Academic literature on the topic 'Emotive epithets'

The present research features the method which we call linguohistoric and which is applied to such narratives as documentary prose – memoirs, biographies, pieces of journalese etc. It purports to collect background information and meaningful facts from real life narrations, observations, descriptions, judgements, opinions, which inescapably contain human-interest, emotive-evaluative tinges, epithets, metaphoric images. Facts accentuated by the observer can only be human-interest: if he were not interested, he would not have placed emphasis on these facts. We believe this background information helps determine the essence of historical phenomena, as well as their causal relationships and interdependencies. For the linguohistoric method of narrative study we borrow procedures from textology and conceptology (conceptual linguistics), viz. textological and conceptological analyses.

The paper addresses the issue of stylistic devices and textual means of creating an atmosphere of horror in the emotive prose of Edgar Poe and Mykola Hohol. The annotated paper is acute as little scholarly attention has been paid to the linguistic matter of presenting the category of horror by both writers while the literary perspective of academic studies of Е.Poe’s and M.Hohol’s writings has evidenced a number of researches, comparative ones including. The category of horror acquires a number of poetic manifestations with both authors: within the set of characters, space and atmosphere designing etc. Edgar Poe as well as Mykola Hohol resorts to various stylistic devices to render the nuances of the horrific atmosphere. On having conducted the research, the author arrives at the conclusion that epithets and metaphors bear the greatest significance and quantity in the narratives of both men of letters since the stories contain abundance of descriptive passages. They include the description of interior and exterior designs of the dwellings, landscapes etc. The mentioned devices are also attributed with symbolic connotation assigning additional meanings and implications alluding to national philosophies and imagery. The discordance in presenting the mood of horror is observed in the way E. Poe and M Hohol evolve the development of the atmosphere as well as in the use of foreshadowing device and color tropes.

This article is a study to classify the epithets referring to the characters in four Thai poetic works. The study results revealed that there are two groups of epithets to be found. The first one is epithets to praise characters by referring to their valuable entities, their dignity and their beauty. The second one is epithets to inveigh against characters. These epithets focus on the characters’ ethnicity, negative characteristics, ugly physical appearance, and worthless elements. The use of epithets is the poet’s strategy to express meaning and emotion in their poetic works. Moreover, the use of epithets through various words makes the literature more colorful and enhances emotional feelings in the readers.

