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Journal articles on the topic 'Embedded democracy'
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1
Ugur-Cinar, Meral. "Embedded Neopatrimonialism: Patriarchy and Democracy in Turkey." Social Politics: International Studies in Gender, State & Society 24, no. 3 (2017): 324–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sp/jxx009.
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Champlin, Dell P., and Janet T. Knoedler. "Embedded Economies, Democracy, and the Public Interest." Journal of Economic Issues 38, no. 4 (December 2004): 893–907. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00213624.2004.11506748.
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Bazowski, Ray, and Phillip Hansen. "Taxing Illusions: Taxation, Democracy and Embedded Political Theory." Labour / Le Travail 54 (2004): 295. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149529.
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Lee, Jaechul. "Path Toward Democracy in South Korea: Social Capital and Democracy Embedded in the Citizens." Asian Survey 48, no. 4 (July 2008): 580–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2008.48.4.580.
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Abstract This study examines whether social capital promotes democratic citizenship. It reveals that the structural component of social capital motivates the Korean masses to participate in the political process and to embrace the norms of democratic behavior, while its cultural component encourages them to appreciate the virtues of democracy.
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Ahmad, Ahrar. "Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 20–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v20i1.515.
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This paper challenges the popular perception that Islam and democracy are incompatible, and argues that the lack of democracy in some Muslim countries is not because of Islam but in spite of it. This argument will be developed in two stages. First, it will consider the legal–ethical order embedded in Islam’s text (the Qur’an) and tradition (prophetic example) to consider the democratic implications inherent in that construction. Second, it will explore three “high periods” of Islamic rule to consider their progressive, inclusive, and democratic tendencies. It will suggest that the current problems of democracy experienced by many Muslim countries are not necessarily caused by factors intrinsic to Islam, but by forces external to those areas.
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Ahmad, Ahrar. "Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 20–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.515.
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This paper challenges the popular perception that Islam and democracy are incompatible, and argues that the lack of democracy in some Muslim countries is not because of Islam but in spite of it. This argument will be developed in two stages. First, it will consider the legal–ethical order embedded in Islam’s text (the Qur’an) and tradition (prophetic example) to consider the democratic implications inherent in that construction. Second, it will explore three “high periods” of Islamic rule to consider their progressive, inclusive, and democratic tendencies. It will suggest that the current problems of democracy experienced by many Muslim countries are not necessarily caused by factors intrinsic to Islam, but by forces external to those areas.
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Rabynovych, Maryna. "The Substance of the EU Democracy Promotion in Ukraine: Is Embedded Democracy the Right Concept?" Politikon: IAPSS Journal of Political Science 30 (July 2016): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.30.1.
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Chen, Peters Li-ying. "A Reachable Governance to Fight COVID-19: Democracy and the Legacy of Embedded Autonomy in Taiwan." Asian Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 3 (October 11, 2020): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.20849/ajsss.v5i3.777.
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Different country showed different governing capacity to the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. With reference to the classical concept of embedded autonomy, as used in developmental state of political theory, this paper aims to study the capacity and progression of democratic country, Taiwan, in its fight with the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic and how democratic state, civil society and bureaucrats have affected the response and measures. Taiwan’s case provides a valuable empirical contribution to the understanding of the long term effect of embedded autonomy in a democratic country. This study argues that democracy does matter to fight Covid-19 pandemic, moreover, the legacy of embedded autonomy can be expanded beyond economic development, and successfully used to explain Taiwan’s capacity to fight the COVID-19 pandemic in its early stage. Key observations and discussion addressed in this study includes, first, the extent to which the concept of embedded autonomy is applicable in evaluating and in shaping Taiwan’s efforts to manage the pandemic; second, the extent to which the political system is better at managing COVID-19 crisis by comparing democratic Taiwan and authoritarian China. A central finding of this paper is that, democracy has proven it has the edge in coping with COVID-19 pandemic practically. Theoretically, Taiwan’s case demonstrates a valuable and supplementary example to Evans and Heller (2018) on their broadening view of embedded autonomy. The legacy of the developmental state is applicable to explain Taiwan’s immediate and effective response to the COVID-19 outbreak. A reachable governance to fight COVID-19 lies in ‘the nature of democracy’ and ‘the legacy of embedded autonomy’.
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Coleman, Stephen. "Dysfunctional democracy vs. direct representation." Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies 9, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 215–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajms_00023_1.
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The challenge democratic politics face at the moment is not how to preserve its pristine stability from radical disturbance, but how to salvage its most fundamental norms from the prevalent drift towards authoritarianism, populism and xenophobia. If there is to be an effective salvage operation, democracies must be open to radical reconfiguration ‐ perhaps even re-invention. To realize this opportunity, however, entails confronting the fundamental mismatch that exists between governmental logic and the increasingly embedded practices of socially networked citizens. This entails drawing upon the fullest range of interactive features of the current media ecology in order to establish a permanent and ongoing conversation between representatives and the citizens they represent, while at the same time facilitating lateral interaction between citizens and between decision-making institutions and those most likely to be affected by their decisions.
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Kharbanda, Sakshi. "Capitalism, Microfinance and Democracy." SDMIMD Journal of Management 7, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/sdmimd/2016/8415.
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The paper looks at the relationship between neoliberal thought of economics and microfinance. Applying the principles of embedded neoliberal economics to microfinance suggests that the government and markets do not exist in solidarity. They can both grow and sink together. Both are required to fulfill each other's requirements to sustain in a nation state. This paper suggests that market oriented economy, can be mediated through the government by bringing in changes to the institutions that can help markets grow and by also molding the nature of relationship it shares with the society. On the other hand, Markets have to incorporate the cultural, social and local knowledge to use it to their advantage. Economic sphere cannot work on its own regulations and by itself completely. The aim of neoliberal proponents shall not be to create same homogeneous conditions wherever they go to operate. Rather diversity should be studied closely to devise the best methods to deal with different contexts and societies. The paper first analyses the relationship between different types of capitals (Physical and Social) with Microfinance and development and then knits them together with the thread of democracy.
