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1

Coupe, W. A., Daniel Cramer, and Sabine Modersheim. "Emblemata Sacra." Modern Language Review 93, no. 2 (April 1998): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3735455.

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2

Russell, Daniel, Andrea Alciato, and Betty I. Knott. ""Emblemata" Lyons, 1550." Sixteenth Century Journal 29, no. 2 (1998): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544575.

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3

Cazalla Canto, Silvia, and José Javier Azanza López. "De animales, pecados y emblemas: tradición europea para una Emblemata americana." Boletín de Arte, no. 40 (November 27, 2019): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/bolarte.2019.v0i40.5556.

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La publicación en 1860 en New Haven (Connecticut, EE.UU.) de The Book of Similitudes, libro de emblemas de John Barber dirigido al beneficio espiritual de sus lectores, constituye un claro ejemplo de la influencia europea en la emblemática americana del siglo XIX, por cuanto entre sus fuentes se encuentran los “espejos del alma” de origen francés y germánico. Este artículo analiza un conjunto de emblemas alusivos a los pecados capitales alegorizados por animales, a través de los cuales sus autores desarrollan una catequesis que transita desde el esclavo del pecado hasta el reincidente, pasando por el arrepentido y el santificado. El estudio nos permite concluir que, más allá del paralelismo del mensaje y de la reelaboración de los emblemas europeos realizada por Barber para adaptarlos al credo metodista, la tradición animalista mantiene plena vigencia en la América del siglo XIX en su simbolismo de los pecados capitales.
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4

Miedema, Hessel, and F. W. G. Leeman. "Alciatus' Emblemata; denkbeelden en voorbeelden." Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art 15, no. 2 (1985): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780662.

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Becker, Jochen, and F. W. G. Leeman. "Alciatus' emblemata: denkbeelden en voorbeelden." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 50, no. 4 (1987): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482429.

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6

Aleksandrova, Anna Dmitrievna. "Symbols and Emblemata. Peter the First." Interactive science, no. 1 (23) (January 22, 2018): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21661/r-467995.

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7

Mañas Núñez, Manuel. "Los emblemata physico-ethica de Nicolás Taurello." Anuario de Estudios Filológicos 42 (July 1, 2019): 169–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.17398/2660-7301.42.169.

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8

Guimier‑Sorbets, Anne‑Marie. "Des emblemata – pinakes déliens : iconographie, technique, usage." Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, no. 141.1 (June 1, 2017): 227–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/bch.543.

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9

SAUNDERS, ALISON. "SIXTEENTH-CENTURY FRENCH TRANSLATIONS OF ALCIATI'S EMBLEMATA." French Studies XLIV, no. 3 (1990): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/xliv.3.271.

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10

Pérez Jiménez, Aurelio. "Plutarco y los Emblemata amorum de Vaenius." Humanitas 63 (2011): 185–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-1718_63_10.

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11

SAUNDERS, A. "Sixteenth-Century French Translations of Alciati's Emblemata." French Studies 44, no. 3 (July 1, 1990): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/44.3.271.

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12

Gonçalves Medeiros Araújo, Filipa Marisa. "Sebastian Stockhamer e o desafio de comentar Alciato «com o peso do Etna sobre os ombros»." IMAGO. Revista de Emblemática y Cultura Visual, no. 12 (January 28, 2021): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/imago.12.17744.

