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Journal articles on the topic 'Emotional parentification'

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1

Black, Brittney TaShawn. "Relations Among Parentification, Parenting Beliefs, and Parenting Behaviors." Journal of Student Research 2, no. 1 (May 31, 2013): 52–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.47611/jsr.v2i1.145.

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Instrumental parentification occurs when children take on adult chores, and emotional parentification occurs when children take the responsibility for providing an adult-level of emotional support. This study examined how the level of parentification and perceived unfairness in the childhood home affected adults’ parenting beliefs and future parenting behaviors. One hundred and seven young adults responded to the Parentification Questionnaire which assessed levels of instrumental parentification, emotional parentification, and perceived fairness. Participants were asked to imagine themselves as parents and then respond to questions that assessed their parenting beliefs, planned parenting behaviors, and demographics. Results revealed that emotional parentification and perceived unfairness were related to adults’ decreased self-esteem and feelings of attractiveness. In addition, parentification and perceived unfairness in the childhood home were linked to negative feelings toward participants’ own parents; however, parentification did not clearly predict factors associated with parenting.
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2

Qayyum, Salma, Samina Qayyum, and Najma Qayyum. "EMOTIONAL ENLIGHTENMENT: AN OPTIMISTIC APPROACH TOWARDS PARENTIFICATION." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 04 (December 31, 2021): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i4.278.

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Parentification is generally described as a negative phenomenon that deprives a child of his/her childhood overnight. The parentified child faces a flood of expectations for which s/he is not prepared. His/her parents expect him/her to ‘automatically’ adopt the role of a parent. In Pakistan, parents are the most important pillars in the foundation of the family and if one of them suffers from a long-term sickness, the whole structure falls apart. From the child’s perspective, it is extremely painful. S/he not only loses the blessings of previous physical and emotional assistance but also must perform myriads of responsibilities. So, parentification seems to be a negative experience. This article challenges this idea by proving that parentification can be a positive, pleasurable experience. It focuses on the researcher’s parentification experience when her mother underwent a stroke. The data collection methods include audio recordings, diary notes and discussions with the doctor. The data analyses focus on the paralinguistic features of the researcher’s speech that she had with the research participant. The research outcomes exhibit the special features of the parentified speech. It also suggests that through mental readiness and planning, the potential parentified figure, can make parentification a rewarding experience. Keywords: parentification, empathetic stress, emotional burnout, self-esteem, denial, regression, frigidity.
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Arellano, Brenda, Judy Mier-Chairez, Sara Tomek, and Lisa M. Hooper. "Parentification and Language Brokering: An Exploratory Study of the Similarities and Differences in Their Relations to Continuous and Dichotomous Mental Health Outcomes." Journal of Mental Health Counseling 40, no. 4 (October 1, 2018): 353–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17744/mehc.40.4.07.

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Researchers have argued parentification and language brokering experienced in childhood are similar in nature and may have the same deleterious effects on mental health outcomes in adulthood, although there is a dearth of empirical research examining this contention. To address this gap in the literature, parentification was analyzed multidimensionally with subscales for parent-focused parentification, sibling-focused parentification, instrumental parentification, emotional parentification, and perceived unfairness in a nonclinical sample of adults (N = 1,796; Mage = 21.23, SD = 5.25). Overall, we found all parentification scores—with the exception of sibling-focused parentification—to be predictive of mental health outcomes (i.e., depressive, anxiety, and somatic symptoms as well as overall psychological distress). Language brokering showed similar results but to a lesser degree, suggesting parentification had a stronger association with mental health. We also found significant gender differences pointing toward higher levels of parentification and language brokering in male participants. Implications for research and practice are discussed.
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Loch, Ulrike. "Emotionale Parentifizierung und Kinderschutz/ Emotional parentification and child protection." Kontext 45, no. 3 (August 2014): 279–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/kont.2014.45.3.279.

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5

Láng, András. "Perceived childhood emotional parentification is associated with Machiavellianism in men but not in women." Polish Psychological Bulletin 47, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 136–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ppb-2016-0015.

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Abstract Recent research has revealed several developmental aspects of Machiavellianism. In this study, we explored the potential relationship between perceived parentification in the family of origin and Machiavellianism in adulthood. Three hundred and ninety five Hungarian adults (282 women) completed self-report measures of parentification and Machiavellianism. Results showed that emotional parentification and children’s unacknowledged efforts to contribute to the well-being of their families were associated with Machiavellianism - but only in men. Machiavellian tactics and worldview are proposed as possible coping mechanisms with the neglectful and unpredictable family environment. Gender differences in the results are explained in terms of gender role socialization and men’s and women’s different susceptibility for different forms of psychopathology.
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6

Błażek, Magdalena. "Parental attitudes and parentification of children in families with limited parental care competencies." Polish Journal of Applied Psychology 14, no. 3 (September 1, 2016): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pjap-2015-0064.