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Hassan, Ali, Rao Shahid Mahmood Khan, and Arsha Saleem Meer. "Fostering the Social Capital: Interplay of Public Relations and Democracy." Global Economics Review V, no. IV (December 30, 2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/ger.2020(v-iv).01.
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This article discusses fostering social capital as the result of interaction between Public Relations and democracy. Social capital is a collective benefit which results from the close cooperation of individuals or group of individuals through mutual interaction. Burt (2002) defined social capital as "the actual and potential resource that is embedded in available through, derived from social networks of relationships". This present study mainly focuses on What does interaction between public relations and democracy contributes to enhancing the Social Capital, i.e., benefits for individuals in society after mutual cooperation. Public relations and democracy are part and parcel in any society now a day. This paper also argues about the interplay between Public Relations and democracy for the betterment of society. This article ends with the implications of Public Relations on creating social capital and development of democracy.
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Davies, Mathew. "Regional organisations and enduring defective democratic members." Review of International Studies 44, no. 1 (August 2, 2017): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210517000365.
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AbstractInstead of asking whether regional organisations can promote democracy, a well-established conclusion, this article asks what type of democracy regional organisations can promote. Where their commitments to democracy are weak, regional organisations can promote the transition away from authoritarianism but cannot drive that process to completion with the creation of embedded liberal democracies. Under such circumstances regional organisations serve as regimes of bounded toleration, and can provide regional linkages that sustain defective democracies. Through examining the relationship between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and Myanmar, three supporting roles are identified; regional legitimacy, defence from external pressure, and future-oriented accommodation. The presence of these linkages between defective democracies and regional organisations provides a caveat to the positive assessments of regional organisations as socialisers of democracy.
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Janara, Laura. "Democracy's Family Values: Alexis de Tocqueville on Anxiety, Fear and Desire." Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, no. 3 (September 2001): 551–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901778006.
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Standing interpretations of the family relations depicted in Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America project onto his portrait of democracy a strong public-private dichotomy. However, de Tocqueville insists that family life is embedded in the dynamics that shape the broader society and culture. Investigating this claim yields a psychological account of the desires, fears and anxieties that haunt democratic society. These passions foment a paradoxical mix of egalitarianism and hierarchy, liberty and subjugation, within family life and beyond. De Tocqueville's fundamental thesis that democracy boasts healthy and unhealthy potentialities is better understood when the idea of family as a discrete sphere is abandoned.
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Rak, Joanna. "Why Did Italian Democracy Become Vulnerable? Theorizing the Change from Neo- to Quasi-Militant Democracy." Polish Political Science Yearbook 50, no. 1 (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202109.
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Embedded in scholarship on militant democracy, this research aims to explain how Italian legislation was positioned to militant democratic measures and how this changed over time. Drawing on the qualitative source analysis and the explanatory frameworks of democratic vulnerability tests two competing theory-grounded assumptions. While the first one assumes that Italian democracy became vulnerable when traditional militant democracy instruments were outmoded, the second considers the misuse or abandonment of those means with social consent as the source of vulnerability. The crisis-induced socioeconomic inequality and uncertainty weakened the Italian political nation. As a result, the latter supported populists in return for a promise of political change. The anti-democratic legal means employed to extend power competencies and prevent the exchange of ruling parties were the way to and the costs of the expected political change. At the same time, the political nation became unable to self-organize to strengthen democracy self-defense. As a result, Italians co-produced a quasi-militant democracy that turned vulnerable because militant democracy measures were misused or not used with the consent of Italians that relinquished their political subjectivity in favor of the Northern League and the Five Star Movement.
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Conway, Martin. "On fragile democracy: Contemporary and historical perspectives—Introduction." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 4 (October 10, 2019): 422–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419880456.
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The concept of fragility provides an alternative means of approaching the history of democracy, which has often been seen as the ineluctable consequence of Europe’s social and political modernisation. This is especially so in Scandinavia, as well as in Finland, where the emergence of a particular Nordic model of democracy from the early decades of the twentieth century onwards has often been explained with reference to embedded traditions of local self-government and long-term trends towards social egalitarianism. In contrast, this article emphasises the tensions present within the practices and understandings of democracy in the principal states of Scandinavia during the twentieth century. In doing so, it provides an introduction to the articles that compose this Special Issue, as well as contributing to the wider literature on the fragility of present-day structures of democracy.
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Bester, Deretha, and Bojan Dobovšek. "State capture: Case of South Africa." Nauka, bezbednost, policija 26, no. 1 (2021): 73–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/nabepo26-32346.
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"Grand corruption" and "state capture" are two intertwined concepts of corruption that have become systemic and institutionalized in many transitional countries around the world. "State capture" can simply be defined as "the payment of bribes at high levels of government in order to extract or plunder significant amounts of money from the state". The following paper will argue that when state capture occurs in transitional countries, it runs the risk of becoming socially embedded and institutionalized, which in turn makes it difficult to maintain the principles of democracy and threatens the overall stability of a country in transition. South Africa makes for a useful case study because it clearly represents how corruption in the form of state capture has infiltrated the political landscape of a country in transition, thereby rendering all state institutions redundant and threatening the principles of democracy. The paper will research what the dangers of state capture means for the countries in transition with the aim of proposing recommendations of minimizing state capture in order to reduce the negative consequences for security, peace and democracy. One corruption scandal that occurred in South Africa will be described which became known as "state capture". The paper was prepared based on the analysis of documents, academic and media articles that focus on state capture and the corruption in transitional countries. The paper will conclude that governmental corruption has become socially embedded in the "logics" of negotiation and interaction, thereby indicating that it has become institutionalized and culturally embedded within South Africa.
