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Journal articles on the topic 'Emperor Kangxi'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 8 September 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Yueshan, Zhou. "Westward Dissemination of Pre-modern Chinese Book Collections to Europe." Intercultural Relations 4, no. 2(8) (February 16, 2021): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rm.02.2020.08.04.

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One of the most magnificent collections of pre-modern Chinese books kept in Europe, was brought to France by Joachim Bouvet, a French missionary, in the 17th century. It is widely accepted that these 49 volumes of Chinese books were a gift from the Chinese emperor Kangxi to Louis XIV, the King of France, with Bouvet, the person who brought the books, believed to have been appointed as the Kangxi Emperor’s special envoy. However, as I intend to show here, it may be that neither was Bouvet a special envoy, nor were the books a gift from the Chinese emperor.

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2

Vedal, Nathan. "“Preferring Omission over Falsity”." Historiographia Linguistica 40, no. 1-2 (March 8, 2013): 3–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.40.1-2.02ved.

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Summary Neglected in the current scholarship on Qing dynasty court compilations, the dictionary commissioned by the Kangxi emperor in 1710 is an important source for understanding the nature of court-commissioned reference works in the early Qing. The Kangxi Classic of Characters, although typically believed to have improved on Ming and early Qing dictionaries by virtue of its greater inclusion of source materials, in fact had a more complicated relationship with its predecessors. In the process of delegitimizing earlier, privately compiled works, the editors of the Kangxi Classic of Characters actively promoted the exclusive authority of the court in their composition of dictionary definitions. Further, their manipulation of definitions in earlier dictionaries was not a straightforward process of greater inclusion and deletion of redundancy, but rather a reflection of contemporary intellectual developments. This can be seen in the compilers’ attempts to bring the definitions in line with a number of trends in Confucian thought, which were taking form at the court during this period.

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3

Song, Mi-Ryung. "Why has the Emperor Kangxi made a tour to Manchuria?" Journal of Ming-Qing Historical Studies 24 (October 31, 2005): 225–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31329/jmhs.2005.10.24.225.

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4

Meynard, Thierry. "Fan Shouyi, A Bridge Between China And The West Under The Rite Controversy." Annales Missiologici Posnanienses, no. 22 (January 4, 2018): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/amp.2017.22.2.

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Much has been written about Matteo Ricci and others Western missionaries in China, and less attention has been given to Chinese Catholics. We present here the fascinating story of Fan Shouyi, a Chinese Catholic who came to Europe and decided to become a Jesuit. Returning to China, he played a role in the relations between pope Clement XI and the emperor Kangxi, a role not easy but quite constructive.

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Cho, Byoung Hak. "A Study on Comparison of Descriptions about Emperor Kangxi s Direct Conquest to Mongolia(35th year of Kangxi s regime)." Korean Society of Culture and Convergence 41, no. 5 (October 30, 2019): 1059–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33645/cnc.2019.10.41.5.1059.

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6

Jami, Catherine. "The Reconstruction of Imperial Mathematics in China During the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722)." Early Science and Medicine 8, no. 2 (2003): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338203x00026.

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AbstractContrary to astronomy, the early modern Chinese State did not systematically sponsor mathematics. However, early in his reign, the Kangxi Emperor studied this subject with the Jesuit missionaries in charge of the calendar. His first teacher, Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688) relied on textbooks based on Christoph Clavius' (1538-1612). Those who succeeded Verbiest as imperial tutors in the 1690s produced lecture notes in Manchu and Chinese. Newly discovered manuscripts show Antoine Thomas (1644-1709) wrote substantial treatises on arithmetic and algebra while teaching those subjects. In 1713, the emperor commissioned a group of scholars and officials to compile a standard survey of mathematics (Shuli jingyun, "Essential principles of mathematics"). This work opened with the claim that mathematics had its roots in Chinese Antiquity. However, it can be shown that the Jesuits' lecture notes were the main source of the Shuli jingyun. The reconstruction of mathematics under Kangxi's patronage is thus best characterised as the imperial appropriation of Western learning.

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Kleutghen, Kristina. "Review: Where Dragon Veins Meet: The Kangxi Emperor and His Estate at Rehe." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 80, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 223–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2021.80.2.223.