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ABSTRACT: In 1556, Jean de Tournes and Guillaume Gazeau published the first commented edition of Alciato’sEmblemata. The volume included Latin commentaries written by Sebastian Stockhamer, an unknown figure among 16thcentury scholars. Although the interpretative notes did not apply to all emblems, this publication opened a new chapter in the complex editorial history of the famous book by the Milanese jurist. Competing with other commentaries that became more popular (such as those by Mignault or El Brocense), Stockhamer's notes were reprinted several times. However, the passage of time seems to have eradicated all traces of the unfortunate commentator, condemning his pioneering work to oblivion. This study aims, therefore, to update the information available on this reader of Alciato, reflecting on the context of the production of the comments, elucidating his method and discussing his contribution to the diffusion of the commented editions. In this way, the study proposes to shed new light on the role that Stockhamer played in the dissemination of the Emblemata. KEYWORDS: Alciato; Emblems; Commentary; Stockhamer; Reception Studies. RESUMO: Em 1556, saía dos prelos lioneses de Jean de Tournes e Guillaume Gazeau a primeira edição comentada dos Emblemata de Andrea Alciato. O volume incluía comentários latinos redigidos por Sebastian Stockhamer, uma figura desconhecida no universo intelectual do século XVI. Embora as notas interpretativas não se aplicassem a todos os emblemas, esta publicação inaugurou um novo capítulo na complexa história editorial do famoso livrinho do jurista milanês. Rivalizando com outras propostas que se tornaram mais populares (como as de Mignault ou de El Brocense), as anotações de Stockhamer foram reimpressas várias vezes. No entanto, a passagem do tempo parece ter apagado o rasto do desafortunado comentador, condenando ao esquecimento o seu trabalho pioneiro. Pretende-se, assim, atualizar as informações disponíveis sobre este leitor de Alciato, reflectindo sobre o contexto de produção dos comentários, dando a conhecer o seu método e discutindo o seu contributo para a difusão das edições comentadas. Visa-se, deste modo, lançar nova luz sobre o papel de Stockhamer na divulgação dos Emblemata. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Alciato; emblemas; comentário; Stockhamer; restudos de receção.
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13

Morales Folguera, José Miguel. "Nuevas aportaciones a los Emblemata evangelica de Hans Bol (1585)." IMAGO. Revista de Emblemática y Cultura Visual, no. 11 (January 28, 2020): 171. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/imago.11.14610.

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ABSTRACT: In the year 1585 the flemish painter Hans Bol made the series of twelve drawings with evangelical themes related with the twelve months of the year and the twelve signs of the zodiac. That same year the engraver Adriaen Collaert engraved in copper the series with the title of Emblemata evangelica ad XII signa coelestia sive totidem ani menses accommodata, which is what served to give diffusion to the work. However, Hans Bol’s original drawings were always in private collections until 2014 when the King Baudouin Foundation of Brussels acquired them and published a work about the drawings and the first series of engravings. In this study, we make known this publication to researchers in the Spanish language and several incomplete series inspired by the Evangelical Emblemata are analyzed. KEYWORDS Hans Bol; Adriaen Collaert; Abel Grimmer; Diego Quispe Tito; Emblemata evangelica. RESUMEN: En el año 1585 el pintor flamenco Hans Bol realiza la serie de los doce dibujos sobre temas evangélicos relacionados con los doce meses del año y los doce signos del zodiaco. Ese mismo año el grabador Adriaen Collaert graba la serie en cobre con el título de Emblemata evangelica ad XII signa coelestia sive totidem ani menses accommodata, que es la que sirvió para darle difusión a la obra. No obstante, los dibujos originales de Hans Bol estuvieron siempre en colecciones privadas hasta que en el año 2014 la Fundación Rey Balduino de Bruselas los adquirió y publicó una obra sobre los dibujos y la primera serie de grabados. En este estudio se da a conocer a los investigadores en lengua española esta publicación y se analizan varias series incompletas inspiradas en los Emblemata evangelica, sobre los que se realizaron algunos estudios, que, posiblemente, por desconocer los dibujos de Hans Bolpresentan algunos errores o imprecisiones.
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Antón, Beatriz. "La asociación simbólica entre la salamandra, Cleón y los pescadores de anguilas en los Emblemata (1596) de Denis Lebey." Veleia, no. 38 (January 27, 2021): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/veleia.21655.

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Este trabajo analiza el emblema XXIII, In Cleones nostri saeculi, qui nisi turbatis rebus laterent, del jurista y poeta francés Denis Lebey (Emblemata, 1596), un sugestivo tríptico icónico elaborado con motivos de la zoología (la salamandra), la historia antigua (el demagogo Cleón) y las actividades humanas (los pescadores de anguilas). Se identifican las principales fuentes del argumento (las Parabolae, sive Similia de Erasmo y los Collectanea de Jacobus Manlius) y también se señala la procedencia de todos los loci communes que conforman la paraphrasis que acompaña el emblema. Por último, este estudio incluye un epílogo sobre el ‘Cleón’ más famoso e influyente de nuestro tiempo, el presidente Donald Trump, un paralelismo percibido por numerosos estudiosos.
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15

Alatorre, Antonio. "Otto Vaenius, Quinti Horatii Flacci Emblemata. "Preliminar" de José Lara Garrido; introd. de Paloma Fanconi Villar. Universidad Europea-CEES Ediciones, Madrid, 1996; xxix + 214 pp. (Una elección que se llama Europa, 1)." Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica (NRFH) 47, no. 1 (January 5, 2017): 177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/nrfh.v47i1.2093.

