elites are involved in collaborating to become a mining resource chain in East Kalimantan. The Sexi Killer film by WatchDoc Documentary provides an illustration that explains how the elite was involved in becoming coal mining players in East Kalimantan. Coal mining does not necessarily bring prosperity to the surrounding community but instead brings about various environmental disasters. Several names of the ruling elite were dragged into the circle of mining business practices. Jefri A. Winters' oligarchic theory can explain why this portrait can occur. Democracy seems to have slipped in an oligarchy circle. The elite control material resources to increase wealth and maintain its social means.
Keywords: Elite, Oligarchy, Kalimantan Coal Mining.
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Daloz, Jean-Pascal. "Elite Distinction: Grand Theory and Comparative Perspectives." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 27–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187397.
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AbstractMost of the major social theorists have addressed the issue of distinction. Largely ignoring each other's views on the matter, they have mainly sought to integrate their discussion within their respective grand theories. The main defect is that, often extrapolating from the analysis of one particular case, they have claimed to provide sociological laws. On the basis of personal field work as well as a sound acquaintance with the literature dealing with elite groups, the author aims at suggesting how differences from one society to another challenge universalistic understanding. Although comparative research proves to make it impossible to accept any general theory of distinction, the article, however, shows that many classical perspectives are worthy of note if taken as partially valid.
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Selwyn, Benjamin. "Elite development theory: a labour-centred critique." Third World Quarterly 37, no. 5 (December 11, 2015): 781–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2015.1120156.
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Fear, Christopher. "Collingwood's New Leviathan and classical elite theory." History of European Ideas 45, no. 7 (June 17, 2019): 1029–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2019.1628582.
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Kerr, J. H. "Cognitive intervention with elite performers: reversal theory." British Journal of Sports Medicine 21, no. 2 (June 1, 1987): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bjsm.21.2.29.
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Higley, John, and Jan Pakulski. "Do Ruling Elites Degenerate? American and British Elites Through Pareto’s Lens." Comparative Sociology 10, no. 6 (2011): 949–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913311x607647.
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Abstract Using Machiavelli’s metaphors, Vilfredo Pareto theorized that over time psychosocial propensities of ruling elites – manifested by predominant personality traits, mentalities, beliefs, and actions – are those of “foxes” or “lions”. Either propensity renders a ruling elite, especially its leaders, prone to bias, closure, and cumulating blunders. This degenerative process leads to a severe economic-political crisis and wide elite circulation, during which groups and persons disposed toward the opposite propensity gain power. Pareto’s theory has much intuitive appeal, but its breadth and elasticity, together with the empirically elusive qualities of elites, risk tendentious applications. Taking this risk, we examine what through Pareto’s lens appear to be cycles of circulation and degeneration among American and British elites since shortly after World War II.
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Farnum, Richard. "Elite College Discrimination and the Limits of Conflict Theory." Harvard Educational Review 67, no. 3 (September 1, 1997): 507–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.67.3.l358094566882773.
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In this article, Richard Farnum critiques and offers a supplement to Jerome Karabel's 1984 article, "Status-Group Struggle, Organizational Interests, and the Limits of Institutional Autonomy: The Transformation of Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, 1918–1940," an analytic model of educational change and the rise of discriminatory admissions in elite colleges and universities based on conflict theory. Farnum argues that a more complex and more complete understanding of discrimination in admissions, specifically the WASP exclusion of Jews and other minorities, can be achieved by broadening Karabel's concept of "interests" to include differences in educational philosophy, ideology, and institutional character of the elite colleges. He also argues that the model could be improved by analysis and inclusion of the shifting historical and functional context within which the interests of the elite and the colleges operated. Recognition of such changing social contexts, as well as institutional ideals and ideologies crucial to elite college perceptions of their organizational interests, suggests a process of change in which, over time, elite colleges experienced an increase in autonomy and became less dependent on the interests of their traditional constituency.
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Kim, Taekbin. "Who Is Purged? Determinants of Elite Purges in North Korea." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2021): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.3.73.