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8

Forêt, Philippe. "A Paradise Lost: The Imperial Garden Yuanming Yuan. By Young-tsu Wong. [Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2001. 226 pp. Hard cover $60.00, ISBN 0-8248-2226-9; paperback ISBN 0-8248-2328-1.]." China Quarterly 170 (June 2002): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443902360285.

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Yuanming Yuan has become the most famous garden of imperial China thanks to its well-documented and tragic history. The nationalism of Chinese historians and the enthusiastic endorsement of Westerners – Victor Hugo used to compare Yuamming Yuan to the Parthenon – have combined to turn the ruins of the Yuanming Yuan into a major tourist attraction today. At the very beginning of the 18th century the Kangxi emperor (r. 1662–1722) supervised the simultaneous construction of two new garden complexes, the court's principal residence of Yuanming Yuan in Haidian (Beijing) and the summer residence of Bishu Shanhuang in Chengde.

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Yangping, Li. "Methods of forming the communicative competence of Chinese specialists in Russian philology using miniature texts on Chinese and Russian history." Science and School, no. 2, 2020 (2020): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/1819-463x-2020-2-131-136.

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The article considers the ways of forming communicative and cultural competence which is one of the topical problems of the modern methodology of teaching the Russian language, important for improving the quality of education of Chinese studentsspecialist in Russian Philology. A historical approach to teaching the Russian language is proposed: using material from miniature texts about Chinese and Russian history. A very effective way of teaching the Russian language by comparing historical material to identify similarities and differences in the reforms of Peter I and the Kangxi Emperor is presented. All this contributes to the successful formation of communicative and cultural competencies among students.

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10

Goldstein, Joshua. "From Teahouse to Playhouse: Theaters As Social Texts in Early-Twentieth-Century China." Journal of Asian Studies 62, no. 3 (August 2003): 753–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3591859.

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The qing court had a love-hate relationship with popular drama. From the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736–95) to the Empress Dowager Cixi (1835–1908), several Qing rulers were renowned for their doting patronage of popular opera, yet the state was far from sanguine about drama's social effects, viewing public theaters with great suspicion. Theaters, in the eyes of the authorities, were notorious hangouts for ruffians, slackers, gamblers, and insurgents, providing these roustabouts with the ideal environment in which to scheme and swindle. In addition to waging campaigns to censor and weed out “seditious passages” from popular dramas (Guy 1987, 92), emperors throughout the Qing dynasty issued dozens of edicts regulating the construction, location, and clientele of commercial theaters. In rural areas, especially in times of unrest, local authorities often canceled scheduled performances for fear that such occasions offered gangs and secret societies prime opportunities for stirring up trouble (Mackerras 1972, 37). Urban theaters were no safer. According to popular lore, even the Kangxi emperor was cheated by hoodlums when he ventured into a public theater during one of his legendary outings disguised as a commoner (Liao 1997, 80). Yet in spite of their reputation for breeding disorder and moral vice, commercial theaters—commonly known as teahouses (chayuan)—increasingly thrived, and in this new social space, the genre of Peking opera came into full flower during the last century of the Qing dynasty.

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11

PRATT, KEITH. "ART IN THE SERVICE OF ABSOLUTISM: MUSIC AT THE COURTS OF LOUIS XIV AND THE KANGXI EMPEROR." Seventeenth Century 7, no. 1 (March 1992): 83–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.1992.10555337.

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12

Chow, Sheryl. "A LOCALISED BOUNDARY OBJECT: SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY WESTERN MUSIC THEORY IN CHINA." Early Music History 39 (September 4, 2020): 75–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127920000078.

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In 1685, the Portuguese Jesuit Thomas Pereira was ordered by the Qing Kangxi emperor to write books on Western music theory in Chinese. Presented in the books were seventeenth-century practical and speculative music theories, including the coincidence theory of consonance. Invoking the concept of ‘boundary object’, this article shows that the cultural exchange, which gave rise to new knowledge by means of selection, synthesis and reinterpretation, was characterised by a lack of consensus between the transmitter and the receivers over the functions of the imported theories. Although the coincidence theory of consonance could potentially effect the transition from a pure numerical to a physical understanding of pitch, as in the European scientific revolution, it failed to flourish in China not only because of different theoretical concerns between European and Chinese musical traditions, but also because of its limited dissemination caused by Chinese print culture.