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Kahne, Joseph, and Benjamin Bowyer. "Educating for Democracy in a Partisan Age." American Educational Research Journal 54, no. 1 (November 22, 2016): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831216679817.
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This article investigates youth judgments of the accuracy of truth claims tied to controversial public issues. In an experiment embedded within a nationally representative survey of youth ages 15 to 27 ( N = 2,101), youth were asked to judge the accuracy of one of several simulated online posts. Consistent with research on motivated reasoning, youth assessments depended on (a) the alignment of the claim with one’s prior policy position and to a lesser extent on (b) whether the post included an inaccurate statement. To consider ways educators might improve judgments of accuracy, we also investigated the influence of political knowledge and exposure to media literacy education. We found that political knowledge did not improve judgments of accuracy but that media literacy education did.
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LeBlanc, Emma Findlen. "Reimagining Democracy through Syria’s Wartime Sharia Committees." Anthropology of the Middle East 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 64–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150106.
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This article examines Syrians’ narratives about the network of Sharia Committees (Hay’āt al-Sharia) that emerged as the most pervasive and popular legal project during the ongoing civil war. Many Syrians formerly excluded from political power, especially working-class Sunnis, envision the Sharia Committees as a revolutionary space for realising self-determination, where sharia is articulated as a democratic legal process embedded in its ostensibly inherent pluralism, flexibility, anti-authoritarianism and conception of justice as reconciliation and public good. By reviving a historically recurrent vision of sharia as radical democratic practice, Syrians attempt to extricate sharia from its entanglements with efforts to govern. The Sharia Committees thus represent a creative effort to reclaim democracy from state control while challenging rigid, rule-oriented understandings of sharia.
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Rak, Joanna. "Self-Defense Mechanisms of Democracy during the Crisis: The Baltic States in Comparative Perspective." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 2, no. 1 (July 28, 2021): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.27647.
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Theoretically embedded in studies on militant democracy, the study offers a comparative analysis of the use of self-defense mechanisms of democracy during the Coronavirus Crisis in Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia. The research aims to identify what anti-democratic measures were adopted to influence the sovereignty of the political nations and which served to either strengthen, maintain or undermine that sovereignty. Although neo-militant democracy goals prevailed in the Baltic states’ pre-pandemic political and legal structures, the pandemic-induced measures resulted in variation. In Estonia, the restrictions put the sovereignty of the political nation in jeopardy. Simultaneously, in Lithuania and Latvia, the sovereignty of the political nations remained unthreatened. In Estonia, the electoral successes and increase in support for the extreme-right political party Conservative People’s Party of Estonia turned conducive to the movement from neo- towards quasi-militant democracy. In Lithuania and Latvia, the extreme groupings did not receive comparable support and could not initiate an anti-democratic turn.
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Pernice, Ingolf. "Multilevel Constitutionalism and the Crisis of Democracy in Europe." European Constitutional Law Review 11, no. 3 (December 2015): 541–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019615000279.
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Misconception of the EU is the reason for increasing scepticism – multilevel constitutionalism: conceptualising the EU as a matter of the citizens – critiques and the defence of multilevel constitutionalism – European treaties as a form of a new supranational social contract – embedded autonomy in a system of divided sovereignty – explaining and enhancing democratic legitimacy of the EU – the legitimising principles of additionality, of voluntariness and of open democracy – taking ownership of the EU and taking subsidiarity seriously – backing the European monetary policy by new competences for a common economic and fiscal policies – engaging in European policies as a way out of the crisis.
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Silva, Premakumara De. "Putting Democracy Under An Ethnographic-lens: Understanding of 'Democracy' and Popular Politics of JHU in Sri Lanka." PCD Journal 1, no. 1-2 (June 6, 2017): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.25705.
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My main premise is that for anthropologists of post-colonial societies (but not only), 'democracy' should be regarded as one of many traditional ethnographic topics (such as kinship, religion, Caste, etc.) which ethnographers study to unpack the socio-cultural institutions and practices of the societies under investigation. The hypothesis behind this approach is that the moment democracy enters a particular historical and socio-cultural setting it becomes what Michelutti calls "vernacularized", and through vernacularisation it produces new social relations and values which in turn shape political rhetoric and political culture (2007). The process of vernacularisation of democratic politics, she means the ways in which values and practices of democracy become embedded in particular cultural and social practices, and in the process become entrenched in the consciousness of ordinary people (2007: 639-40). Democratic practices associated with popular politics often base their strength and legitimacy on the principle of popular sovereignty versus the more conventional notions of liberal democracy. These popular forms of political participation are often accompanied by a polarisation of opinions and political practices between the so-called 'ordinary people' and the elites. Looking at democratisation processes through the prism of vernacularisation will therefore help to understand how and why democracy grounds itself in everyday life and becomes part of conceptual worlds that are often far removed from theories of liberal democracy.