Введение. Синтез искусств в культуре становится на рубеже XIX–XX столетий одной из доминирующих идей. Эта направленность в полной мере способствует раскрытию многочисленных талантов такого яркого представителя эпохи Серебряного века, как М. А. Волошин.Целью данной статьи является анализ лингвистических и художественных особенностей текстового материала, сопровождающего акварели М. Волошина.Материал и методы. В статье приводятся данные анализа лирических зарисовок разных лет, служащих сопровождением акварелей М. Волошина. Внимание к данному жанру обусловлено его несомненной значимостью для определения особенностей творческой манеры поэта и художника, а также для понимания его мировосприятия.В статье использованы методы семантико-стилистического, контекстологического, мотивного анализа, позволяющие раскрыть специфику поэтической картины мира автора, отраженную в надписях к акварелям М. А. Волошина.Результаты и обсуждение. Киммерия занимает особое место в творчестве М. Волошина – поэта, художника, переводчика, искусствоведа, мыслителя. Конгениальность М. Волошина как мастера кисти и слова нашла свое отражение в его надписях к акварелям. Данные лирические миниатюры – отдельный жанр, восходящий к античности, который роднит творчество поэта с искусством Востока.Образный строй поэтических миниатюр М. Волошина, организующий их смысловое пространство, включает в себя реалии земные (камень, вода) и небесные (облака, луна, солнце) и обнаруживает при их детальном рассмотрении синкретизм «земного» и «небесного». Цветовая картина мира, представленная многообразием цветообразов, в сочетании со звуковым оформлением передает синестезию авторского мировосприятия. Языковой и образный строй поэтических зарисовок М. Волошина отличается богатством и разнообразием: автор использует многочисленные сравнения, метафоры, эпитеты, оксюморонные сочетания, отступления от грамматических норм, позволяющие передать особенности творческой манеры мастера-творца.Заключение. Рассмотрение лингвистических и художественных особенностей лирических миниатюр М. Волошина позволило выявить их основные черты: метафоричность, синкретизм и синестетичность при создании образов, эмотивный и прагматический потенциал цветовой символики – и сделать вывод о своеобразии поэтической картины мира автора. Introduction. At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, the synthesis of arts in culture becomes one of the dominant ideas. This orientation fully contributes to the disclosure of the many talents of such a brilliant representative of the Silver Age as M. A.Voloshin. The purpose of this article is to analyze the linguistic and artistic features of the text material accompanying M. Voloshin’s watercolors. Material and methods. The article presents the data of the analysis of lyrical sketches of different years, serving as an accompaniment to M. Voloshin’s watercolors. Attention to this genre is due to its undoubted importance for determining the characteristics of the creative manner of the poet and artist, understanding his worldview. The article uses the methods of semantic-stylistic, contextological, motivational analysis, allowing to reveal the specifics of the author’s poetic picture of the world, reflected in the inscriptions on the watercolors of M. A. Voloshin. Results and discussion. Cimmeria occupies a special place in the work of M. Voloshin – a poet, artist, translator, art critic, thinker. The congeniality of M. Voloshin as a master of brush and word is reflected in his inscriptions for watercolors. These lyrical miniatures are a separate genre dating back to antiquity, which makes the poet’s work related to the art of the East. The figurative structure of M. Voloshin’s poetic miniatures, organizing their semantic space, includes earthly (stone, water) and heavenly (clouds, moon, sun) realities and reveals, when examined in detail, the syncretism of “earthly” and “heavenly”. The color picture of the world, represented by a variety of color images, in combination with sound design, conveys the synesthesia of the author’s perception of the world. The linguistic and figurative structure of M. Voloshin’s poetic sketches is rich and diverse: the author uses numerous comparisons, metaphors, epithets, oxymoric combinations, deviations from grammatical norms, which make it possible to convey the peculiarities of the creative manner of the master-creator. Conclusion. Consideration of the linguistic and artistic features of M. Voloshin’s lyrical miniatures made it possible to identify their main features: metaphoricity, syncretism and synestheticism in creating images, emotive and pragmatic potential of color symbolism – and to draw a conclusion about the originality of the author’s poetic picture of the world.

The article is devoted to the study of linguistic means of realizing pejoration in the novels by S. Mayer. The topicality of the study is caused by scholarly necessity and importance of studying pejoration from anthropocentric viewpoint, since this vocabulary is rapidly developing and requires analysis and research from different positions. Moreover, the emotive component and the evaluative category in pejoratives have been insufficiently studied. The following definition of pejoratives has been put forward: they are lexemes that have negative, emotionally loaded expressive evaluation and create preconditions for the achievement of an illocutionary goal. They belong to the low style, have a synonym in neutral vocabulary register, have denotative and connotative components of meaning, are prone to change the sign of evaluation, in terms of hybrid semantics have both truth-conditional and use-conditional components and are contextually preconditioned. Vocabulary, the pejorative meaning of which is denotatively registered in lexicographic sources is determined as absolute. Pejoratives, whose meaning is not lexicographically registered, are classified as relative. Semantic field of pejorative vocabulary corpus consists of the nucleus, close and distant periphery. All means of distant periphery serve as intensifiers of pejorative meaning. On the semantic level pejoratives may function as a metaphor, epithet, oxymoron, hyperbole, litote, metonymy, simile, irony and sarcasm. On the syntactic level pejorative vocabulary is integrated into interrogative constructions, inversions, syntactic reductions, stylistic repetitions, antithesis, and word-play. The degree of expressiveness of pejorative meaning has been estimated by means of Likert scale, and it includes the following items: punctuation, semantic and stylistic means, syntactic and stylistic means, graphic symbols, nonce-words and adj/adv + n structure. Pragmatic analysis has yielded the following result: pejoratives are potentially manipulative linguistic means.