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16

Coupe, W. A., Johann Michael Dilherr, Georg Philipp Harsdorffer, and Dietmar Peil. "Drei-standige Sonn- und Festtag-Emblemata, oder Sinne-Bilder." Modern Language Review 93, no. 2 (April 1998): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3735456.

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17

Ersan, Gökhan. "Secularism, Islamism, Emblemata: The Visual Discourse of Progress in Turkey." Design Issues 23, no. 2 (April 2007): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/desi.2007.23.2.66.

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18

Grześkowiak, Radosław, and Jakub Niedźwiedź. "Unknown Polish Subscriptions to the Emblems of Otto van Veen and Herman Hugo: A Study on the Functioning of Western Religious Engravings in the Old-Polish Culture." Terminus 21, Special Issue 1 (2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843844te.19.024.11285.

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The Seweryn Udziela Ethnographic Musem in Cracow holds an impressive collection of old engravings, among which there are also copperplates by Cornelis Galle. He used selected prints from Amorum emblemata (1608) and Amoris divini emblemata (1615) by Otton van Veen and Pia desideria (1624) by Herman Hugo to create his own emblematic cycle on metaphysical relations between the Soul and Amor Divinus. The drawings from the works of Veen and Hugo were very popular in the seventeenth century and inspired numerous poets and editors around Europe. In the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, it was Hugo’s Pia desideria that aroused particular interest. The cycle was imitated and translated by e.g. Mikołaj Mieleszko SJ, Zbigniew Morsztyn, Aleksander Teodor Lacki, and Jan Kościesza Żaba. On three of Galle’s prints stored in the Cracow museum, an anonymous author wrote epigrams, unknown until now, that accompany the images taken from the cycle by Veen (no. 8 and 21) and by Hugo (II 5). This emblematic microcycle was, with all probability, written down at the end of the seventeenth or at the beginning of the eighteenth century by a nun or a monk in one of the Lesser Polish convents or monasteries. Possibly, the origins of the cycle may be linked with the Carmelite convent in Cracow. And whether it is the actual place where the cycle was created or not, it is a good point to begin studies on the employment of emblematic practices in Catholic convents and monasteries in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century. Imported copperplates and woodcuts were a typical piece of the equipment of a cell. They were hung on the cell walls or were simply collected in sets of prints and often exchanged as gifts among nuns or monks, e.g. on the occasion of the New Year (an example of such a gift from 1724 is given in this paper). It was a common practice to write notes of diverse character on the reverse side of such prints, e.g. autobiographic details, short prayers or excerpts from sacred texts and religious literature. Still, the main purpose of the emblems was their application in everyday meditations and other forms of personal prayers. The three subscriptiones in the Ethnographic Museum in Cracow are also prayers of this kind, combining word and image.
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19

Sakhno, Irina M. "“Ut Pictura Poesis”: the Poetic and Pictorial Emblem of the Baroque." Observatory of Culture, no. 5 (October 28, 2015): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2015-0-5-94-101.

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The article describes parallelism of the two arts, poetry and painting, in the emblematic books of the Baroque epoch. In the Baroque art, an emblem, as a visual metaphor, formed stylistic singularity of the culture of the 16th-17th centuries. The emblem represented the principle of simultaneity, a picture with a brief motto coexisting with a didactic or spiritual text. Not only was the emblem an ornamental “insertion”, a piece of encrusted graphics, but it also reflected the Baroque principle of a witty game. A book of emblems could act as a visual dictionary of signified objects. The significance of finished emblems was not limited to their pictographical meanings, they could also include some symbolic senses. Such verbal pictures illustrating abstract notions can be found in the “Emblemata” (1531) by Andreas Alciatus. The synthesis of the verbal and the visual, as an allegorical way of defining the world and the exegesis of Biblical texts, provided wide opportunities for the emblematic signification. The Picta Poesis Baroque book “Graphical Poetry. Alchemy” (1552) by Barthélemy Aneau contained an alchemy symbolism reflecting the character of the Renaissance worldview. Dutch artists of the 17th century developed the theme of evanescence and vanity in their emblematic still-life painting.
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20

Klecker, Elisabeth. "Des signes muets aux emblèmes chanteurs : les Emblemata d'Alciat et l'emblématique." Littérature 145, no. 1 (2007): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/litt.145.0023.