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The existing literature on elite purges in dictatorships claims that the risk of coups to replace dictators is the main cause of the dictator’s choice of purge strategy. Why then do elite purges occur even in well-established dictatorships with a consistently low risk of coups? This article argues that elite purges in consolidated dictatorships have a different purpose and logic. Dictators, who have consolidated their position, seek to maximize the efficiency of rule by making the elite obedient through purges. For this purpose, dictators carefully select the purge target by considering various factors. To test this theory, the article examines the pattern of elite purges in North Korea based on an original individual-level dataset, which contains the personal background of 367 North Korean elites and their purge records between 1948 and 2019. The result of survival analysis shows that the purge risk of the elite is not significantly associated with their military background but is associated with the characteristics of the institution to which the individual elite member belongs. Other individual factors, including the elite’s educational background, the experience of studying abroad, and the career path, are also significantly related to the probability of being purged. The finding suggests that coup-proofing is not the only purpose of elite purges but that ensuring the leader’s political superiority is another purpose of elite purges in consolidated dictatorships.
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Olander, Petrus. "Economic Diversification and Institutional Quality—Issues of Concentrated Interests." Studies in Comparative International Development 54, no. 3 (September 2019): 346–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-019-09287-0.
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Abstract Recent research has provided broad accounts of what high institutional quality is; bureaucrats should be impartial and recruited on merit, public power should not be used for private gain, there should be rule of law, and property rights should be secure. Many scholars argue the reason why, in spite of this knowledge, recent institutional reforms have had limited success is that improvements are not in the interest of incumbent elites. Constraining elites is, therefore, crucial for institutional improvements. In this article, I argue that economic diversification functions as one such constraint on elite behavior, affecting their ability to form collusive coalitions. When the economy is concentrated to a few sectors, elite interests are more uniform making it easier for them to organize. However, as the economy becomes more diverse, collusion becomes harder and elites must settle for impartial institutions more often. I test the theory using cross-national time series data covering the last 25 years; the results corroborate the theory, as the economy of a country becomes more diverse, institutions become more impartial.
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Sembiring, Ruth Agnesia, and Mishbahul Khoiri. "The Relation of Elite, Sub-Elite, and Village Community in Maintaining the Masra Family Dynasty in Gapurana Village, Sumenep Regency: Study on the H. Andiwarto Regime in 2013-2019." Society 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 420–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v9i2.271.
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This research focuses on the relation of elite H. Andiwarto with sub-elite and village community in maintaining Masra family dynasty for village head position. Masra family dynasty has run for a long time. For 150 years, Masra family descendants occupy the village head position. The survival of Masra family dynasty in the Gapurana Village Government is studied in the relation of H. Andiwarto, who is Masra descendant with sub-elite and village community to maintain Masra family descendant dynasty as a village head. This research used a qualitative method with descriptive research type. The elite theory proposed by Suzanne Keller was used to analyze the relation of elite, sub-elite, and the community. This theory has 4 (four) indicators: the governing elite, the ruling elite, the not ruling elite, and the community. Based on these indicators and the results of this research, the relation built by H. Andiwarto in maintaining Masra family dynasti consists of three relations: relation with the political elite, relation with economic elite, and relation with the social elite. The political elite’s relationship is vital in maintaining the Masra family descendant dynasty. In contrast, the relation between the economic elite and the social elite supports relations for keeping the legitimacy of the village community towards Masra descendants.
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Kelly, Don R. "Applying Acculturation Theory and Power Elite Theory on a Social Problem." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 38, no. 2 (March 17, 2016): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986316638324.
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Verhaegen, Soetkin, Jan Aart Scholte, and Jonas Tallberg. "Explaining elite perceptions of legitimacy in global governance." European Journal of International Relations 27, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 622–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066121994320.