The aim of the article is to present the theoretical problems of researching the role of assessment in the verbalization of human emotions. In linguistics, a very small number of studies are devoted to the conceptualization of emotions in the axiological aspect. The author proves that hedonistic and moral assessments are most often present in the conceptualization of feelings. Moral assessment characterizes the actions and intentions of a person, and his attitude towards other people from the point of view of good and evil. In the verbalization of emotions, it is expressed with the help of epithets that are combined with the names of feelings, as well as through the linguistic representation of close or polar feelings. Hedonistic assessment characterizes the feeling of the subject of emotion on a scale of «pleasant/unpleasant». In the verbalization of emotions, it is expressed through metaphorical descriptions that represent conceptual signs and associative images of feelings.

Summary Antonomasia implies two opposing semantic mechanisms: the replacement of a proper name by an appellative, epithet or periphrasis (e. g. the Iron Lady standing for Margaret Thatcher), or the attribution of a proper name to an appellative or a set of certain personality traits (e. g. a Penelope standing for a faithful, devoted wife). The aim of this paper is to show that studying antonomasia as a figure of speech driven by a cognitive metonymic and metaphoric mechanism can contribute to revealing how women are conceptualised and consequently talked about. We do so by analysing figurative antonomasia in a dataset of 307 examples extracted from Bosnian/Croatian/Montenegrin/Serbian (BCMS) webpages, although the findings are generisable to other languages as well. We show that antonomasia is frequently based on entrenched stereotypes about women and that in the collective consciousness of the BCMS speakers women are often conceptualised as (sexual) objects, typically valued by aesthetic criteria, as well as in relation to their possession of certain stereotypical female traits (self-sacrifice or subordination to others, excessive emotion but also cruelty, manipulativeness, showiness, talkativeness, etc.). In addition, the analysis also revealed that a woman is principally identified through her relations with other beings (as a mother, sister, wife or lover). Our study thus confirms that studying antonomasia within gender and language studies is a goal well worth pursuing.