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Daskalopoulou, Irene. "Satisfaction with democracy and social capital in Greece." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 4 (April 9, 2018): 614–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-03-2017-0063.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate how different types of social capital contribute to the satisfaction with democracy (SWD) in Greece. Understanding the relationship between different variants of social capital and SWD allows one to situate the Greek democracy in the continuum of democracy types, from primary to modern. Design/methodology/approach The study uses microdata extracted from the European Values Surveys of 2002-2010 and multivariate regression analysis. Findings The results are compatible with a conception of the Greek political organization as a civil virtue democracy. A change in the nature of the relationship is observed after the recent economic crisis in the country. Research limitations/implications The study contributes to the empirical knowledge regarding the relationship between different variants of social capital and SWD. Originality/value Using a typology approach, the micro-relationship between democracy and social capital is analyzed as embedded in a continuum of different democracy types. In addition, this is the first study that uses microdata to analyze the effect of social capital upon SWD in Greece. The results of the study provide valuable understanding of the social and institutional arrangements that might sustain Greece’s efforts to meet its overall developmental challenges.
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El-Sharif, Ahmad, and Aya Owais. "Circumlocution in King Abdullah II’s Discussion Papers." International Journal of Linguistics 11, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v11i2.14752.
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This article studies circumlocution in King Abdullah II's Discussion Papers in light of Critical Discourse Analysis and Corpus-based analysis. The analysis aims to investigate the role of using this strategy in identifying the ideologies embedded in the discourse of democracy and reform adopted by the Jordanian Monarch. The study relied on a small corpus of the seven Royal Discussion Papers published between December 2012 and April 2017. The study demonstrated that King Abdullah II considerably employs circumlocution in his Discussion Papers to convey his vision, ideas, and ideologies about democracy and reform in Jordan by repeating a set of keywords to accentuate his vision of the enactment of reform and democracy in Jordan. These keywords are found to reflect the King’s ideologies on the basis of four key assumptions: the Partakers, Reform, My Nation, and Optimism and Sanguinity.
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El-Sharif, Ahmad, and Aya Owais. "Circumlocution in King Abdullah II’s Discussion Papers." International Journal of Linguistics 11, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v11i2.14755.
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This article studies circumlocution in King Abdullah II's Discussion Papers in light of Critical Discourse Analysis and Corpus-based analysis. The analysis aims to investigate the role of using this strategy in identifying the ideologies embedded in the discourse of democracy and reform adopted by the Jordanian Monarch. The study relied on a small corpus of the seven Royal Discussion Papers published between December 2012 and April 2017. The study demonstrated that King Abdullah II considerably employs circumlocution in his Discussion Papers to convey his vision, ideas, and ideologies about democracy and reform in Jordan by repeating a set of keywords to accentuate his vision of the enactment of reform and democracy in Jordan. These keywords are found to reflect the King’s ideologies on the basis of four key assumptions: the Partakers, Reform, My Nation, and Optimism and Sanguinity.
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Huysmans, Jef. "Democratic curiosity in times of surveillance." European Journal of International Security 1, no. 1 (January 27, 2016): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2015.2.
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AbstractTaking my cue from feminist curiosity and literature on the everyday in surveillance studies, I am proposing ‘democratic curiosity’ as a tool for revisiting the question of democracy in times of extitutional surveillance. Democratic curiosity seeks to bring into analytical play the social and political power of little nothings – the power of subjects, things, practices, and relations that are rendered trivial – and the uncoordinated disputes they enact. Revisiting democracy from this angle is particularly pertinent in extitutional situations in which the organisation and practices of surveillance are spilling beyond their panoptic configurations. Extitutional surveillance is strongly embedded in diffusing arrangements of power and ever more extensively enveloped in everyday life and banal devices. To a considerable degree these modes of surveillance escape democratic institutional repertoires that seek to bring broader societal concerns to bear upon surveillance. Extitutional enactments of democracy then become an important question for both security and surveillance studies.
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Sampath, Rajesh. "The Dissolution of the Social Contract in to the Unfathomable Perpetuity of Caste." Symposion 6, no. 2 (2019): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposion20196214.
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This paper examines Ambedkar’s critical view of certain distortions, contradictions, and instabilities in democratic norms, constitutional validity, and citizens’ rights in India’s secular, constitutional, legal, pluralistic democracy. Through a strident deconstruction utilizing Hegelian resources, the paper exposes the contortions and contradictions underpinning Hindu metaphysics in some of its most abstract texts, namely the ancient Upanishads. Through this deconstructive lens we unpack various aporias embedded in concepts of selfhood that render a truly liberal democratic political notion of citizenship impossible. The paper concludes with the necessity of further research on comparative philosophies of religion and political philosophy to better understand the limits of secular democracy, particularly for minority rights, in different metaphysical and civilizational traditions.
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Lewis, N., and W. Moran. "Restructuring, Democracy, and Geography in New Zealand." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 16, no. 2 (April 1998): 127–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c160127.
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The speed, transparency, and extent of the reregulation of New Zealand society over the last decade offer many insights into issues of social change and systems of regulation and governance. The forms of reregulation have been embedded by the set of new regulations and reorganised state practices referred to as the ‘reforms’. These have involved a major shift in the sites and exercise of power within and between economic, social, and political spheres. They have been promoted and articulated in a restructuring discourse which has dominated New Zealand's reaction to the expiry of its social democratic settlement. Reconstructions of space and democracy have been heavily implicated within the processes of change, both as explicit goals of the reform programme and as overt strategies for the achievement of other redistributions. They are also definitive outcomes of a decade of upheaval. The authors explore the spatialities of core-state reform. They develop the concept of an altered dominant representation of space to explore new configurations of space and democratic practice. They seek to inform contemporary debates over the stability of New Zealand's reconstructed social formation. The discussion is illustrated with references to the spatial reorganisation of the institutions of government and core-state activities; in particular the altered administration of education and public health, and changes in local government organisation.
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Embong, Abdul Rahman. "Democracy, Human Rights, and Civil Society in South East Asia." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (December 2004): 1050–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904390219.