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Summary Parentification describes the taking on of an adult role by a child or adolescent before they are emotionally and developmentally ready to face the tasks and challenges that come with it (Boszormenyi–Nagy & Spark, 1973). I It is viewed in the literature from the perspective of the functioning of the family system in the context of development, and as a pathology of parental functioning (Schier, 2014). The consequences of parentification on the functioning of a child can be particularly seen in the emotional sphere and in the area of mental disorders (Hooper et al., 2011). The research presented in the article involves 272 families facing the limitation or termination of parental rights. Analyses focused on the sociodemographic features of the family, such as the parents’ addictions and psychological problems and their psychological functioning in terms of parental attitudes which resulted in the parentification of the children. The results show that there is a connection between pathological functioning of parents, characteristics of their parental attitudes and the parentification of the first child.
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7

Féres-Carneiro, Terezinha, Amanda Londero-Santos, and Jean Carlos Natividade. "Adaptation of the Parentification Questionnaire for the Brazilian Context." Psico-USF 26, no. 4 (October 2021): 745–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1413-82712021260412.

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Abstract Parentification involves a role reversal phenomenon between family subsystems, including role distortions and hierarchy inversion. The purpose of this study was to adapt and search for validity evidence of the Parentification Questionnaire for the Brazilian context. After translation procedures, the authors applied the instrument in 868 adults of four geographic regions of Brazil, of which 55.4 percent were women. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses revealed the solution of three parentification factors (i.e., emotional parenting, instrumental parenting and perceived unfairness) as adequate, with satisfactory internal consistency rates, following the construct theory. As expected, the authors also found relations with other variables; for example, people who presented parentification indicators in their speeches displayed higher levels in the three factors of the construct; while women displayed higher levels of parentification than men. The Brazilian version of the instrument showed satisfactory validity evidence and appropriate reliability indicators.
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8

Krawczyk, Renata. "“I will sacrifice myself for you.” About the phenomenon of parentification in the family." Praca Socjalna 35, no. 5 (October 31, 2020): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.4429.

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The article deals with the issue of parentification, which involves reversing roles in a family in which the child acts as a guardian, partner, confidant to his/ parent or siblings. Requirements and burdens resulting from the role of an adult are usually inadequate to the child’s level of development and emotional abilities. The phenomenon of parentification has been characterized and its main aspects are presented based on clinical material from psychotherapy sessions of 20 people.
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9

Chojnacka, Barbara. "Parentification: identification and analysis of educational environments. Biographical perspective." Problemy Opiekuńczo-Wychowawcze 607, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.7747.

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Parentification is a phenomenon of reversal of intrafamily roles between children and parents (Minuchin, 1968). Children become persons responsible for the family system, assuming the roles, instrumental and emotional, of adults – parents. The available literature on the subject of research allows for the identification of specific family situations as circumstances favourable for the occurrence of this process. Each family as a group with specific bonds functions in various contexts, which in social pedagogy can be called "environments". This article transmits the category of educational environments to the biographical experiences of parentified people. The author identifies, analyses and describes them using fragments of (auto)biographical narrative interviews. Retrospective approach to family experiences allows, by narrators, to define the distinguished environments as a potential and a biographical reference point that helps to apply individual strategies of coping with difficult, sometimes traumatic experiences, related to the reversal of roles in the family.
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10

Davies, Patrick T. "Conceptual Links Between Byng-Hall's Theory of Parentification and the Emotional Security Hypothesis*." Family Process 41, no. 3 (September 2002): 551–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1545-5300.2002.41317.x.

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11

Schier, Katarzyna, Max Herke, Ralf Nickel, Ulrich T. Egle, and Jochen Hardt. "Long-Term Sequelae of Emotional Parentification: A Cross-Validation Study Using Sequences of Regressions." Journal of Child and Family Studies 24, no. 5 (March 9, 2014): 1307–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10826-014-9938-z.

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12

Lee, Kyeong-Hwa, and Yoojin Jang. "The Relationship between Parentification and Somatization among University Students : The Mediating Effects of Emotional Clarity and Ambivalence Over Emotional Expression." Korean Journal of Youth Studies 26, no. 10 (October 31, 2019): 181–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.21509/kjys.2019.10.26.10.181.

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13

Shin, YoungJu. "How do mothers manage their privacy with adolescents? Exploring mother–adolescent communication in Mexican immigrant families." Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 36, no. 11-12 (March 18, 2019): 3733–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265407519836282.

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The present study seeks to understand how Mexican immigrant mothers manage private information with adolescent children activating the state of emotional parentification. “Emotional parentificiation” occurs when there is a role reversal between parent and adolescent where the child is prematurely given adult responsibilities in the family and provides emotional support to parents. Sixteen Mexican immigrant mothers participated in individual interviews and as a result of the thematic analysis, three themes were identified: (1) adolescent children serving as a reluctant confidant, (2) adolescent children becoming a deliberate confidant, and (3) adolescent children employing confidant privacy rule strategies. Findings discussed mothers’ perspective of adolescent children coping with unsolicited private information from their mothers during parent–adolescent conversations where the adolescent children were put into a situation of being a reluctant confidant. Findings also demonstrated that some adolescent children became a deliberate confidant seeking information from their mothers. In reaction to mothers’ disclosure, the study identified three types of confidant privacy rule strategies used by adolescent children, that is, comforting, mediating, and protecting.
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14

Tedgård, Eva, Maria Råstam, and Ingegerd Wirtberg. "An upbringing with substance-abusing parents: Experiences of parentification and dysfunctional communication." Nordic Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 36, no. 3 (December 20, 2018): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1455072518814308.