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Elites are central in creating, operating, defending and contesting international organisations (IOs), but little research is available about their attitudes toward these bodies. To address this gap, this article offers the first systematic and comparative analysis of elite perceptions of IO legitimacy. Building on a unique multi-country and multi-sector survey of 860 elites undertaken in 2017–19, we map and explain elite legitimacy beliefs toward three key IOs in different issue-areas: the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Integrating public opinion research and international relations theory, the article advances an explanation of elites’ legitimacy beliefs that emphasises their satisfaction with the institutional qualities of IOs. We contrast this argument with three common alternative explanations, which respectively highlight utilitarian calculation, global orientation and domestic cues. The analyses show that elites’ satisfaction with institutional qualities of IOs is most consistently related to legitimacy beliefs: when elites are more satisfied with democracy, effectiveness and fairness in IOs, they also regard these IOs as more legitimate. These findings suggest that the prevailing debate between utilitarian calculation, global orientation and domestic cues approaches neglects the importance of institutional satisfaction as an explanation of attitudes toward IOs.
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Salter, Alexander, and Glenn Furton. "Emergent politics and constitutional drift: the fragility of procedural liberalism." Journal of Entrepreneurship and Public Policy 7, no. 1 (March 12, 2018): 34–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jepp-d-17-00016.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to integrate classical elite theory into theories of constitutional bargains. Design/methodology/approach Qualitative methods/surveys/case studies. Findings Open-ended constitutional entrepreneurship cannot be forestalled. Constitutional entrepreneurs will almost always be social elites. Research limitations/implications The research yields a toolkit for analysing constitutional bargains. It needs to be used in historical settings to acquire greater empirical content. Need to be applied to concrete historical cases to do economic history. Right now it is still only institutionally contingent theory. Practical implications Formal constitutions do not, and cannot, bind. Informal constitutions can, but they are continually evolving due to elite pressure group behaviors. Social implications Liberalism needs another method to institutionalize itself! Originality/value Open-ended nature of constitutional bargaining overlooked in orthodox institutional entrepreneurship/constitutional economics literature.
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Ortikova, Nargiza. "POLITICAL ELITE AS A SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CONSENSUS 2, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0788-2021-1-6.
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The article deals with the problems like capability and experience of development of political elite theory, the notion of political elite specialized in ruling a country and other problems in this sphere. The author of the article throws light on the activity of political elite members, groups of people who are occupied at ruling the government, state, political parties and other political institutions. Main factors which indicate tendencies and mechanisms of state development are also discussed in the article. The author of the article suggests that political elite is a ruling layer of a society and functions in the sphere of state administration. The author of the article approaches theoretically to the notions of political elite, which in most cases, consists of professional politicians, who had professional training on working out program and strategies of state administration.Key words: state administration, strategy, program, politician, political institution, analysis of problems, activity of groups
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Ortikova, Nargiza. "POLITICAL ELITE AS A SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CONSENSUS 2, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0788-2021-1-6.
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The article deals with the problems like capability and experience of development of political elite theory, the notion of political elite specialized in ruling a country and other problems in this sphere. The author of the article throws light on the activity of political elite members, groups of people who are occupied at ruling the government, state, political parties and other political institutions. Main factors which indicate tendencies and mechanisms of state development are also discussed in the article. The author of the article suggests that political elite is a ruling layer of a society and functions in the sphere of state administration. The author of the article approaches theoretically to the notions of political elite, which in most cases, consists of professional politicians, who had professional training on working out program and strategies of state administration.Key words: state administration, strategy, program, politician, political institution, analysis of problems, activity of groups
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Banks, Patricia A. "Ethnicity, Class and Trusteeship at African-American and Mainstream Museums." Cultural Sociology 11, no. 1 (July 7, 2016): 97–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975516651288.
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While Pierre Bourdieu argues that cultural capital is grounded in distinct aesthetic knowledge and tastes among elites, Francie Ostrower emphasizes that cultural capital grows out of the social organization of elite participation in the arts. This article builds on Ostrower’s perspective on cultural capital, as well as Milton Gordon’s concept of the ethclass group and Prudence Carter’s concept of black cultural capital, to elaborate how culture’s importance for class and ethnic cohesion is rooted in the separate spheres of arts philanthropy among black and white elites. The argument is empirically illustrated using the case of arguably the most prominent mainstream and African-American museums in New York City – the Metropolitan Museum of Art (the Met) and the Studio Museum in Harlem (SMH). Findings show that relative to the Met board the SMH board is an important site of unification for elite blacks, and in comparison to the SMH board, the Met board is a notable site of cohesion for elite whites. This article advances theory and research on cultural capital by elaborating how it varies among elite ethclass groups. Moreover, it highlights how the growth of African-American museums not only adds color to the museum field, but also fosters bonds among the black middle and upper class.