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Antón, Beatriz. "La representación zoológico-simbólica de los sediciosos y agitadores en los Symbola et Emblemata de Joaquín Camerario." Anuario de Estudios Filológicos 44 (July 17, 2021): 21–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17398/2660-7301.44.21.

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Este trabajo estudia por primera vez los tres emblemas que Joaquín Camerario compuso a partir de motivos zoológicos tan dispares como el camello (Cent. II, emb. 15), la anguila (Cent. IV, emb. 45) y la salamandra (Cent. IV, emb. 70), pero unidos por un significado simbólico común: la representación de los sediciosos y agitadores sociales. Para ello, además de ofrecer la traducción anotada de cada emblema y del comentario que lo acompaña, identifico sus fuentes clásicas y humanistas, entre estas últimas los autores que fueron sus modelos directos de inspiración: Paolo Giovio, Andrea Alciato y Denis Lebey. En suma, el mundo natural representado en estos emblemas por un cuadrúpedo, un pez y un anfibio es susceptible de una interpretación ética y política, si bien Camerario, como luterano confeso, aprovecha la ocasión para censurar a los teólogos polemistas (Cent. IV, emb. 70).
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Meerhoff, Kees. "Éloge de la poésie dans les Emblemata (1596) de Lebey de Batilly." Réforme, Humanisme, Renaissance 85, no. 2 (2017): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhren.085.0047.

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Campa, Pedro F., and Ralph Dekoninck. "Emblemata Sacra: Emblem Books from the Maurits Sabbe Library, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven." Sixteenth Century Journal 39, no. 4 (December 1, 2008): 1212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20479207.

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Dekoninck (book author), Ralph, Agnès Guiderdoni-Bruslé (book author), Mark Van Vaeck (book author), and Peter M. Daly (review author). "Emblemata Sacra. Emblem Books from the Maurits Sabbe Library, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven." Renaissance and Reformation 41, no. 4 (January 1, 2005): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v41i4.9066.

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Vermaseren, B. A. "The Emblemata of Sambucus as Model for the Printer Simon Steenbergen (1567)." Quaerendo 15, no. 1 (1985): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006985x00045.

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ADAMS, ALISON. "AN EXPENSIVE COMPOSITORIAL MISREADING: THE RESET GATHERING IN HADRIANUS JUNIUS'S EMBLEMATA, 1565." Library s6-17, no. 4 (1995): 345–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/library/s6-17.4.345.

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Sánchez López, Juan Antonio. "González Torres, Javier: Emblemata Eucharistica. Símbolos animados de la iconografía cristológica y sacramental." Boletín de Arte, no. 30-31 (March 15, 2018): 674–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/bolarte.2010.v0i30-31.4408.

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Desde los inicios de la Historia, la vida del ser humano ha permanecido estrechamente ligada a los animales. Más allá de las actividades económicas o de mera subsistencia, las relaciones del hombre con el animal se adentran hasta lo más profundo de su conciencia, imaginario y capacidades cognoscitivas.
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Sashalmi, Endre. "The Frontispiece of Peter the Great’s Simvoly i Emblemata (1705): An Iconographical Analysis." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 4 (2013): 459–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04703011.

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The reign of Peter the Great witnessed a “revolution in Russian imagery,” to borrow the title of James Cracraft’s book. A crucial role in this revolution was played by a handbook of Western symbolism, Simvoly i Emblemata, published in Amsterdam in 1705 on Peter’s order. While Tsar Peter was on his grand tour of Western Europe in 1697-98, he became fascinated by the emblem book of Daniel de la Feully (Devises et Emblémes), published in Amsterdam in 1691. Peter ordered a Russian translation of the book and a new frontispiece as well. The frontispiece, designed by Joseph Mulder, contained Peter’s Western-style portrait surrounded by eight 8 devices (images and mottos) with bilingual Latin and Russian inscriptions. Until now, there has been no study of the iconography of the frontispiece which aimed to glorify Tsar Peter as a military leader – a new Hercules – in Russia and abroad. Careful study of the frontispiece reveals hidden messages addressed to the enemies of Russia and also shows how Peter was presented as the creator of a new Golden Age of Russia. Iconographical analysis is used here to decode the ideological and propaganda messages conveyed by the frontispiece.
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Penguilly, Thomas. "Éros platonicien, ethos chrétien : le discours humaniste sur l’amour dans les Emblemata d’André Alciat." Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1, no. 1 (2014): 150–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bude.2014.7030.