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Aim: To increase understanding of the consequences of growing up with substance-abusing parents, including how this can influence the experience of becoming a parent. Methods: In-depth interviews were conducted with 19 parents who had participated in an Infant and Toddler Psychiatry Unit intervention programme and who had experienced substance-abusing parents in their family of origin. Directed qualitative content analysis was used to analyse the data. Results: Analysis of the interview material revealed both a high incidence of parentification and a conspiracy of silence concerning the substance abuse that helped generate symptoms of cognitive dissonance in the children. As parents they experience a high degree of inadequacy, incompetence and stress. Conclusion: A majority of the children who had grown up with substance-abusing parents responded by taking a parenting role for themselves, their siblings and their parents. These children, often well-behaved and seemingly competent, need to be identified and offered support as they risk developing significant psychological and emotional difficulties that can extend into adulthood. They form an extra sensitive group who may need special support up to and including the time when they become parents themselves. This finding underlines the importance of further research on parenting among those who have grown up with abusive parents.
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15

전혜정, 천성문, 최영미, 김명희, 박진희, and 이수영. "The Effect of Parentification of Adolescents on Ambivalence over Emotional Expression: Moderating Effect of Self-soothing Ability." Institute for Humanities and Social Sciences 19, no. 3 (August 2018): 431–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15818/ihss.2018.19.3.431.

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16

Cheong, Ho-Yeon. "The Mediating Effects of Ambivalence over Emotional Expressiveness Between Childhood Parentification and Depressive Symptoms by University Students." Korean Journal of Youth Studies 25, no. 5 (May 31, 2018): 185–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21509/kjys.2018.05.25.5.185.

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17

Kim, Boram, and Sumi Choi. "The Influence of University Student’s Parentification on Anxiety : The Mediating Effect of Emotional Exhaustion and Social Support." KOREAN JOURNAL OF COUNSELING AND PSYCHOTHERAPY 28, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 897. http://dx.doi.org/10.23844/kjcp.2016.08.28.3.897.

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18

Napora, Elżbieta. "Parentification and Grandparents’ Support from the Perspective of Grandchildren from Families of Various Structures." Acta Technologica Dubnicae 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 9–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/atd-2016-0003.

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AbstractThe purpose of this study was to determine the strength of the relationship between a retrospective evaluation of the experienced social support given by grandparents and the material status of the family with the quality of life of the grown-up grandchildren in families of different structures. The formulated expectations have been verified with the Social Support Scale (SSS), Student’s Life Satisfaction Scale (SLSS) and an individual personal survey. The obtained results show that in families of single mothers, the emotional and informative support offered by grandparents was a significant factor improving the quality of the life of the grandchildren. In a complete family, however, the significant forms of support from grandparents were esteem support and its other forms, except for informative support. Moreover, the material wealth of the original family was shown to be an important predictor of the evaluation of the quality of life of the grandchildren; it was judged more negatively by adolescent children of single mothers.
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19

Żarczyńska-Hyla, Jolanta, Bożena Zdaniuk, Jolanta Piechnik-Borusowska, and Barbara Kromolicka. "Parentification in the Experience of Polish Adolescents. The Role of Socio-demographic Factors and Emotional Consequences for Parentified youth." New Educational Review 55, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/tner.2019.55.1.11.

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20

An, Jae Hyun, Jung Min Kim, and Na Hyun Kim. "The Effects of Parentification Experience on Self-Differentiation and Psychological Well-Being in Adolescents: The Mediating Effects of Emotional Regulation." Korean Journal of Child Psychotherapy 13, no. 2 (April 30, 2018): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23931/kacp.2018.13.2.19.

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21

Son, Juhee, and Juhee Park. "The Effects of Parentification of Early Adult Non-disabled Siblings on Ambivalence over Emotional Expression and Moderating Effects of Rejection Sensitivity." Family and Environment Research 57, no. 3 (August 22, 2019): 445–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.6115/fer.2019.033.

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22

Borchet, Judyta, and Aleksandra Lewandowska-Walter. "Parentification – its direction and perceived benefits in terms of connections with late adolescents’ emotional regulation in the situation of marital conflict." Current Issues in Personality Psychology 2 (2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5114/cipp.2017.66092.

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Park, Se-a., and Jung-min Kim. "Parentification and Interpersonal Problems among High School Students: The Dual Mediating Effect of Socially-Prescribed Perfectionism and Ambivalence Over Emotional Expressiveness." Korean Journal of Youth Studies 27, no. 9 (September 30, 2020): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.21509/kjys.2020.09.27.9.61.