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Democracy, Human Rights, and Civil Society in South East Asia, Amitav Acharya, B.M. Frolic and Richard Stubbs, eds., Toronto: Joint Centre for Asia Pacific Studies, 2001, pp. 208This is an important volume on the hotly debated topic of democracy, human rights and civil society in South East Asia, a region that has witnessed a confrontation between the old order of authoritarian regimes and strong states on one hand, and the new democratic forces embedded in an emerging civil society, on the other. The focus of the book is on the evolution of debates about democracy and human rights during the decade following the end of the Cold War in 1989 to the 1997–98 Asian economic crisis, with the latter being regarded as the watershed that unleashed the democratic forces. The book consists of nine chapters, plus an introduction and a conclusion, contributed by nine political scientists. Except for Johan Saravanamuttu, who is from the region under study, the other contributors are Southeast Asianists teaching at various universities in Canada, the United States, and Australia.
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Maldonado Moore, Rebecca, and Thohahoken Michael Doxtater. "Old Wisdom: Indigenous Democracy Principles as Strategies for Social Change within Organizations and Tribal Communities." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (January 19, 2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010010.
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Community engagement founded on Indigenous decision-making practices is essential in addressing issues during turbulent times and ever-changing political landscapes. Indigenous leaders on this continent were instrumental in practicing democracy to address issues impacting local communities with the people, not in isolation. This paper highlights the Search Conference model as a community based participatory change model with Indigenous principles embedded in the process. Specific cases are presented to demonstrate lessons learned.
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Halperin, Sandra. "Power to the People: Nationally Embedded Development and Mass Armies in the Making of Democracy." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 37, no. 3 (May 2009): 605–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305829809103235.
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Boontinand, Vachararutai, and Sriprapha Petcharamesree. "Civic/citizenship learning and the challenges for democracy in Thailand." Education, Citizenship and Social Justice 13, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 36–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1746197917699413.
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After nearly a decade of political polarization and deepening conflicts, Thailand is embarking on yet another cycle of reform and democratization project. While one of the proposed reform and democratizing strategies is to strengthen civic education curriculum and value inculcation, there has been a limited critical understanding on how schools—as important sites for political and cultural socialization—play a role in contributing toward or hindering the construction of citizens for a democracy. This qualitative study examines citizenship learning that takes place through school routines, system, and structure in a ‘democratic’ and an alternative Thai school and the implications for the development of democratic citizens. Findings suggest that civic/citizenship education embedded in everyday’s school practices follows a traditional conception of good citizen and thus provides limited condition for participatory and thoughtful citizenship.
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Schulze-Cleven, Tobias. "A Continent in Crisis: European Labor and the Fate of Social Democracy." Labor Studies Journal 43, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 46–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x17747395.
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Over the past decade, Europe has stumbled from crisis to crisis, shaking the confidence of observers in the continent’s capacity to maintain the egalitarian societies and socially embedded markets that have long informed arguments for social democratic reforms in the United States. As tensions in democratic capitalism have intensified, many aspects of Europe’s established political economic order have come under pressure. This review essay explores key causal processes behind the continent’s predicament. It does so to illustrate challenges and opportunities for organized labor in Europe, and to call on social scientists to reengage with the class politics of capitalism.
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Pelloso, Carlo. "Along the Path Towards E-Democracy: The Digital Age and Its ‘Models’." Pólemos 14, no. 2 (September 25, 2020): 349–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2020-2022.
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AbstractCurrent Western constitutional systems, for quite a few practical reasons, seem to be a sick body that deserves and needs a soft euthanasia, rather than useless palliative care. On the one hand, the words ‘election’ and ‘democracy’ are currently considered synonymous: yet, when the supporters of the American and French revolutions proposed the technique of representation as a means to implement ‘the will of the people,’ there were no parties, no statutes concerning universal franchise, no mass-media, and no Internet. On the other hand, classical Athens has taught us that democracy is more than voting and something different from representation. This contribution argues that merging the radical ideas flourished in the past with the digital culture embedded in the present shall help wipe out the contemporary crisis under the banner of a new e-δημοκρατία.
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Turton, Anthony. "South Africa and the drought that exposed a young democracy." Water Policy 18, S2 (December 1, 2016): 210–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2016.020.
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South Africa is a young democracy currently going through a crisis of leadership. The worst drought in recorded history has played out at regional level but against the backdrop of complex political dynamics. The government has lost significant capacity at the technical level, largely the result of political priorities driven by the need to decolonise society and the institutions of higher learning. This has manifest in the water sector as systemic failures of key instrumentation systems, rendering the El Niño event invisible until it hit. This case study of the El Niño event shows that drought management is embedded within a broader political process and is not simply a technical management issue. The Vaal River system sustains 60% of the national economy and 45% of the total population of the country, but water security in this system has been placed at risk because of political dynamics.
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Haagh, Louise. "Rethinking Democratic Theories of Justice in the Economy after COVID-19." Democratic Theory 7, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070214.
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This article argues that the COVID-19 crisis has brought to light the importance of state democratic capacities linked with humanist governance. This requires securing individuals’ silent freedoms as embedded in the way “developmental” institutions that constitute social relations and well-being are governed. I argue health and well-being inequalities brought out by the crisis are but a manifestation of the way, in the context of the competition paradigm in global governance, states have become relatedly more punitive and dis-embedded from society. The answer lies in providing a more explicit defence of the features of a human development democratic state. An implication is to move democratic theory beyond the concern with redistributive and participatory features of democracy to consider foundational institutional properties of democratic deepening and freedom in society.
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Ahmad, Akhlaq, Qaisar Khalid Mahmood, Muhammad Saud, and Siti Mas'udah. "Women in Democracy: The political participation of women." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 32, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v32i22019.114-122.