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Wade, Mara R. "Women’s Networks of Knowledge." Daphnis 45, no. 3-4 (July 18, 2017): 492–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04503008.

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The emblem book customized as a Stammbuch is a material manifestation of early modern cultural practices of knowledge creation and organization. Dorothea von Anhalt’s use of Andreas Friedrich’s Emblemata Nova . . . (1617) as a Stammbuch created a hybrid artifact of dynasty and devotion as manuscript entries made by Dorothea’s extended family members merged with the existing printed material. This unique book illuminates female practices of recording, circulating, and preserving dynastic and religious knowledge at North German Protestant courts.
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Westgate, Ruth. "Pavimenta atque emblemata vermiculata: Regional Styles in Hellenistic Mosaic and the First Mosaics at Pompeii." American Journal of Archaeology 104, no. 2 (April 2000): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/507451.

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Morreale, Margherita. "Los "Emblemata" de Alciato en el "Tesoro de la lengua castellana" de Sebastián de Covarrubias." Nueva Revista de Filología Hispánica (NRFH) 40, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 343–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/nrfh.v40i1.880.

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Heesakkers, Chris L., and Alastair Hamilton. "Bernardus Sellius Noviomagus (c.1551-93), proof-reader and poet." Quaerendo 19, no. 3 (1989): 163–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006989x00069.

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AbstractEmblemata Sacra by Bernard Sellius Noviomagus, known above all in the 1613 edition published by Michiel Colin in Amsterdam, has long puzzled bibliographers. This article establishes Sellius's identity, describes his brief life and examines his spirituality. It reconstructs the publishing history of his single work through its three editions (Raphelengius 1593 and Colin 1613 and 1617) and assesses his achievements as a poet. The text of Emblemata Sacra, Sellius's Latin heading and epigrams accompanying Pieter van der Borcht's illustrations of scenes from the Bible, is reproduced in the Appendix with notes and an English translation.
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López Vázquez, José Manuel B. "La Emblemata de Alciato y el programa iconográfico de la capilla mayor de Santa Baia de Banga (O Carballiño, Ourense)." Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos 63, no. 129 (October 31, 2016): 343–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ceg.2016.129.09.

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Stockhorst, Stefanie. "MORALDIDAKTISCHE EROTIK." Daphnis 38, no. 3-4 (May 1, 2009): 421–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90001107.

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Die Ikonographie der spätmittelalterlichen Pilgerzeichen aus der Sammlung Van Beuningen umfaßt sowohl religiöse als auch profane Motive. Letztere lassen sich nicht ohne weiteres im Bedeutungskontext der Pilgerschaft verorten, was nicht zuletzt ihren teils erstaunlich expliziten Darstellungen aus dem Bereich der Sexualität geschuldet ist. Dieser Beitrag untersucht die sexuellen Tragezeichen in ihrer Doppelfunktion der obszönen Unterhaltung und der moraldidaktischen Ermahnung. Während sich einige der satirischen Verwendungsweisen solcher Tragezeichen aus literarischen Belegen bei Chaucer und Rabelais erschließen lassen, zeigt sich, daß die Tradition der barocken Liebesembleme (emblemata amatoria) genaueren Aufschluß über die damit verbundenen moraldidaktischen Intentionen zu geben vermag. Demnach fungierten die vordergründig unvereinbaren religiösen und profanen Tragezeichen gleichermaßen als sinnbildliche Medien zur Vergegenwärtigung und Verbreitung gängiger Moralvorstellungen.
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Silvares, Lavinia. "“Engenhoso artifício”: o emblema e sua apropriação no teatro de Shakespeare." Gragoatá 22, no. 43 (August 30, 2017): 727–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.2017n43a33495.