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정해인 and Insoo Oh. "A Study on the Effect of Parentification and Overprotectiveness on Interpersonal Problem: A Focus on the Mediation Effect of Emotional Regulation Style." Korea Journal of Youth Counseling 24, no. 2 (November 2016): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35151/kyci.2016.24.2.013.

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De Girolamo, G., G. Signorini, and V. Candini. "The needs of children who have parents suffering from severe mental disorders." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.174.

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AbstractObjectiveMental illness in parents is a biological and environmental risk factor to which young people are exposed. Living with a parent suffering from a mental disorder may have a variety of detrimental consequences, including: (a) the reversal of caregiving (“parentification”); (b) the exposure to an adverse environment, where developmental needs of the child (emotional and practical) might be repeatedly neglected (lack of communication, high expressed emotion, etc.); (c) stigma and discrimination. We will provide a review of needs of these children and of possible interventions.MethodsSystematic searches located studies reporting and assessing met and unmet needs of these children.ResultsYoung people living in such families often have problems of internalizing and externalizing symptoms, cognitions of shame, guilt, and loneliness, perceptions of lacking social support and social acceptance. Children who have mentally ill parents are up to two and a half times more likely to experience poorer mental health outcomes than their peers. Compared to peers, children of parents with mental disorders are also at risk of poorer intellectual and social outcomes, of affect dysregulation, of behavioral problems, of impaired attention and reduced overall adaptive functioning, of higher rates of substance abuse and multiple diagnosis and finally of low occupational status, health risk behaviour and antisocial behavior.ConclusionsGiven the high toll paid by children having parents suffering from severe mental disorders, it is urgent to develop, test and implement structured programmes to help these children cope with stressful circumstances and improve their resilience.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
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Park, Mi-hyun, Kyung Ran Choi, and Ji Young Hong. "The Relationship between Parentification and Social Anxiety Cognition in College Student: The Mediating Effect of Ambivalence in Emotional Expressiveness and Unconditional Self-Acceptance." Korean Association For Learner-Centered Curriculum And Instruction 19, no. 12 (June 30, 2019): 1305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22251/jlcci.2019.19.12.1305.

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McGauran, Andra, Matthew Brooks, and Roxanne Khan. "The role of emotional resilience, childhood parentification, and attachment style on antisocial behaviour in adulthood: a comparison of an offender and normative population." Journal of Criminal Psychology 9, no. 2 (April 25, 2019): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jcp-08-2018-0035.

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28

Chojnacka, Barbara, and Aneta Jarzębińska. "„De-parentification” – strategies of dealing with the reversal of family roles." Problemy Opiekuńczo-Wychowawcze 589, no. 4 (April 30, 2018): 22–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.0591.

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The article presents the results of the analysis of the content of discussions conducted on selected online forums devoted to the topic of parentification. It presents the ways in which forum members (victims of parentification) have interrupted the reversed order of family roles and levelled out the negative consequences of this experience, referred to as „de-parentification”. Activities such as: encouraging the parents to change their behaviour, separation from them, working on disclosure of negative emotions related to experienced parentification, exploring their own needs, reading, undertaking therapy, etc. have been identified. Simultaneously, different factors were identified, that are the obstacles for de-parentification. These include: transgenerational transfer of incorrect family roles structures, its continuance by the parent through diverse types of manipulation, the victim's denial, lack of social recognition of the victim's harm and the fault of the parent, etc. Additionally, the article points out the need for and the direction of further research concerning parentification, since only in-depth knowledge, both descriptive and explanatory, can further the effectiveness of the actions performed with the families.
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Teng, Jaena Clarice C., Angela Dionne F. Hilario, Lauren Marie A. Sauler, Ma Cristina M. De Los Reyes, and Myla Arcinas. "Parentification Experiences of Filipino Young Professional Daughters During the COVID-19 Pandemic." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 3, no. 4 (April 25, 2021): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2021.3.4.3.

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Parentification refers to parent-child role reversal wherein the child adopts the parent's role instrumentally or emotionally. This role reversal practice between the parent and the child is not uncommon in certain cultures. The cultural dynamics and familial obligations at play have positive and negative outlooks with varying effects. This study focused on the effects of instrumental parentification experiences on psychological resilience and interpersonal relationships among selected Filipino young professional daughters during the COVID-19 pandemic. Using purposive sampling, 19 Filipino young professional daughters from Metro Manila, Philippines, were selected for the study. Online interviews were conducted and thematic analysis was employed to process the data. Findings showed that most of the daughters, with “utang na loob” (indebtedness) value system, wholeheartedly accepted instrumental parentification. Thus, more tasks and responsibilities were shouldered by them due to the COVID-19 lockdown wherein older parents need to stay at home due to the fear of contracting the disease. Almost all shared that the COVID-19 pandemic tested their parent-child relationship. A few expressed that it made them let go of personal growth opportunities and experienced problems with their parents' relationship, given the uncertainties brought by the COVID-19 pandemic. Nevertheless, they shared that they could not leave their ageing parents in this time of COVID-19 pandemic and that with proper balancing of tasks and responsibilities at home and at work, parentification made them to become more self-reliant, mature faster, and responsible daughters.
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Borchet, Judyta, Lisa M. Hooper, Sara Tomek, Wei S. Schneider, and Maciej Dębski. "Parentification in Polish Adolescents: a Prevalence Study." Journal of Child & Adolescent Trauma, October 25, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40653-021-00411-8.