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Political participation of women has improved significantly in many western democracy settings; in Asian countries however, women are still left behind in terms of political participation. This article explores political participation of women in a gender-segregated society where women have disproportionate social status in a strongly patriarchal culture and political system. Femininity, political socialization, political interest, political efficacy, and patriarchal political culture were taken as predictors to assess the political participation of women. Structured interview schedules were administrated to 414 women voters from two randomly selected Tehsils, i.e. Jhang and Gujar Khan, of the Punjab Province in Pakistan. Data from the interviews were processed using Stepwise Multiple Linear Regression. The results revealed that predictors explained 58.3% of the variance in the political participation of women voters in Punjab. However, two constructs of femininity: morality and loyalty were not loaded in the model. The dominant, socially designed attributes that women should possess in Pakistani society are childbearing and rearing, love and care for parents/husband, homemaking, submissiveness, passivity, and dependence. The home/private sphere becomes the ideal, normative space for women to operate. On the other hand, men are characterized by decision making, production, independence, assertiveness, violence, and wider interaction. Thus, men are associated with the public and the public sphere. These feminine & masculine ideals are the basis of social practices and social relations in Pakistani society. These are internalized, taken for granted, and embedded into the culture, social structure, and social organization of Pakistani society.
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Batto, Nathan F. "Female Electoral Success in Taiwan Using sntv with Reserved Female Seats under Authoritarianism and Democracy." International Journal of Taiwan Studies 2, no. 1 (January 20, 2019): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-00201006.
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There is a debate over whether democracy is beneficial to female representation. Taiwan’s experience supports Krook’s (2013) contention that democracy may be necessary for gender quotas to produce sustainable female representation. Taiwan has employed gender quotas in single non-transferable vote (sntv) elections since the early 1950s, but this same system has had markedly different effects when embedded in different contexts. During the authoritarian era, female representation stagnated and the women who won often needed to invoke the reserved seat rule. After democratisation, women won larger seat shares and needed to invoke the reserved seat rule far less frequently. Parties were the critical actors, since with multiparty competition parties had an incentive to cultivate female political talent in order to prevent competing parties from winning seats at a discount. This paper analyses sntv electoral results in Taiwan from 1954 to 2014 in six different types of national and local elected assemblies.
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Banda, Fackson. "Exploring Media Education as Civic Praxis in Africa." Comunicar 16, no. 32 (March 1, 2009): 167–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c32-2009-02-015.
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This article argues that African media education must define a pedagogical agenda for citizenship. That task lies in a postcolonial revisionism of liberal modes of thought and practice about media. This neo-colonial dependence of African media education is evident in the pedagogical emphasis on professional- journalistic automation. However, Africans are increasingly becoming politically and civically apathetic. This analysis calls for an emancipatory vision of journalism that is embedded in civil society. It uses a case study of radio listening clubs to illustrate the civic influence of the media in Malawi and Zambia. It concludes by proposing a model of media education for citizenship. The key tenets of the model include enhancing critical analysis of the correlation between media, democracy and development; developing an emancipatory vision of journalism; cultivating an active citizenship; entrenching a viable institutional infrastructure of democracy; and promoting an informed adherence to human rights. Este trabajo sostiene que la educación en medios africana debe definir una agenda pedagógica para la ciudadanía. Esa tarea se sitúa en un revisionismo poscolonial de formas liberales de pensamiento y práctica acerca de los medios. Esta dependencia neo-colonial de la educación en medios africana es evidente en el énfasis pedagógico de la automatización periodística-profesional. Sin embargo, los africanos se están volviendo crecientemente apáticos, política y cívicamente. Esta aportación demanda una visión emancipatoria del periodismo inmerso en la sociedad civil. Se basa en el estudio de caso de clubs de radio-escuchas para ilustrar la influencia cívica de los medios en Malawi y Zambia, y propone un modelo de educación mediática para la ciudadanía. La tesis clave de este modelo incluye realzar el análisis crítico de la correlación entre medios, democracia y desarrollo; desarrollar una visión emancipatoria del periodismo; cultivar una ciudadanía activa; fortificar una infraestructura institucional viable de democracia, y promover una adhesión informada a los derechos humanos.
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Soong, Hannah. "Transnational teachers in Australian schools: Implications for democratic education." Global Studies of Childhood 8, no. 4 (December 2018): 404–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043610618814907.
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While current debates on education for children from migrant background often focus on the prevailing problems of self-segregation and racialisation in Australian education, I take my point of departure from such perspectives to ask how the evolution of a burgeoning mobile teacher, who operates on a global scale, can matter to the distribution of educational opportunity and shape of democratic education outcomes for both domestic and overseas-born children. Consistent with the Special Issue, this article seeks to open a space for further research, to ask some old and some new questions about teaching for democracy. To examine how democracy can be fully realised in and through education, this article moves beyond problematising the dangers posed by globalised neoliberal school reform to attend to the cross-border flows of culturally and ethnically diverse transnational teachers in Australian schools. The article has two foci: first, it explores the role ‘transnational teachers’ have in education for democracy by understanding their place in the relations between education and access to sociocultural opportunities. Second, the article deploys a Deweyan approach to democracy and education, to argue for an education that is embedded in contexts, beyond than a locality, to incorporate sustained cross-border relationships and patterns of teachers’ social formation. Finally, the article details key pedagogical considerations for democratic education, moving beyond largely Eurocentric practices to include aspects such as generating diversity, cultivating transnational civic engagement, and advancing transnational aspirations of both teachers and students shaped by processes of globalisation.
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Rovisco, Maria. "The indignados social movement and the image of the occupied square: the making of a global icon." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702088.