Abstract This long Voluntaristics Review2 (VR 3.5–6) article and book focuses on the deviant form of Nonprofit Groups (NPGs), mainly volunteer-based associations, but occasionally paid-staff-based nonprofit agencies. A Deviant Nonprofit Group (DNG) is defined as “a Nonprofit group that deviates significantly from certain moral norms of the society” (Smith, Stebbins, & Dover, 2006, p. 68). The aim is to develop and present an empirically grounded theory with eighty-three hypotheses about many of the key analytical features or operational characteristics of DNGs, usually voluntary associations with memberships and often run by volunteers, not nonprofit agencies without memberships and usually run by paid staff (Smith, 2017a). The total theory may be termed a Grounded General Theory of DNG Operation-Structure. The document is based on an extensive review and qualitative content analysis of about 260 published research documents representing twenty-five common-language purposive-goal types of DNGs (vs. analytical-theoretical types, which do not exist in detail). Moral norms are the broad, emotionally charged directives concerning what is customarily right and wrong, by which members of a community or society implement their institutionalized solutions to problems significantly affecting their valued normal way of life (see Stebbins, 1996, pp. 2–3). These norms indicate in a general way what the community (it may be local, regional, national, or international) expects by sociocultural custom of its members in particular areas of social life and what it considers rejections of those expectations. Thus, moral norms stand apart from other kinds of expectations such as ordinances, regulations, customs, and folkways in general. Deviating (near synonym: deviance) is defined as rule-breaking, and sometimes is a crime in a specific society at a specific time in its history, but not always. Such deviation, deviance, or rule-breaking of specific actions by a DNG (or any individual or group) is highly variable both through historical time in a given society and also across societies or nations at a given historical time (Smith, 2017b). Deviance or rule-breaking is present in the nonprofit sector (NPS), just as in all other sectors of human society (Smith, 2017a), although less frequently studied in the NPS than for other societal sectors (Smith, 2011). Essentially, this present document attempts to bring some systematic theoretical order to the disorder-chaos of a highly varied set of Deviant Nonprofit Groups/DNGs that heretofore has been seen as composed of disparate, unrelated types of groups—a jumble or chaos. All these DNGs are rather consistently alleged (at least initially) by many or even most people in their societies of origin, when known to non-members-outsiders, to be different, strange, deviant, crazy, insane, mad, dangerous, sick, selfish, cruel, stupid, weird, wild, evil, ungodly, sinful, unnatural, treacherous, subversive, seditious, criminal, bad, evil, immoral, and so on. Summarizing briefly the most stigmatizing epithets for nearly all DNG types studied here, DNGs and their leaders and members generally are often accused of madness-treason-immorality, because their perceived deviance is emotionally troubling to conventional adults in the society. As such, in the eyes of their own society, DNGs are often stigmatized and labeled very negatively by many, often most, people in a given society who are DNG outsiders-non-members at a given time (e.g., a period of at least ten years from the DNG’s de facto origin date, if the DNG existed for that long, sometimes for much longer). A wide range of negative terms (epithets) may be used to describe a DNG, summarized here as mad (crazy)-treacherous-immoral, as well as various other negative traits or factors being alleged regarding the DNG and its leaders and/or members. Yet there is often little systematic evidence for these stigmatizing epithets or negative traits alleged about DNGs, except for a few DNG types (e.g., Revolutionary DNGs, Terrorist DNGs, Guerrilla DNGs, Coup d’État DNGs). This common lack of concrete evidence for stigmatizing statements about any given DNG suggests that the allegations are mainly emotional statements, rather than factual statements, based mainly on fast-thinking (see Kahneman, 2011). By definition, DNGs and their leaders and members believe in and take actions that involve serious rule-breaking in their own society (i.e., violating current moral norms and rules). However, the stigmatizing of these beliefs and actions by non-members, including the general public and the government, is often much exaggerated, or even simply false. Over time, especially decades, the deviant actions may (and often do) tend to seem less and less serious in the given society, as societal-consensual definitions of social deviance can change and have done so markedly over historical time (e.g., Smith, 2018b; Winck, 1991). However, the foregoing should not be taken to mean that all DNGs are innocuous. As suggested above, some DNG types can be immensely harmful to people and property, such as the revolutionary DNGs, terrorist DNGs, guerrilla DNGs, and coup d’etat DNGs noted. Yet other types of DNGs also sometimes do substantial harm, such as the rest of the broader DNG analytical category, Deviant Political Resistance & Liberation Groups, including also WWII Underground Nazi-Resistance Groups, Vigilante Groups, Citizen Militias/Paramilitary Groups, and Political Parties (Deviant). Similarly, the broader DNG analytical category, Deviant Anger & Violence Groups, includes DNG types that often cause serious harm—Hate Groups, Motorcycle Outlaw Gangs, and Delinquent Youth Gangs. Even some DNGs in the broader DNG analytical category of Deviant Religion & Worldview Groups, can do substantial harm—obviously, Massacre/Mass Suicide Groups, but also medieval Heresy Groups (Christian) subject to the Catholic Church’s Inquisitions, as well as some Cults/New Religions (Deviant), Deviant Science DNGs, and some Sects (Deviant). The author is doing something analogous to what the first systematic, theoretical botanist did when s/he went into the jungle/forest and tried to see commonalities among the great variety of apparently different forms of plants present there. Here, the equivalents of plants are the many different DNG types, and the commonalities discovered are now expressed in the many empirically grounded hypotheses formulated by the author over the course of this research effort, with the first fifty-one hypotheses formulated much earlier, in 1994, but not investigated regarding empirical support by qualitative content analysis until done here (Smith, 1996b). These source documents were chosen as typical examples of a newly constructed set of twenty-five purposive or goal types of DNGs, described here. As the reader will see, the present grounded theory review and content analysis seeks the empirical operating methods and structures of these twenty-five DNG types—the method in their alleged madness-treason-immorality, or other stigmatizing epithets. The terms mad and madness are not meant as clinical or psychiatric terms; similarly, the terms treason and treachery are also used loosely, as with immorality or bad/evil. Instead, these are vague and imprecise, common language (vernacular) terms expressing negative emotion, bandied about carelessly and loosely when English-speakers really dislike and are disturbed by the beliefs and especially by the alleged or actual actions or a person or group. Such terms are ways that other people strongly disfavor and stigmatize certain beliefs, values, actions, or inactions by specific persons or groups. In this content analysis process of much published research on DNGs, the author is seeking two useful scholarly outcomes: Develop and derive meaningful generalizations as empirically grounded hypotheses for future more careful, systematic, and, if feasible, quantitative testing with a better sample of DNGs so as to build a body of valid grounded theory about DNGs. Assess whether each such grounded theory hypothesis finds any empirical support in a fairly comprehensive but haphazard sample of at least 100 specific DNGs of twenty-five common-language purposive or goal types. All of the grounded hypotheses developed and reported here in this review were supported by empirical evidence for at least one (often two) of the two or three specific DNGs of 25 DNG types studied, as described in source documents that were content analyzed. Indeed, all such hypotheses were supported by most of the twenty-five DNG types studied, giving significant qualitative validity to the author’s Grounded General Theory of DNG Operation-Structure. Such empirical support suggests that these hypotheses are valid at least sometimes for many DNG types and deserve further investigation, hopefully in more quantitative studies with better sampling of DNGs, countries, and historical time periods. Taken collectively, the many empirically grounded (supported) hypotheses of the present theory can be seen as a new theoretical paradigm for studying NPGs that helps bring analytical order to a previously chaotic realm of dark side or deviant NPS phenomena.