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AbstractThis study investigated the prevalence of parentification in a nationwide cross-sectional study. There were N = 47,984 Polish adolescents aged 12–21 (M = 15.60; SD = 1.98; female 52.7%, male 47.3%). The results indicated that more adolescents experienced emotional parentification (toward parents 35.9%; toward siblings 25.2%) as compared to instrumental parentification (toward parents 7.2%; toward siblings 15.5%), which is noteworthy, since emotional parentification is the most detrimental form of parentification in USA samples. Overall, 15.5% of the participants reported a sense of injustice related to their family caregiving roles and 61.2% reported satisfaction related to their family caregiving roles. The results are important given the dearth of prevalence studies.
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Mays, Cindy J., and Lacy E. Krueger. "Does Locus of Control Influence Parentification and Anxiety in Father–Daughter Relationships?" Journal of Family Issues, February 9, 2021, 0192513X2199318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x21993187.

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Parentification is a role-reversal phenomenon in which boundary violations occur such as children being their parents’ physical or emotional caretakers. Researchers have shown that childhood parentification can produce anxiety, but locus of control (LOC) moderates this relationship. We sought to examine the influence of LOC on the parentification-anxiety relationship in father–daughter dyads, as this dyad is under-represented in the parentification literature. One hundred and eighty-one undergraduate women completed an anxiety measure, parentification questionnaire, and an LOC inventory. Higher levels of parentification and lower levels of internal LOC were associated with higher reports of anxiety, but internal LOC did not appear to moderate the anxiety-parentification relationship. For individuals residing at home, parentification predicted anxiety, whereas internal LOC predicted anxiety among those not residing at home. These results further the paternal parentification literature, as well as show the relationship between childhood parentification and women’s anxiety for those currently living at home.
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Wei, Hsi-Sheng, An-Ti Shih, Yi-Fu Chen, and Jun Sung Hong. "The impact of adolescent parentification on family relationship and civic engagement." Journal of Social Work, September 11, 2020, 146801732095524. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468017320955249.

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Summary This study examined the relationships between parentification, family relationship, political interest, and civic beliefs using a large sample of Taiwanese adolescents. Data were collected from 1648 junior and senior high school students in Taichung City, Taiwan. Parentification was hypothesized to positively affect family relationship, which in turn influences adolescents’ political interest and civic beliefs. A series of structural equation models were constructed and tested. Implications of the findings for practice and policy-making are discussed. Findings Two dimensions of parentification, instrumental and emotional caregiving, were found to be positively associated with the parent–child relationship while perceived unfairness was negatively associated with the family relations. Family relationship was positively related to youth’s civic beliefs as well as their political interests. Potential gender, age (junior high/senior high), and family (living with/not with both parents) effects were examined through multi-group comparisons. The model was robust with minor differences between gender, age, and family type subgroups. Applications Social workers should recognize the developmental benefits of parentification and utilize such experiences when working with adolescents. With cultural sensitivity, a healthy inter-dependence between youth and parents can be appreciated as a source of strength, which facilitates young people’s civic responsibility and concern for public affairs beyond family.
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Gadban, Faten, and Limor Goldner. "“I Have No Hope”: The Experience of Mothers in Polygamous Families as Manifested in Drawings and Narratives." Frontiers in Psychology 11 (December 7, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2020.608577.

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Polygamy is associated with lower marital satisfaction and is known to involve sexual, physical, and emotional abuse on the part of the husband. Less is known about the experience of mothers in polygamous families. This study was designed to shed light on the experiences of women in polygamous families in a sample of 80 Israeli Arab mothers living in polygamous families who use social services, domestic violence agencies, and health centers. Mothers were asked to draw their experiences in their families and to provide narratives for the drawings. A phenomenological approach was used to analyze the drawings, and yielded five different pictorial phenomena: (1) pseudo-sweetness, (2) houses, (3) the absentee father and the estranged mother, (4) incorporation of graphic symbols and lettering that represented distress, and (5) growth and development. Most of the drawings were restricted and shallow, indicating a complex emotional state of despair and distress. The central feelings that emerged from the drawings were negative emotions of anger, sadness, loneliness, and powerlessness. While some women longed for romantic relationships with their husbands, others expressed the desire for revenge and justice. Dissociation and parentification, as central coping strategies, emerged from the drawings and the narratives. The findings are discussed theoretically and clinically.
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Broady, Timothy. "Resilience across the Continuum of Care." M/C Journal 16, no. 5 (August 28, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.698.