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Wang, Guangchao, and Xiaochun Sun. "A Chinese Innovation Based on Western Methods: The Double-Epicycle Solar Model in the Lixiang kaocheng, 1722." Journal for the History of Astronomy 50, no. 2 (May 2019): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828619843431.

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This article attempts to show how an effort was made by Chinese astronomers to improve on the solar model under the auspice of Emperor Kangxi, in circumstances of the merging of Western and Chinese mathematical astronomy. The result of this effort is the Lixiang kaocheng. Different from the eccentric solar model in the previous calendars, Lixiang kaocheng invented a double-epicycle model to describe the solar motion, aiming at bringing computations into agreement with observation. The observational data used for determining the parameters of solar model might be obtained with Tychonic instruments. But it is also possible that these “observational data” might have been derived from Western astronomical tables. Although actual observations did become more accurate, it did not reflect upon the revision of the solar model. The accuracy of the solar model in the Lixiang kaocheng did not increase very much compared with the previous models.

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Lobsang, Yongdan. "The Translation of European Astronomical Works into Tibetan in the Early Eighteenth Century." Inner Asia 17, no. 2 (December 9, 2015): 175–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340041.

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It has long been assumed that European scientific knowledge arrived in Tibet with the agents of the British Empire in the early twentieth century and furthermore that Tibetans did not engage with scientific knowledge until recent years. However, this is far from the case; from the beginning of the eighteenth century onwards Tibetans not only translated a great number of Jesuit astronomical works into Tibetan by order of the Kangxi Emperor (1654–1722), they also reformed one of the calendars in use in Amdo using the principles described by Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe (1546–1601). In this paper I look at how the relevant translations were done, by whom and in what historical context. I shall also explore the process by which the Jesuit-inspired astronomical and calendar turned out to be the catalyst for the adoption, reformation and manufacture of the Qing imperial calendar in Amdo.

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Irving, David R. M. "THE DISSEMINATION AND USE OF EUROPEAN MUSIC BOOKS IN EARLY MODERN ASIA." Early Music History 28 (August 24, 2009): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127909000357.

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Musical commodities frequently accompanied European explorers, soldiers, merchants and missionaries who travelled to Asia in the early modern period. During this time, numerous theoretical treatises and musical scores – both printed and manuscript – were disseminated throughout Asia. This article examines the dissemination and use of European musical works in early modern China, Japan and the Philippines, before identifying the titles of scores and treatises so far known to have been present in these territories. In order to measure the relative success of European missionaries in transplanting music to early modern Asia, it then takes as case studies the local production of three significant sources of European music during the seventeenth century: (1) the earliest example of printed European music from Asia, produced by the Jesuit press at Nagasaki in 1605; (2) a Chinese treatise on European music that was commissioned by the Kangxi Emperor in 1713 and printed the following decade; and (3) a 116-page manuscript treatise, compiled by an unidentified Jesuit in late seventeenth-century Manila, which synthesises the most current European music theory as well as commenting on local musical practices.

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Wei, Sophie Ling-chia. "Jesuit Figurists’ written space." Culture and Society 5, no. 2 (November 28, 2016): 271–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ts.5.2.06wei.

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As the Jesuit Figurists journeyed through the sea of commentaries on the Yijing and the trans-textual dialogue, they did not just play the role of translators and commentators by doing intralingual translation. They also sought the attention of the Kangxi Emperor and the elite literati by producing handwritten Chinese manuscripts that mimicked the format and grammatology of Chinese commentaries. Besides the commentarial tradition, and the Classical and vernacular language employed in the Chinese manuscripts of the Jesuit Figurists, their formats, writing/calligraphy, layout and other visual features had a life and history of their own. The manuscripts served as a visual medium that helped the Jesuit Figurists communicate and proselytize via a shared identity with the Chinese literati. They strove to imitate the format used in commentaries on the Yijing by earlier or contemporary literati. Thus, their Chinese manuscripts were a written space that showed the interaction among the forms of the books, their content, and their imagined readers. The Jesuit Figurists also faced mixed feelings and fluctuating support from their target audience in this translation space.

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17

Puente-Ballesteros, Beatriz. "Antoine Thomas, SI as a «Patient» of the Kangxi Emperor (r. 1662-1722): A Case Study on the Appropriation of Theriac at the Imperial Court." Asclepio 64, no. 1 (June 30, 2012): 213–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/asclepio.2012.v64.i1.519.