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Joyce, Arthur A. "Population Pressure Theory, Elite Exploitation, and Reproductive Success." Politics and the Life Sciences 8, no. 1 (August 1989): 49–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400009242.
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Etzioni - Halevy, Eva. "Democratic-elite theory : Stabilization versus breakdown of democracy." European Journal of Sociology 31, no. 2 (December 1990): 317–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006093.
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The question of how Western-style democracies have evolved and stabilized, and conversely why some countries have experienced a breakdown of evolving democracy —or the question of the transition to, versus breakdown of, democracy— is central to both socio-political theory and sociopolitical history. Apart from being a fascinating topic on its own, it is a fruitful meeting point between theory and history. Perhaps it is for those very reasons that there has been a surge of interest in it in recent years (see e.g. Burton and Higley 1987; Cotton 1989; Higley and Burton 1989; O'Donnell and Schmitter 1986; Stephens 1989). In this article, I apply a democratic elite or demo-elite theoretical perspective to the explanation of the historical processes of stabilization vs breakdown of democracy in prewar Europe, using illustrations from two European countries: Britain as a positive, and Germany as a negative case.
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Tsoorupa, Michael. "MILITARY ELITE AND RIGHT CLASS: NETWORK RELATIONSHIP TO THE POWER." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 22 (2017): 147–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2017.22.25.
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The revolutionary transition of power to democratic forces after the "dignity revolution" in 2014 in Ukraine did not indicate the absence of contradictions within the new ruling class, because patriotic and devotion to democratic transformation are not the only condition for the consolidation of the ruling class. The democratic theory of the elite, which corresponds to the essence of the designated form of government, recognizes the existence of a select minority (elite) in each of the social spheres, which owns intellectual and voluntary law, not leadership. The relations between the elites are not stable, but on the contrary may become exacerbated in the fractured periods of history In the countries of "young democracy", the relationship between the political and military elite is controversial lace of relations, because the military elite represents a closed "group of interests" in politics, so it can move from supporting the ruling class to a strong opponent of relations. Even the neutral position of the military elite includes a variant of interference in political processes of power scale. Revolutionary changes on Ukraine's path to European integration may have been deeply embedded in the formation of a new military elite that has tempered itself in the armed struggle with the Russian-separatist forces, was engaged in joint exercises, and most importantly, in business cooperation with representatives of the military elites of the West, which have a long tradition Serious interaction with the ruling class. Taking into account that social and political processes in Ukraine can be compared with developing countries, the whole set of contradictory relations between the political and military elite in our country should be directed to the general line of constitutional-legal civil-military relations.
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Sniderman, Paul M., Joseph F. Fletcher, Peter H. Russel, Philip E. Tetlock, and Markus Prior. "The Theory of Democratic Elitism Revisited: A Response to Vengroff and Morton." Canadian Journal of Political Science 33, no. 3 (September 2000): 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000202.
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Two questions have dominated the modern study of politics. How do political systems become democratic? And how, supposing they have managed to become democratic, do they manage to remain so? As yet, there is no agreement on the answer to the first question. For a generation, however, there has been consensus on a core part of the answer to the second. In democratic polities, political elites have come to consensus in support of democratic rights, and in times of political stress this elite consensus has served as a bulwark protecting citizens' liberties.
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Schraufnagel, Scot, and Ben S. Bingle. "Legislature Size and Non-Elite Populations Theory and Corroborating Evidence." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 242. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p242.