ABSTRACTThis study investigates interpersonal metaphor in “Indonesia Now” English news TV program based on Systemic Functional Linguistics approach. The objective of the study are to identify what types of interpersonal metaphors in “Indonesia Now”, to describe how those interpersonal metaphors are used, and to explain in what context those interpersonal metaphor are used. A qualitative descriptive research design was used in this study. The data were taken from one weekly broadcast Indonesia Now in January to June 2017. The data were collected by recording the “Indonesia Now” program on Metro TV, then transcribing the program broadcasts into written text, classifying the data into types of interpersonal metaphors and then drawing conclusion from the data. The findings of the study show that there are five types of interpersonal metaphor used in “Indonesia Now”, namely metaphor of mood, modality, epithet, euphemism, and connotation. The use of interpersonal metaphor in “Indonesia Now” is realized by use of incongruent types of expressing meaning in interaction. In addition, the use of interpersonal metaphor, it is also found that expressing emotion as the new findings of this study which not in line with the previous theories. The speaker use interpersonal metaphor to accurately reflect their point of view and express the emotion and this purpose can be achieved with the reference to social context which named context of situation. Keywords: Interpersonal Metaphor, Systemic Functional Linguistic, Indonesia Now

This study investigates interpersonal metaphor in “Indonesia Now” English news TV program based on Systemic Functional Linguistics approach. The objective of the study are to identify what types of interpersonal metaphors in “Indonesia Now”, to describe how those interpersonal metaphors are used, and to explain in what context those interpersonal metaphor are used. A qualitative descriptive research design was applied. The data were taken from one weekly broadcast Indonesia Now in January to June 2017. The data were collected by recording the “Indonesia Now” program on Metro TV, then transcribing the program broadcasts into written text, classifying the data into types of interpersonal metaphors and then drawing conclusion from the data. The findings of the study show that there are five types of interpersonal metaphor used in “Indonesia Now”, namely metaphor of mood, modality, epithet, euphemism, and connotation. The use of interpersonal metaphor in “Indonesia Now” is realized by use of incongruent types of expressing meaning in interaction. In addition, the use of interpersonal metaphor, it is also found that expressing emotion as the new findings of this study which not in line with the previous theories. The speaker use interpersonal metaphor to accurately reflect their point of view and express the emotion and this purpose can be achieved with the reference to social context which named context of situation.Keyword: Interpersonal metaphor, Systemic Functional Linguistic, Indonesia Now