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18

Yue, Isaac. "The Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet: History, Myth, and Development." Ming Qing Yanjiu 22, no. 1 (November 14, 2018): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340022.

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Abstract In* terms of grandeur and extravagance, modern Chinese society tends to think of the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet 滿漢全席 as the pinnacle of China’s culinary heritage. Its allure is best illustrated by what happened in 1977, when the Tokyo Broadcasting System (TBS) commissioned a Hong Kong restaurant named Kwok Bun 國賓酒樓 to recreate the banquet according to its “original” recipes. The preparation took over three months, involved more than one hundred and sixty chefs, and resulted in a meal that featured more than one hundred dishes.1 Since then, there has been no shortage of efforts made by different individuals, restaurants, and organizations to follow suit and recreate the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet in a contemporary setting. These different endeavours commonly claim that they follow the most authentic recipes. Little did they realise that there is no such thing as an authentic recipe. In fact, historians cannot even agree on which era saw the banquet begin, though the leading candidates all date to the Qing dynasty (1644–1911); these are the reign of the Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722), the reign of the Emperor Qianlong (r. 1735–1796), and the dynasty’s last decades. This paper examines the accuracy of these claims by analyzing a sample menu for the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet recorded during Qianlong’s reign. This menu contains crucial information about the feast’s formative stages, information that has not yet been properly addressed by academics researching this topic. By drawing attention to the traditional dietary customs of ethnic Manchus and Han Chinese, understood in the context of contemporaneous Chinese gastronomy (to supplement the menu’s lack of contextual information), this paper provides a better understanding of the Comprehensive Manchu–Han Banquet and of Chinese gastronomy in general, in terms of their history, development, and cultural significance.

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Cams, Mario. "Blurring the Boundaries: Integrating Techniques of Land Surveying on the Qing’s Mongolian Frontier." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 46, no. 1 (June 25, 2017): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-04601005.

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This article focuses on the role of spatial dynamics in effectuating the integration of two different sets of land surveying techniques. During the later stages of the Qing-Zunghar wars of the 1690s, the Kangxi emperor (r. 1661-1722) repeatedly asked French Jesuit missionaries, who had been sent to China in 1685 under the patronage of the French King Louis XIV, to join his imperial campaigns targeting the Khalkha-Mongolian borderlands. In the shadow of these imperial journeys, missionaries systematically determined latitudes with Paris-made instruments while Qing officials measured road distances all along the way with graduated ropes. A next step in the evolution of imperial cartographic practice came after the Qing- Zunghar wars had come to an end, when an all-out effort was launched by the emperor to integrate the newly conquered Khalkha Mongols and their lands into the Qing polity. As part of the effort, missionaries were asked to produce a map of the new frontier by integrating European and East Asian practices, which led to the discovery of a technical incompatibility. In 1702, the problem was solved by the precise measurement of the terrestrial degree and, immediately after, the restandardization of the Qing’s most basic unit of length, the chi 尺. Thus, I argue that the turn of the eighteenth century saw the crystallization of a new or hybrid Qing cartographic practice, driven by the need to explore the new Khalkha frontier. More concretely, I show how selected techniques as developed by the French Academy of Sciences were gradually absorbed into a pre-existing framework of Qing land surveying, a process that was shaped and facilitated by exchanges in via throughout the vast Mongolian frontier.

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Boldyreva, O. N., and Wang Xia. "ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE CHINESE EMPEROR KANGXI AND THE DZUNGAR KHAN GALDAN DURING THE DZUNGAR-CHINESE WAR OF 1690-1697." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 29, no. 4 (August 25, 2019): 650–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2019-29-4-650-655.

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The study of the history of the Dzungar khanate is of particular interest to world and national Orientalism. Problems of formation, activity and decline of this state in the XVII-XVIII centuries were studied at different times by Orientalists from Russia, China, Mongolia, Kazakhstan and other countries. And now the history of the Dzungar khanate is an important aspect of Oriental studies, especially in studies on the history of Central Asia. The relevance of the article is due to the extreme interest in Oriental studies in modern science, namely in Central Asia. For centuries, the Kalmyk khanate had relations with China, Dzungaria, Kazakh zhuzes. The khanate established friendly relations with some states, and with others, despite the zeal to find a mutually beneficial solution, contact could not be established. Almost all of this was influenced not by the Kalmyk khanate itself, but by the relations of other states together, for example, China and Dzungaria. The subject of study in this article is the Dzungar-Chinese relations at the end of the XVII century. These relations are described in the book of the Chinese author of Mongolian origin Altan-Ochir “A brief history of Oirat-Mongols”. The authors of the article tried to reconstruct the picture of the events of that time with the help of translation and make short conclusions.