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Abstract:
Who Are Carers? A carer is any individual who provides unpaid care and support to a family member or friend who has a disability, mental illness, drug and/or alcohol dependency, chronic condition, terminal illness or who is frail. Carers come from all walks of life, cultural backgrounds and age groups. For many, caring is a 24 hour-a-day job with emotional, physical and financial impacts, with implications for their participation in employment, education and community activities. Carers exist in all communities, including amongst Aboriginal communities, those of culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, amongst Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex communities, and throughout metropolitan, regional and rural areas (Carers NSW). These broad characteristics mean that caring occurs across a wide variety of situations and care responsibilities can impact an even wider group of people. The ubiquitous nature of informal care warrants its consideration as a major social issue, as well as the potential impacts that these roles can have on carers in both short and long term contexts. Caring for a loved one is often an unseen component of people’s domestic lives. As will be outlined below, the potentially burdensome nature of care can have negative influences on carers’ wellbeing. As such, factors that can enhance the resilience of carers in the face of such adversity have been widely investigated. This being said, individual differences exist in carers’ responses to their caring responsibilities. The caring experience can therefore be argued to exist on a continuum, from the adversity in relation to stressful challenges through to prosperity in light of their caring responsibilities. By considering the experience of care as existing along this continuum, the place of resilience within people’s domestic spaces can be viewed as a mechanism towards identifying and developing supportive practices. Negative Impacts of Care A significant body of research has identified potential negative impacts of caring. Many of the most commonly cited outcomes relate to negative effects on mental health and/or psychological functioning, including stress, anxiety and depression (e.g. Baker et al.; Barlow, Cullen-Powell and Cheshire; Cheshire, Barlow and Powell; Dunn et al.; Gallagher et al.; Hastings et al.; Lach et al.; Singer; Sörensen et al.; Vitaliano, Zhang and Scanlan; Whittingham et al.; Yamada et al.). These feelings can be exacerbated when caring responsibilities become relentlessly time consuming, as demonstrated by this comment from a carer of a person with dementia: “I can’t get away from it” (O'Dwyer, Moyle and van Wyk 758). Similarly, emotional responses such as sorrow, grief, anger, frustration, and guilt can result from caring for a loved one (Heiman; Whittingham et al.). Negative emotional responses are not necessarily a direct result of caring responsibilities as such, but an understanding of the challenges faced by the person requiring their care. The following quote from the carer of a child with autism exemplifies the experience of sorrow: “It was actually the worst day of our lives, that was the day we came to terms with the fact that we had this problem” (Midence and O’Neill 280). Alongside these psychological and emotional outcomes, physical health may also be negatively impacted due to certain demands of the caring role (Lach et al.; Sörensen et al.; Vitaliano, Zhang and Scanlan). Outcomes such as these are likely to vary across individual caring circumstances, dictated by variables such as the specific tasks required of the carer, and individual personality characteristics of both the carer and the person for whom they care. Nevertheless, an awareness of these potential outcomes is particularly important when considering the place of resilience in the domestic space of individuals caring for a loved one. This conceptualisation of caring as being a burdensome task reflects many publicly held perceptions. If caring is widely viewed as compromising carers’ wellbeing, then there is likely to be an increased likelihood of carers viewing themselves as victims. This is particularly true amongst children and adolescents with caring responsibilities, since young people are most susceptible to having their personal identities shaped by others’ perceptions (Andreouli, Skovdal and Campbell). Resilience in Caring Adversity Despite the widely acknowledged potential for caring to have negative consequences for carers, it must be noted that the occurrence of these outcomes are not inevitable. In fact, much of the research that has identified increased stress amongst carers also finds that the majority cope well with the demands of their role (Barnett et al.). These carers have been considered by many researchers to demonstrate resilience (e.g. Barnett et al.; O'Dwyer, Moyle and van Wyk). The ability to respond positively despite exposure to risk or adversity is a key feature of most definitions of resilience (Luthar, Cicchetti and Becker; Masten and Obradović; Zauszniewski, Bekhet and Suresky). Resilience in this context can thus be defined as a psychological process that facilitates healthy functioning in response to intense life stressors (Johnson et al.). Since caring experiences are likely to continue for an extended period of time, resilience is likely to be necessary on an ongoing basis, rather than in response to a single traumatic event. A resilient carer is therefore one who is able to effectively and adaptively cope with extenuating pressures of caring for a loved one. This involves the presence of personal, social, familial, or institutional protective factors that enable carers to resist stress (Kaplan et al.). For example, support from health professionals, family, or community has been found to effectively support carers in coping with their role (Bekhet, Johnson and Zauszniewski; Gardiner and Iarocci; Heiman; Whittingham et al.). The benefit of support networks in assisting carers to cope in their role is widely reported in the associated research, reinforced by many examples such as the following from a carer of a person with dementia: “It’s a social thing, like, I’ve got friends on there… I find that is my escape” (O'Dwyer, Moyle and van Wyk 758). At an individual level, those who demonstrate resilient in the face of adversity demonstrate optimistic or hopeful outlooks (Ekas, Lickenbrock and Whitman; Lloyd and Hastings; Whittingham et al.), while