Стаття присвячена аналізу епітетних та метафоричних структур – експлікаторів концепту ПАТРІОТИЗМ. Загострюючи увагу читача на конкретній частині періодичного тексту газет «Дзеркало тижня», «День», вони максимально посилюють вплив на формування та зміну мовної картини світу читацької аудиторії.<br>The article contains analysis of epithet and metaphorical structures – the explicators of the PATRIOTISM concept. Aptly drawing attention of the readers to the particular part of the periodic text of the «Dzerkalo tyzhnya», «Den» newspapers, they increase the maximum impact on the formation and change of the readers’ language picture of the world.

Today’s Khalsa (nucleus of Sikhs committed to a shared discipline) is a complex of several strands of tradition, each represented vigorously among globally connected Sikh youth. Iron holds a central place in two of these – the Akhand Kirtani Jatha and the Nihangs. Thus, the Akhand Kirtani Jatha’s code of discipline requires the maintenance of sarab loh (literally ‘all iron’), in other words the practice of only using utensils that are made of iron and of only eating from an iron thali (tray, platter). In the case of the Nihangs, their distinctiveness involves a prominent respect for weaponry: the perpetuation of shastar vidya (‘knowledge of weapons’, martial art) and the incorporation of iron or steel martial insignia in their dumala (towering turban) and elsewhere on their person. Moreover, along with the Adi Granth and the Dasam Granth, Nihangs honour as scripture a work entitled Sarabloh Granth (‘all-iron volume’). In the case of a third Khalsa group, the Damdami Taksal, the word taksal (mint in the sense of a coin factory, though translated ‘educational institution’) is in its very title. As with other aspects of resurgent Sikh groupings and observance, the emphasis on metals, and iron in particular, is continuous with much earlier Sikh tradition. So, two of Sikhs’ ten human Gurus, Guru Hargobind and Guru Gobind Singh, were known for their military prowess and leadership. The initiation of Sikhs into the Khalsa involves being ‘baptised’ with sweetened water, stirred in an iron vessel (bata) with a khanda (two-edged sword) and they are required thenceforth to have five distinguishing externals (the ‘five Ks’) of which the kirpan (sword) and kara (bangle-like ring around the right wrist) are made of steel or iron. These are emotive symbols for the many more individuals who identify as Sikh without becoming Khalsa Sikhs. Indeed, along with the ik oankar emblem (combination of numeral and character signifying oneness of God/ reality), Sikhs often display a composite symbol consisting of a khanda, encircled by a kara or quoit and cupped by two kirpans. This chapter will outline varieties of metal-related Khalsa tradition, as well as examining the evolution of the five Ks, and of the nishan sahib. (This is the flagpole and pennant, bearing the khanda emblem, that indicate that a building is a gurdwara, a public place of worship). Sikhs’ emphasis on iron will be contextualised in the light of Guru Gobind Singh’s epithets for ‘akal’ (the timeless one, God) as ‘sarab loh’ and Sikh interpretation of the invocation of Bhagauti in the congregational prayer, Ardas, as an invocation of the sword (rather than of Bhagavati/ the Indic mother goddess). Sikh coins too will be discussed with particular reference to the collection in the British Museum. The imagery of the Adi Granth (Guru Granth Sahib, Sikh scripture) includes many references to metals, minting and money - as well as to gemstones - and these will all be explored as expressions of the Gurus’ teaching that provides the ultimate religious authority for Sikhs. The Guru/divine teacher is declared to be the paras (philosopher’s stone) ‘by whose touch iron is transformed to gold’ (AG 1113) and this trope will be considered further.