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Natalie Köhle. "Why Did the Kangxi Emperor Go to Wutai Shan?: Patronage, Pilgrimage, and the Place of Tibetan Buddhism at the Early Qing Court." Late Imperial China 29, no. 1 (2008): 73–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/late.0.0007.

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Qu, Han Fei, and Li Peng Zheng. "Investigation Analysis on Guangzhou Huangbu Village Conservation Plan and Situations after its Implementation." Advanced Materials Research 663 (February 2013): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amr.663.177.

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In a city with rapid urbanization and profound history and culture like Guangzhou, conservation for urban village is facing grim challenges. Taking Guangzhou Huangbu Village as a typical case, the paper is based on site investigation on periods before and after conservation of Guangzhou Huangbu Village by research means of literature collection, onsite investigation, induction and deduction etc. The paper proposes conservation planning under current situations and typical issues after implementation of construction, and analyzes the reasons for the issues in an objective fashion. The study offers good reference to urban village construction in China in the current stage. Huangbu Village is located in the east of Xinyao Town, Haizhu District, Guangzhou. As recorded by literature, ancient Huangbu Village was first built no later than Song Dynasty. With Bazhou Island on the west and Zhujiang Waters on the east, the Village was a natural harbor back in Song Dynasty, and an important port for foreign trade in Ming Dynasty. During the reign of Emperor Kangxi in Qing Dynasty, Guangdong Customs set up nine landing ports, and Huangbu Village is one of them. In the 22nd year of Emperor Qianlong's reign in Qing Dynasty (1757), only one port of Guangdong Customs was retained for trade, Huangbu Port flourished as the most important port for foreign trade at that time, bringing fast economic development for Huangbu Village as well. However after Treaty of Nanjing was signed, five ports were opened for trade, and with the relocation of Huangbu Registration Port, Huangbu Village also experienced a recession, changing from commercial trade based to natural agriculture based economy, and the once-flourishing town has descended to a common village. Today ancient port, fairly complete streets, ancestral temples, former residence of celebrity and other traditional Huangbu residences have been preserved, which are of high historical, art and scientific values. In July 2002, Guangzhou People's Government announced it to be the sixth batch of listed cultural relic site under conservation [1].

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InBeom Seo. "The Revocation of the Ban on Maritime Trade by Kangxi Emperor and the Appearance of Hwangdangseon in the Western Sea of Joseon in Qing Dynasty." EWHA SAHAK YEONGU ll, no. 50 (June 2015): 351–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.37091/ewhist.2015..50.011.

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Lijian, Wang. "DA ER HOU GONG 達而後工: A LITERARY CONCEPT AS A RESULT OF THE FLOURISHING TIMES IN THE REIGN OF EMPEROR KANGXI (1662–1722)." MING QING YANJIU 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2001): 115–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-90000408.

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25

Peng, S.-T., S.-Y. Hsu, and K.-C. Hsieh. "An Interactive Immersive Serious Game Application for Kunyu Quantu World Map." ISPRS Annals of Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences II-5/W3 (August 12, 2015): 221–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsannals-ii-5-w3-221-2015.

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In recent years, more and more digital technologies and innovative concepts are applied on museum education. One of the concepts applied is “Serious game.” Serious game is not designed for entertainment purpose but allows users to learn real world’s cultural and educational knowledge in the virtual world through game-experiencing. Technologies applied on serious game are identical to those applied on entertainment game. Nowadays, the interactive technology applications considering users’ movement and gestures in physical spaces are developing rapidly, which are extensively used in entertainment games, such as Kinect-based games. The ability to explore space via Kinect-based games can be incorporated into the design of serious game. The ancient world map, Kunyu Quantu, from the collection of the National Palace Museum is therefore applied in serious game development. In general, the ancient world map does not only provide geological information, but also contains museum knowledge. This particular ancient world map is an excellent content applied in games as teaching material. In the 17<sup>th</sup> century, it was first used by a missionary as a medium to teach the Kangxi Emperor of the latest geologic and scientific spirits from the West. On this map, it also includes written biological knowledge and climate knowledge. Therefore, this research aims to present the design of the interactive and immersive serious game based installation that developed from the rich content of the Kunyu Quantu World Map, and to analyse visitor’s experience in terms of real world’s cultural knowledge learning and interactive responses.