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O célebre livro de emblemas de Andrea Alciato, Emblematum liber (1531), o primeiro a reunir gravuras acompanhadas de mote e epigrama, foi extensamente emulado nas cortes europeias ao longo dos séculos XVI e XVII. Na Inglaterra elisabetana, Geoffrey Whitney publica, em 1586, o primeiro livro de emblemas em inglês, A Choice of Emblemes and Other Devises, o qual teve ampla circulação no meio letrado de seu tempo. Nessa obra, Whitney reúne 248 emblemas compostos de um mote, uma xilogravura e um poema, em inglês. Reciclando tópicas antigas à maneira de Alciato, Whitney representa lugares-comuns retórico-poéticos correntes no âmbito cortesão, conferindo uma nova “roupagem” a práticas antigas balizadas pelo ut pictura poesis horaciano e constituindo, na época, um gênero propício para a efetuação da agudeza. Com foco na obra de Whitney, este artigo pretende investigar a estrutura e a função do emblema, com o objetivo de destacar a particularidade de sua natureza icônico-verbal, e apontar, a partir de alguns exemplos, a apropriação do gênero emblemático no teatro de Shakespeare. ---DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/gragoata.2017n43a767.
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Araújo, Filipa. "“Love is a fire that burns unseen”: The Reception of Greek Erotic Representations in Alciato’s Emblemata and Camões." IKON 13 (January 2020): 245–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.ikon.5.121577.

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Wattel-de Croizant, Odile. "La mosaïque de l'Enlèvement d'Europe sur la pseudo-épave de Cannes (Sainte-Marguerite) et le problème des «emblemata voyageurs»." Archaeonautica 6, no. 1 (1986): 199–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/nauti.1986.895.

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Fonio, Filippo. "Ruth Stawarz-Luginbühl, Les «Emblemata/Emblemes chrestiens» (1580-1581) de Théodore de Bèze: un recueil d’emblèmes humaniste et protestant." Studi Francesi, no. 150 (L | III) (December 31, 2006): 593–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/studifrancesi.27458.

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Kubikowski, Tomasz. "Przestrzeń emblematyczna." Pamiętnik Teatralny 69, no. 4 (December 31, 2020): 7–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36744/pt.368.

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W artykule autor śledzi związki sztuki teatru ze sztuką emblematu. Wychodząc od dzieł Albrechta Schönego i posiłkując się współczesną teorią emblematu, stawia tezę, że obydwie sztuki wykorzystują zjawisko performansu, z którym wiążą się nierozerwalnie. Strukturę emblematyczną można odnaleźć zarówno w trwałych zaczątkach teatralnego performansu (dramat lub scenariusz), jak i w jego pozostałościach (dokumenty dzieła). Emblemat stanowi więc ostateczne medium oddziaływania teatru na najdalszy społeczny dystans, kiedy zanikł wszelki żywy kontakt odbiorców ze zjawiskiem. Teatr szczególnie nastawiony na społeczną misję, najchętniej sięga do środków sztuki emblematu. Tytułowa „przestrzeń emblematyczna” – to abstrakcyjna kategorialna przestrzeń, którą ustanawia i w której zachodzi performans życiowy, społeczny czy sceniczny. Otwiera się ona w powszechnej świadomości jako jego „scena”. W teatrze takie przestrzenie powołuje się programowo; w życiu powszednim tworzą się one samorzutnie, jako emanacje zbiorowych oczekiwań lub nadziei, albo poprzez działania jednostek.
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Zafra, Rafael. "Emblemas doctrinales." IMAGO. Revista de Emblemática y Cultura Visual, no. 11 (January 28, 2020): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/imago.11.16017.

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ABSTRACT: This study proposes to determine the emblematic character of a type of catechetical-doctrinal composition, influenced by Alciato’s Emblems, that emerged at the height of the dispute between Catholics and Protestants and their attempt to refute and extend their contradictions and respective doctrines. Starting from the notion that the emblem is a «transfigured common place», I analyze the massive use of these commonplaces in theological and doctrinal treatises, and conclude that both the compositions that formed the catechisms and emblematized sums, as well as many of the paintings and other artistic compositions that derive from them, can be considered emblems in their purity, though not in a figurative sense, and constitute a category that can be called doctrinal emblems. KEYWORDS: Emblem Theory; Doctrine; Catechesis; Reform; Commonplaces. RESUMEN: Este trabajo trata de determinar el carácter emblemático de un tipo de composiciones catequetico-doctrinales surgidas, por influencia de los Emblemas de Alciato, en el momento cumbre de la disputa entre católicos y protestantes y su intento de refutar y extender sus contrarías y respectivas doctrinas. Partiendo de un concepto de emblema como «lugar común transfigurado» y tras analizar el empleo masivo de estos lugares en la tratados teológicos y doctrinales, se acaba concluyendo que tanto las composiciones que conformaron los catecismos y sumas emblematizadas como muchos de los cuadros y otras composiciones artísticas que de ellos se derivan, pueden ser considerados emblemas en puridad y no en sentido traslaticio, y constituyen una categoría a la que se puede denominar emblemas doctrinales.
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Fernández Delgado, Rogelio. "La emblemática y el pensamiento económico español de finales del siglo XVI y principios del XVII." Studies of Applied Economics 32, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/eea.v32i1.3200.