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This article is concerned with how the indignados social movement (also known as M15) used distinctive symbolic and visual communication strategies to articulate their collective self-representation as a movement of global citizens. Through social semiotic analysis and critical discourse analysis of textual and visual materials available in the blogs of the encampments of Lisbon, Barcelona and Madrid, the author illuminates how the indignados used the image of the occupied square as a model of dissent and democratic participation, which becomes available for global circulation. Drawing upon Hariman and Lucaites’s conception of iconic image described in No Caption Needed: Iconic Photographs, Public Culture, and Liberal Democracy (2007), the author argues that the image of the occupied square is a global icon that embodies the universal value of democracy. It is suggested that if we want to understand the image of the occupied square as an embodiment of democracy across nationally-defined public spheres, we need to understand the ways in which the indignados, as political agents, devised and used particular protest images to develop and dramatize a particular vision of democracy that resonates strongly with global audiences. The article goes on to show that the image of the occupied square resonates with global audiences because its meanings tap on a repertoire of culturally shared representations of non-violent occupations of urban space in the 20th century (e.g. Tiananmen Square, the American Civil Rights Movement sit-ins) that is powerfully embedded in Western public memory.
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Webster, Elaine. "New Zealand School Uniforms in the Era of Democracy: 1965 to 1975." Costume 42, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 169–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/174963008x285250.
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School uniforms are dynamic cultural forms and as such have meanings specific to the cultures in which they are worn. In New Zealand the history of their development is also a history of changing meanings specific to the New Zealand culture, connected to the status of children and the changing educational and social objectives of the education system. After a relatively slow development in New Zealand, school uniforms came into their own during the 1950s only to undergo radical change and diversification in the 1960s. During the 1970s school uniform as a practice reached a new extreme, allowing expressions of individualism and pluralism, values associated with a democratic ideal. Although such expressions threatened to overturn the sustaining principles of uniforms and uniformity, instead they reinforced uniforms as carriers and protectors of a powerful democratic ideal embedded in the New Zealand education system.
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Gruenwald, Oskar. "Virtue and Markets." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 16, no. 1 (2004): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2004161/21.
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This essay proposes an interdisciplinary framework for teaching markets and morals by exploring the linkages between political economy, civil society, and culture. Free markets in capitalist mixed economies shape, and are shaped by, political institutions of representative democracy, the vibrancy of civil society, and the values, norms, and beliefs embedded in culture. The major challenge for liberal society and free markets is to reconcile individual and group interests with the common good. The cultural contradictions of capitalism reflect the inadequacy of commercial virtues to sustain a liberal society. External constraints of law and institutional checks and balances in all spheres need to be conjoined with internalized moral constraints of a well-ordered individual conscience. This, in turn, requires a normative order which transcends radically the selfishness of individual and group interests, thus preserving liberty and democracy while enhancing economic efficiency and the social beneficence of free markets. The essay thus confirms Alexis de Tocqueville's notion of the interdependence of liberty, morality, and faith.
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Menon, Sanskriti, and Janette Hartz-Karp. "Linking Traditional ‘Organic’ and ‘Induced’ Public Participation with Deliberative Democracy: Experiments in Pune, India." Journal of Education for Sustainable Development 13, no. 2 (September 2019): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973408219874959.
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Resolving urban challenges or ‘wicked problems’ is a dilemma for most governments, especially in developing countries, and India is a case in point. Collaborative, dialogue-based approaches have been posited as critical to addressing wicked problems. This would require a reform of Indian cities’ governance systems to enable citizens to be embedded in decision-making about complex issues. This article contends that while India’s traditional forms of civic participation can provide a strong foundation for reform, new forms of representative deliberative, influential public participation, that is, deliberative democracy, will be important. Traditional organic and induced participation examples in India are overviewed in terms of their strengths and gaps. Two deliberative democracy case studies in Pune, India, are described, and their potential for reform is assessed. Traditional, together with innovative, induced and organic participation in governance, will be needed to overcome significant pitfalls in governance if Indian cities are to become more capable of addressing urban sustainability challenges.
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Reiner, Robert. "Citizenship, Crime, Criminalization: Marshalling a Social Democratic Perspective." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 2 (2010): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.2.241.
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This paper argues that criminalization, in the double sense of more perceived (and probably actual) crime and of the tough crime control policies brought by the politics of law and order, are consequences of the reversal some thirty years ago of the centuries-long progress toward universal incorporation into social, political, and civil citizenship. By contrast, the hundred years before that had witnessed the spread of social rights and greater inclusiveness, and experienced a benign coupling of lower crime and disorder with more consensual and welfare-oriented policing and penality. The necessary condition of restoring that more benign climate of greater security is a reversal of the neoliberalism that undermined social democracy. Since the 2007 credit crash, neoliberalism has been challenged increasingly, as practice and as ideology, yet it remains deeply embedded. The ideas and organization to restore social democracy have not been developed. Nonetheless it remains the precondition for security and humane criminal justice, as envisaged by T.H. Marshall's citizenship lectures fifty years ago.
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López, Matias, and Juan Pablo Luna. "Assessing the Risk of Democratic Reversal in the United States: A Reply to Kurt Weyland." PS: Political Science & Politics 54, no. 3 (April 23, 2021): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096521000329.