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Pagani, Catherine. "Clockmaking in China under the Kangxi and Qianlong Emperors." Arts asiatiques 50, no. 1 (1995): 76–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arasi.1995.1371.

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Ujeed, Uranchimeg. "A Mongolian Source on the Manchu Manipulation of Mongolian Buddhism in the Seventeenth Century: The Biography of the Second Neichi Toyin." Inner ASIA 15, no. 2 (2013): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-90000068.

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This paper explores the Manchu manipulation of Mongolian Buddhism during the early stages of their empire building period by looking at the Kangxi Emperor’s patronage of the Second Neichi Toyin (1671–1703) based on his biography written in 1756 by Dharma Samudra (Nomundalai).

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Jami, Catherine. "Imperial Control and Western Learning: The Kangxi Emperor's Performance." Late Imperial China 23, no. 1 (2002): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/late.2002.0004.

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Jami, Catherine. "Western Learning and Imperial Scholarship: The Kangxi Emperor’s Study." East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine 27, no. 1 (July 5, 2007): 146–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669323-02701007.

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Chang, Michael G. "Civil-military tensions during the Kangxi emperor’s first southern tour." Frontiers of History in China 6, no. 1 (February 10, 2011): 26–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11462-011-0119-y.

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Lyulina, A. G. "“The Bronze Tripod” of Qing Power in Tibet and the position of the 5th Panchen Lama." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 315–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-315-323.

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Chinese historiography, concerning the period of Qing administrations strengthening in the Tibetan region, shows the concept 三足鼎立 (sānz dĭngl), which literally means to establish a bronze tripod or figuratively tripartite balance of power. The Panchen Lama incarnation lineage become one of the three pillars of Qing power in Tibet by the middle of the XVIII century. The 5th Panchen Lama Lobsang Yeshe got many privileges from Kangxi and Yongzheng emperors, was invited to Beijing and even considered to be the regent for the Dalai Lama VII. Lobsang Yeshe played a mediating role in a number of internal and external conflicts, recognized the incarnations of the three Dalai Lamas, enhance the government in Tashilhunpo, and generally played a prominent role in the history of Tibeto-Qing relations.

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Wang, Bing. "The Boxue Hongci 博學宏詞 Examinations, Literary Anthologies by Emperors and the Literary Circles during the Kangxi and Qianlong Periods." Ming Qing Yanjiu 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-12340005.

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As a result of political demands and imperial cultural cultivation, the Qing Dynasty reigns of Kangxi (1661–1722) and Qianlong (1736–1796) both paid great attention to the traditional Han culture. During these periods, there were two landmark events that embodied the success of their cultural policy. These were the special examinations of boxue hongci (“breadth in learning and vastness in letters”, also called boxue hongru) in 1679 and 1736, and the publishing of numerous literary anthologies by the emperors. However, scholarly discussions have often focused mainly on aspects of political and cultural domination, and have rarely discussed the impact of these two events on literary circles in the early and middle Qing Dynasty. Thus, this paper examines the boxue hongci examination and the literary anthologies by Emperors as literary events and evaluate them from three perspectives. First, with regards to literary purposes, these two events fostered the link between official and elite discourses. Second, with regards to literary styles, these two events together facilitated the emergence at the height of the Qing Dynasty styles known as qingzhen yazheng (“purity, authenticity, elegance and correctness”) and wenrou dunhou (“gentleness and restraint”). Third, with regards to literary layout, the two events changed the proportion of writers’ identity and actively advanced the balance of the north and south literary circles.

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Kitinov, Baatr U., and Liu Qiang. "The periodization of the relations between Dzungaria and Tibet in the first half of the 18^th century." Orientalistica 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7043-2021-4-1-077-095.