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In 1531 the Italian jurist Andrea Alciato (1492-1550) published Emblematum liber, a work that had a great influence on Europe. Alciato's work consisted of an anthology of poems that were illustrated, each of which had a title or theme. The purpose of the illustration and the title was intended to facilitate the understanding and interpretation of the text by the reader. Emblematum liber is considered the starting point of the emblematic which later gave rise to the emblematic literary genre.Alciato's work encouraged many authors to follow the path of the emblems. The correspondence between the title (inscription), image (pictura), and explanatory text (subscriptio or epigrama) gave rise to a consolidated gender that spread rapidly throughout Europe. The purpose of this paper is to present the influence that emblematic had on Spanish economic thought of the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, in particular on the works of Cristóbal Pérez de Herrera (1556-1620) and Diego Saavedra Fajardo (1584-1648).
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Saunders, Alison (Alison M. ). "Emblemata Sacra: Emblem Books from the Maurits Sabbe Library, Katholieke Universiteit Leuven [Exhibited in the] Francis A. Drexel Library, Saint Joseph's University (review)." Catholic Historical Review 94, no. 1 (2008): 154–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2008.0057.

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Peil, Dietmar. "Julius Wilhelm Zincgref, Gesammelte Schriften. Bd. II: Emblemata, ethico-politica. Hg. von Dieter Mertens und Theodor Verweyen. 1. Teilbild.: Text; 2. Teilbild.: Erläuterungen und Verifizierungen." Arbitrium 16, no. 3 (1998): 305–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arbi.1998.16.3.305.

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Antón, Beatriz, and Ana María Aldama. "De symbolis et emblematibus. Las Symbolicae Qvaestiones (Bolonia, 1555) de A. Bocchi, fuente de los Emblemata centvm regis politica (Madrid, 1653) de J. de Solórzano." Humanitas, no. 62 (2010): 265–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-1718_62_14.

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Cull, John T. "The Emblematic Exemplum in Agustín Moreto y Cabaña and Other Golden Age Playwrights." IMAGO. Revista de Emblemática y Cultura Visual, no. 9 (January 31, 2018): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/imago.9.10596.

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ABSTRACT: Taking as a point of departure Juan de Horozco's definition: «las emblemas se pueden hazer con figuras solas, como es más ordinario o con figuras y letras que siruan de mote, y esto es, porque la emblema quanto más guardare las propiedades de la empresa tanto será mejor según yo entiendo y juzgara qualquiera» (f. 64v), this study analyzes the presence and function of dramatic emblems in the plays of Agustín Moreto y Cabaña and other Spanish Golden Age Dramatists. It postulates that the poetic images, derived in many instances from emblem books, function as exempla in order to comment on the dramatic situation. The dramatic emblems are divided into two main groups: «marked emblems and «unmarked emblems». KEYWORDS: Agustín de Moreto; argumentum emblematicum; dramatic emblems; exempla. RESUMEN: Partiendo de la definición de Juan de Horozco de que «las emblemas se pueden hazer con figuras solas, como es más ordinario o con figuras y letras que siruan de mote, y esto es, porque la emblema quanto más guardare las propiedades de la empresa tanto será mejor según yo entiendo y juzgara qualquiera» (f. 64v), este estudio pretende analizar la presencia y función de emblemas dramáticos en las comedias de Agustín Moreto y Cabaña y otros dramaturgos del Siglo de Oro. Se postula que las imágenes poéticas derivadas de libros de emblemas funcionan como exempla para comentar la situación dramática. Los emblemas dramáticos se dividen en dos grupos generales, los «emblemas marcados» y los «emblemas sin marcar». PALABRAS CLAVES: Agustín de Moreto; argumentum emblematicum; emblemas dramáticos; exempla.
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Moseley, C. W. R. D., Peter M. Daly, Leslie T. Duer, Mary V. Silcox, Alan R. Young, Beert Verstraete, Daniel S. Russell, and John Manning. "The English Emblem Tradition. Vol. IV: William Camden: 'Remaines of a Greater Worke concerning Britaine'; H. G.: 'The Mirrour of Maiestie'; Otto van Veen: 'Amorum Emblemata'." Modern Language Review 96, no. 3 (July 2001): 786. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3736752.