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ABSTRACTBy replying to Kurt Weyland’s (2020) comparative study of populism, we revisit optimistic perspectives on the health of American democracy in light of existing evidence. Relying on a set-theoretical approach, Weyland concludes that populists succeed in subverting democracy only when institutional weakness and conjunctural misfortune are observed jointly in a polity, thereby conferring on the United States immunity to democratic reversal. We challenge this conclusion on two grounds. First, we argue that the focus on institutional dynamics neglects the impact of the structural conditions in which institutions are embedded, such as inequality, racial cleavages, and changing political attitudes among the public. Second, we claim that endogeneity, coding errors, and the (mis)use of Boolean algebra raise questions about the accuracy of the analysis and its conclusions. Although we are skeptical of crisp-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis as an adequate modeling choice, we replicate the original analysis and find that the paths toward democratic backsliding and continuity are both potentially compatible with the United States.
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Heinisch, Reinhard, and Carsten Wegscheider. "Disentangling How Populism and Radical Host Ideologies Shape Citizens’ Conceptions of Democratic Decision-Making." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (July 17, 2020): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2915.
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In this article, we aim to disentangle the extent to which citizens’ conceptions of democratic decision-making are shaped by populist attitudes or rather by radical left and right host ideologies. Following recent work by Landwehr and Steiner (2017), we distinguish four modes of decision-making embedded in different conceptions of democracy: trusteeship democracy, anti-pluralism, deliberative proceduralism, and majoritarianism. Drawing on data from Austria and Germany, we show that populism and radical host ideologies tap into different dimensions of democracy. While populism is primarily directed against representative forms of democratic decision-making, preferences for deliberative procedures and majority decisions appear entirely shaped by radical left and right host ideologies. Populism thus views decision-making based on the general will of the people as the only legitimate democratic procedure, whereas radical left and right host ideologies aim at involving the relevant group(s) of citizens. Further analyses of the interactions between populist attitudes and radical host ideologies confirm that the effects of populism remain robust and thus independent of the specific manifestations of radical host ideologies. These findings help to disentangle the causes of democratic discontent and to develop possible responses through democratic reforms that specifically and separately aim to mitigate populism and radical host ideologies.
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Mitchell, Andrew D., and Elizabeth Sheargold. "Global Governance: The World Trade Organization’s Contribution." Alberta Law Review 46, no. 4 (August 1, 2009): 1061. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/alr216.
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Democracy and administrative law concern ideas of governance, legitimacy, and accountability. With the growth of bureaucracy and regulation, many democratic theorists would argue that administrative law mechanisms are essential to achieving democratic objectives. This article considers the World Trade Organization’s (WTO) contribution to governance both in terms of global administrative law and democracy. In relation to administrative law, it first explores the extent to which the WTO’s own dispute settlement process contributes to this area. Second, it considers the operation of administrative law principles embedded within the WTO Agreements on Members. For example, the WTO Agreements require that certain laws be administered “in a uniform, impartial and reasonable manner.” This obligation was recently considered by the Appellate Body, but uncertainty remains about the scope this provision has to permit WTO panels to review domestic administrative practices. In relation to the WTO’s contribution to democracy, this article first considers the challenges and limitations of the current system of decision making within the WTO and compares it to democratic theory. Second, it examines how democracies comply with the findings of WTO dispute settlement tribunals and how compliance could be improved. It concludes by speculating on the implications of this discussion for public international law more broadly.
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Barbato, Mariano. "Postsecular Plurality in the Middle East: Expanding the Postsecular Approach to a Power Politics of Becoming." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 1, 2020): 162. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040162.
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Embedded in a critically adapted version of Jürgen Habermas’ postsecular approach, this article analyzes empirically and evaluates normatively the role of religion in the Middle East. Integrating and adapting William Connolly’s understanding of political change as power politics of becoming, the argument is that an authoritarian pluralism is evolving that, in contrast to secular nationalism and Political Islam, can be called postsecular insofar as it attempts to integrate more strata of the population into the public discourse, regardless of their religious creed but based on interreligious plurality. The Document on Human Fraternity, signed 2019 in Abu Dhabi, is a prime example of that postsecular trend embedded in power politics. The article concludes that the turmoil of the Arab Spring did not pave the way for democracy but for authoritarian and partisan versions of a postsecular public that try to accommodate the plurality of the Middle East.
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Alkan, Ayten. "Strengthening Local Democracy or Neo-Liberal Conversions? New Local Governmental Legislation in Turkey." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 9, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/9.1.23-38(2011).
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Among numerous transformation processes of the globalized neo-liberal era, governmental restructuring and decentralisation of the State have been distinctive and prevalent features, particularly in the countries characterized by highly centralised traditions. This transformation has resulted in rather complex and contradictory reforms at the local level: On the one hand, local community members have begun to be seen as ‘customers’ instead of citizens. But on the other hand, local autonomy and subsidiarity have gained more importance than before. In parallel with the redefinition of local identities, differences, local potentials and decision-making processes, the emphasis on local citizenship and local democracy has become sharper. After coming into force, the new Turkish (local) governmental legislation (2004-2006) has cloven these paradoxical processes and relations. This paper aims to question how far these paradoxes are embedded in the new legislation, and whether, in these circumstances, ‘governmental decentralisation’ directly connotes ‘the empowerment of local governments and local communities’.
Keywords: • Turkish Local Governmental System • (Local) Governmental Restructuring • Local Democracy • Neo-liberalism
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Ewert, Christian, and Marion Repetti. "Democratic Theory as Social Codification." Democratic Theory 6, no. 2 (December 1, 2019): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2019.060206.
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What is democratic theory? In this article we treat it as a semiotic code – that is to say, a shared assumption – and argue that democratic theory enables people to think and talk about the idea(s) of democracy. Furthermore, the application of this specific code is highly political. For one, it is embedded in concrete contexts and discourses and used in arguments and narratives. In addition, the application of democratic theory has also substantial consequences on the lives of people. We illustrate this argument by reflecting briefly on Abraham Lincoln’s “Gettysburg Address” and its recodification and consequences in different contexts.