simultaneously holding realistic expectations of the future (Rasmussen et al.; Wrosch, Miller, et al.; Wrosch, Scheier, et al.). Such attitudes are particularly significant amongst people caring for family members or friends with disabilities or illnesses. The following attitude held by a carer of a child with cerebral palsy exemplifies this optimistic outlook: “I look at the glass half full and say that “well, it’s only his walking, everything else is fine”. “So, get over [it] and deal with it” (Whittingham et al. 1451). Those who cognitively process information, rather than reacting in a highly emotion way have also been found to cope better (Bekhet, Johnson and Zauszniewski; Heiman; Monin et al.; Pennebaker, Mayne and Francis), as have those with a greater sense of self-efficacy or an internal locus of control (Bekhet, Johnson and Zauszniewski; Kuhn and Carter). However effective these coping strategies prove to be, this is unlikely to provide the full picture of caring experiences, or the place of resilience within that space. Associating resilience with adversity presumes a consensus on what constitutes adversity. Taking the typical approach to investigating resilience amongst carers risks making undue assumptions of the nature of individual carers’ experiences – namely, that caring equates to adversity. The following paragraphs will outline how this is not necessarily the case. And furthermore, that the concept of resilience still has a place in considering informal caring, regardless of whether adversity is considered to be present. Benefits of Care While a great deal of evidence suggests that caring for a loved one can be a stressful experience, research has also demonstrated the existence of positive impacts of care. In many instances, carers not only cope, but also thrive in their caring roles (Turnbull et al.). Elements such as positive relationships within caring relationships can both challenge and strengthen individuals – factors that only exist due to the specific nature of the individual caring role (Bayat; Heiman). Such positive elements of the caring experience have been reflected in the literature, illustrated by quotes such as: “In some sense, this makes our family closer” (Bayat 709). Rather than viewing carers from a perspective of victimisation (which is particularly prominent in relation to children and young people with caring responsibilities), recognising the prevalence of positive wellbeing within this population provides a more nuanced understanding of the lived experiences of all carers (Aldridge). Reported benefits of caring tend to revolve around personal relationships, particularly in reference to parents caring for their children with special needs. Reflective of the parental relationship, carers of children with disabilities or chronic illnesses generally report feelings of love, joy, optimism, strength, enjoyment, and satisfaction with their role (Barnett et al.; Heiman). The views of such carers do not reflect an attitude of coping with adversity, but rather a perspective that considers their children to be positive contributors to carers’ quality of life and the wellbeing of the wider family (King et al.). This point of view suggests an additional dimension to resilience; in particular, that resilience in the relative absence of risk factors, can cause carers to flourish within their caring role and relationships. In addition to benefits in relationships, carers may also prosper through their own personal growth and development in the course of their caring (Knight). This includes factors such as the development of life skills, maturity, purpose, social skills, a sense of responsibility, and recognition – particularly amongst young people in caring roles (Earley, Cushway and Cassidy; Early, Cushway and Cassidy; Jurkovic, Thirkield and Morrell; Skovdal and Andreouli; Stein, Rotheram-Borus and Lester; Tompkins). Recognition of the potential personal benefits of caring for a loved one is not intended to suggest that the view of carers coping with adversity is universally applicable. While it is likely that individual caring situations will have an impact on the extent to which a carer faces adversity (e.g. intensity of caring responsibilities, severity of loved one’s impairment, etc.), it is important to recognise the benefits that carers can experience alongside any challenges they may face. Circumstances that appear adversarial may not be thought of as such by those within that context. Defining resilience as an ability to cope with adversity therefore will not apply to such contexts. Rather, the concept of resilience needs to incorporate those who not only cope, but also prosper. Carers who do not perceive their role as burdensome, but identify positive outcomes, can therefore be said to demonstrate resilience though contextually different from those coping with adversity. This is not to suggest that resilience is the sole contributing factor in terms of prospering in the caring role. We must also consider individual circumstances and nuances differ between carers, those they care for, interpersonal relationships, and wider caring situations. Continuum of Care Awareness of the range of impacts that caring can have on carers leads to a recognition of the broad spectrum of experience that this role entails. Not only do caring experiences exhibit large variations in terms of practical issues (such as functional capacities, or type and severity of illness, disability, or condition), they include carers’ diverse personal responses to caring responsibilities. These responses can reflect either positive or negative dimensions, or a combination of both (Faso, Neal-Beevers and Carlson). In this way, caring experiences can be conceptualised as existing along a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, experiences align with the traditional view of caring as a struggle with and over adversity. More specifically, carers experience burdens as a result of their additional caring responsibilities, with negative outcomes likely to occur. At the other end of the spectrum, however, carers prosper in the role, experiencing significant personal benefits that would not have been possible without the caring role. This continuum makes a case for an expanded approach to stress and coping models of resilience to include positive concepts and a benefit-orientated perspective (Cassidy and Giles). In contrast to research that has argued for a progression from stress and coping models to strengths-based approaches (e.g. Glidden, Billings and Jobe; Knight), the continuum of care acknowledges the benefits of each of these theoretical positions, and thus may prove more comprehensive in attempting to understand the everyday lived experiences of carers. The framework provided by a representation of a continuum allows for the individual differences in caring situations and carers’ personal responses to be acknowledged, as well as accounting for any changes in these circumstances. Further, the experience and benefits of resilience in different contextual spheres can be identified. The flexibility afforded by such an approach is particularly important in light of individual differences in the ways carers respond to their situations, their changing caring contexts, and their subsequent individual needs (Monin et al.; Walsh; Whittingham et al.). As the caring experience can be dynamic and fluctuate in both directions along the continuum, resilience may be seen as the mechanism by which such movement occurs. In line with stress and coping models, resilience can assist carers to cope with adversarial circumstances at that end of the continuum. Similarly, it may be argued that those who prosper in their caring role exhibit characteristics of resilience. In other words, it is resilience that enables carers to cope with adversity at one end of the continuum and also to prosper at the other. Furthermore, by supporting the development of resilient characteristics, carers may be assisted in shifting their experiences along the continuum, from adversity to prosperity. This view extends upon traditional approaches reported in the stress and coping literature by contending that caring experiences may progress beyond positions of coping with adversity, to a position where caring is not understood in terms of adversity at all, but rather in terms of benefits. The individual circumstances of any carer must be taken into consideration with this framework of resilience and the continuum of care. It is unrealistic to assume that all caring situations will allow for the possibility of reaching the end point of this continuum. Carers with particularly high demands in terms of time, resources, effort, or energy may not reach a stage where they no longer consider their caring role to involve any personal burden. However, the combination of a coping and strengths-based approach suggests that there is always the possibility of moving away from perceptions of adversity and further towards an attitude of prosperity. Implications for Supportive Practice From the perspective of this continuum of care, the protective factors and coping strategies identified in previous literature provide a valuable starting point for the facilitation of resilience amongst carers. Enhancing factors such as these can assist carers to move from situations of adversity towards experiences of prosperity (Benzies and Mychasiuk). Research has suggested that carers who are less analytical in their thinking and less optimistic about their personal situations may find particular benefit from support systems that assist them in redirecting their attention towards positive aspects of their daily lives, such as the benefits of caring outlined earlier (Monin et al.). The principle of focusing on positive experiences and reframing negative thoughts is thought to benefit carers across all levels of functioning and adaptive experience (Monin et al.). While those entrenched in more burdensome mindsets are likely to experience the greatest benefit from supportive interventions, there is still merit in providing similar supports to carers who do not appear to experience the similar experiences of burden, or demonstrate greater resilience or adaptation to their situation. The dynamic view of caring situations and resilience suggested by a continuum of care incorporates benefits of stress and coping models as well as strengths-based approaches. This has implications for supportive practice in that the focus is not on determining whether or not a carer is resilient, but identifying the ways in which they already are resilient (Simon, Murphy and Smith). For carers who experience their role through a lens of adversity, resilience may need to be purposefully fostered in order to better enable them to cope and develop through the ongoing stresses of their role. For carers at the other end of the spectrum, resilience is likely to take on a substantially different meaning. Under these circumstances, caring for a loved one is not considered a burdensome task; rather, the positive impact of the role is pre-eminent. This point of view suggests that carers are resilient, not only in terms of an ability to thrive despite adversity, but in prospering to the extent that adversity is not considered to exist. The attitudes and approaches of services, support networks, and governments towards carers should remain flexible enough to acknowledge the wide variety of caring circumstances that exist. The continuum of care provides a framework through which certain aspects of caring and variations in resilience can be interpreted, as well as the type of support required by individual carers. Furthermore, it must be noted that caring circumstances can change – either gradually or suddenly – with the extent to which carers experience adversity, coping or prosperity also changing. Any attempts to provide support to carers or acknowledge their resilience should demonstrate an awareness of the potential for such fluctuation. The fundamental view that carers always have the potential to move towards more positive outcomes has the potential to reframe perceptions of carers as victims, or as simply coping, to one that embraces the personal strengths and resilience of the individual. As such, carers can be supported when faced with adversity, and to flourish beyond that position. This in turn has the potential to safeguard against any detrimental effects of adversity that may arise in the future. References Aldridge, Jo. "All Work and No Play? Understanding the Needs of Children with Caring Responsibilities." Children & Society 22.4 (2008): 253-264. Andreouli, Eleni, Morten Skovdal, and Catherine Campbell. "‘It Made Me Realise That I Am Lucky for What I Got’: British Young Carers Encountering the Realities of Their African Peers." Journal of Youth Studies (2013): 1-16. Baker, Bruce L., et al. "Behavior Problems and Parenting Stress in Families of Three-Year-Old Children with and without Developmental Delays." 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