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<p>This research tests the association between legislature size and the size of ‘non-elite’ populations in the American states. The theoretical assumption is that larger legislatures will be populated by a more diverse group of members, who will better represent and advocate for non-elites. Data are drawn from three time periods, which captures considerable variation in important variables, and provides a robust test of association between the size of state legislatures and certain sub-populations. The research demonstrates that larger Lower Chambers are marginally associated with a lower percentage of adults without a high school diploma, easily associated with a larger percentage of the states’ poor receiving Medicaid, and also related to smaller state prison populations. This is the case after controlling for demographic and economic factors that also predict the size of these sub-populations. The findings suggest legislature size plays a role in dominant contemporary policy arenas and that there may be societal benefits associated with larger—more diverse—assemblies.</p>
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Deschouwer, Kris, and Martina Temmerman. "Elite behaviour and elite communication in a divided society." Journal of Language and Politics 11, no. 4 (December 31, 2012): 500–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.11.4.02des.
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Consociational democracy theory attributes an important role to the subgroup elites. They have to build the bridges between the subgroups and govern together in a divided and segmented society. This need for an accommodating elite has been criticized — among others — for its unrealistic expectations. A compromising attitude can hardly be expected when the subgroup leaders need to remain acceptable and legitimate among their rank and file. Post-electoral guarantees for power sharing are not enough to ensure real and functioning power sharing. In this article we focus on Belgium — a textbook example of consociational democracy — and more in particular on the difficult post-election period of 2007. We analyze newspaper interviews with both moderate and radical Belgian political leaders and illustrate how their discourse is torn between loyalty to the rank and file and the necessity of consociational power sharing. A combination of critical discourse and framing analysis shows how this representation is built up linguistically through an interplay of names used to describe oneself, the specific use of the pronouns of the first person plural and consistent metaphors.
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Bragge, Peter, Andrea Bialocerkowski, and Joan McMeeken. "Understanding Playing-Related Musculoskeletal Disorders in Elite Pianists: A Grounded Theory Study." Medical Problems of Performing Artists 21, no. 2 (June 1, 2006): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21091/mppa.2006.2014.
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Objectives: Playing-related musculoskeletal disorders (PRMDs) are a recognised problem in elite (college/conservatory or professional) pianists. The aim of this study was to explore the behavioural, emotional, and physical world of the elite pianist and the interaction between this world and the experience of having a PRMD. Methods: A qualitative, grounded theory methodology was used. Oneon-one interviews were conducted with 18 elite pianists, 6 health practitioners, and 6 teachers who had had or managed PRMDs. Interview questions focused on the experience of being an elite pianist, the impact of PRMDs on piano playing and other activities, and the pianists' feelings about the effects of PRMDs. Interviews were transcribed and then analysed using grounded theory. Results: Major categories were “pressure: external,” “pressure: internal,” and “culture of silence.” The central category was “playing through pain.” Elite pianists experienced many internal and external pressures but were reluctant to declare physical problems due to a culture of silence, and they played through pain. This situation led to development or worsening of PRMDs, with physical, psychological, and global effects. Worsening symptoms or an impending examination or recital led pianists to seek treatment. Poor medical awareness of musicians' needs often resulted in suboptimal management of PRMDs. Conclusion: Open discussion of PRMD issues in elite pianists and dissemination of PRMD prevention and management information are warranted to help prevent the physical, psychological, and global effects of such disorders.
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Krishnan, Jayanth K., Vitor M. Dias, and John E. Pence. "Legal Elites and the Shaping of Corporate Law Practice in Brazil: A Historical Study." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 02 (2016): 346–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12142.
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Brazil today has a legal market that allows for foreign lawyers and foreign firms, but existing regulations are restrictive. Foreign lawyers cannot practice domestic law or litigation, nor can Brazilian‐licensed lawyers working for foreign firms or partnering with foreign lawyers. This was not always the case, however. Until 1963, there was little regulation of the legal profession. Beginning in 1913, elite US lawyers traveled to Brazil, with some even becoming prominent domestic practitioners. They partnered with local elite lawyers (who maintained their domestic privileges) and served as key brokers for US businesses seeking market entry. Drawing on the elite theory literature, and on ethnographies, interview data, and over 1,000 pages of rare Portuguese and English archival sources, this study's thesis is that sophisticated US and Brazilian legal elites capitalized on the lack of regulation to advance their financial interests, and in the process transformed Brazil's corporate legal sector.