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48

García Arranz, José Julio. "Campa, Pedro F. y Daly, Peter M. (Eds.): Emblematic Images & Religious Texts. Studies in Honor of G. Richard Dimler, S. J., Early Modern Catholicism and the Visual Arts Series, vol. 2." Boletín de Arte, no. 32-33 (March 8, 2018): 727–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/bolarte.2012.v0i32-33.4320.

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El libro Emblematic Images & Religious Texts constituye un tributo y reconocimiento de algunos de los colegas académicos de Richard Dimler a su importante labor pionera y trascendente aportación. Volumen profusamente ilustrado, aporta una amplia variedad de ensayos sobre libros de emblemas e imágenes emblemáticas por parte de una quincena de investigadores.
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Schreffler, Michael J. "New Spanish Art in the Weddell Collection in Richmond, Virginia, Usa: a Preliminary Catalog." Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Estéticas 24, no. 81 (August 7, 2012): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/iie.18703062e.2002.81.2123.

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Este artículo presenta un estudio y catálogo preliminar de un conjunto de obras de arte coleccionadas en México entre 1924 y 1928 por Alexander Weddell (1876-1948), cónsul general de los Estados Unidos de América, y su esposa, Virginia Chase Steedman Weddell (1874-1948). Mientras que otros extranjeros que conocieron el México de principios del siglo xx coleccionaron arte popular y obras de pintores contemporáneos, los Weddell se interesaron más en lo que llamaron “antigüedades”. Su colección, que hoy en día pertenece a la Virginia Historical Society en Richmond, Virginia, eu, consta de varias obras del siglo XVIII, entre ellas una pintura de la Virgen de Ocotlán, un juego de pequeños lienzos ovalados con episodios del martirio de santa Inés, dos biombos —uno con una serie de escenas de caza y el otro con imágenes del Horatii Emblemata de Otto van Veen—, una parte de una sillería del coro, una escultura de la Virgen de los Dolores y varios textiles y obras de arte decorativo. Los Weddell reunieron su colección para decorar la “Casa Virginia”, que posteriormente sería su domicilio permanente, asistidos en sus adquisiciones por René d’Harnoncourt, expatriado austriaco y corredor de arte. La escasa información sobre la procedencia de las obras se encuentra en Description of Virginia House, libro escrito por Alexander Weddell en 1947, y en la correspondencia entre Weddell y su esposa durante el periodo que residieron en México.
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Gustin, Mitja, and Ivana Popovic. "Early roman hoard from Macvanska Mitrovica (?): Contribution to the precious silver metal working cultural koiné." Starinar, no. 67 (2017): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1767053g.

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In 2014, a group of silver objects was sold with the accompanying data ?from Serbia, from the area of Macvanska Mitrovica?, which, based on their composition, belonged to a hoard of the Early Roman period. The hoard of silver objects contains a total of 21 pieces that can be divided into 10 different types: emblemata, belt plates, tubuli, torques, wire jewellery - a bracelet and rings, necklaces of the chain type, rings, pendants of lunula, rhomboidal and omega shape, bracelet and rings with pendants in the form of miniature axes. The composition of the silver objects in the Macvanska Mitrovica (?) hoard show surprising similarities with the rich hoards of silver jewellery of Bare, Tekija and the find from Radenkovic-Crkvine and also with the distant hoard from Oltenia in the site of Rovinari (once Poiana, county Gorj). Therefore, we have named this group the Tekija - Bare hoards horizon, after two well-known most representative hoard-contents and their position in the middle of this geographical region. The last denarii from the Tekija and Bare hoards where minted at the end of AD 81, which allows the conclusion that these hoards, found near the military camps of Transdierna and Viminacium, were probably deposited in the years after AD 81, during the restless period of Roman-Dacian conflicts. In the Macvanska Mitrovica (?) hoard and the Radenkovic-Crkvine find the monetary part did not exist, so the time of their depositing remains open.
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