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The authors examine the relationship between Dzungaria and Tibet in the first half of the 18th century. A whole series of events that happened in these countries coincide chronologically in a rather surprising way. The authors highlight the important events of this period: the seizure of Lhasa by the Dzungars in 1717–1720, the uprising of the Kukunor Khoshuts in 1723–1724, the development of Dzungar-Tibetan relations in the second quarter of the 18th century. They stress the Galdan-Tsereng’s embassy to the Dalai-lama in 1742/1743, the event, which was mentioned even in the Russian archival documents. Besides, they pay special attention to the activities of the main leaders, such as Dzungarian hungtaiji: Tsewang-Rabdan, Galdan-Tsereng; Tibetan rulers: rgyal-po Lhawzang, miwang Pholanay, the Dalai-lamas Sixth and Seventh; the Qing emperors: Kangxi, Yongzheng, Qianlong. They quote the letters exchanged between the Qing emperors, on the one hand, and the Dzungar (and Khoshut) leaders, on the other. The authors concluded that the relations between Dzungaria and Tibet during the first half of the 18th century could be subdivided into three stages (1703–1717; 1717–1727; 1727–1745/1750, each with its peaks). These relations, as well as their development, largely depended on the state of the relations between the dynasty of Qing and Tibet, especially the imperial policy towards Dzungaria.

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Heeffer, Albrecht. "The Emperor’s New Mathematics: Western Learning and Imperial Authority During the Kangxi Reign (1662–1722) by Catherine Jami." Mathematical Intelligencer 38, no. 2 (December 30, 2015): 83–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00283-015-9590-5.

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Sepe, Agostino. "Back to the Roots: The Imperial City of Shenyang as a Symbol of the Manchu Ethnic Identity of the Qing Dynasty." MING QING YANJIU 16, no. 01 (February 14, 2011): 129–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01601006.

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At the UNESCO meeting held in Suzhou on the 2nd of July 2004, the Imperial City of Shenyang was listed as a World Cultural Heritage Site, so that now it is recorded together with the Forbidden City of Beijing as one single item: Imperial Palaces of the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Ming Qing gongdian 明清宮殿. Nevertheless, the importance of Shenyang Palace is not at all due to its similarity to the one in Beijing. The part of the Shenyang Imperial City built before the Manchu conquest of Beijing in 1644 mirrors the culture of the Manchu people and the institutions of its rulers in its architectural style. The part built during Qianlong’s reign, on the other hand, is evidence of the devotion of Later Qing emperors (from Kangxi to Daoguang) towards their ancestors and their Manchu origins. At the same time, the palace also reflects the sinicization of the Manchus and the merging of the two different cultures and institutional systems, both in some of its buildings and in its whole. These two aspects clearly distinguish the Palace from the Forbidden City and confer it with immense historical and cultural value. It is, therefore, from these points of view that I will deal with Shenyang Imperial City in this paper, whose purpose is to demonstrate how the palace is a symbol of the origins and the history of China’s last dynasty. The most ancient sources I will base my work on are Qing shilu 清實錄 (I will mainly refer to the sections regarding the Qing emperors from Nurhaci to Qianlong) and Manwen laodang 滿文老檔, which is a source of the utmost importance for the study of Qing history before the conquest of Beijing.

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Hsia, Florence C. "Book Review: The Emperor’s New Mathematics: Western Learning and Imperial Authority during the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722), written by Catherine Jami." Journal of Jesuit Studies 1, no. 2 (March 12, 2014): 314–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00102014.

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Kang, Wonmook. "The Manchu Ruler, the Xiyangs, and the Han Elite — Focusing on the Kangxi Emperor’s Response to the Papal Legate’s Visit in 1705." JOURNAL OF ASIAN HISTORICAL STUDIES 155 (June 30, 2021): 275–359. http://dx.doi.org/10.17856/jahs.2021.6.155.275.

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Martzloff, Jean-Claude. "Catherine Jami The Emperor’s New Mathematics: Western Learning and Imperial Authority during the Kangxi Reign (1662-1722) Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2011, xv-436 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 75, no. 2 (June 2020): 346–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ahss.2020.140.

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Engelfriet, Peter. "The Emperor's New Mathematics: Western Learning and Imperial Authority During the Kangxi Reign (1662–1722). By Catherine Jami. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. xv, 436 pp. $135.00 (cloth)." Journal of Asian Studies 72, no. 1 (February 2013): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812001891.

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Jiang, Gaoming, Yinxiao Huang, and Shunhua Lin. "Designing for Nature in Cities: A Case-study of the Hill Area of the Summer Villa Estate, Chengde, China." Environmental Conservation 19, no. 3 (1992): 219–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0376892900031015.

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The Summer Villa estate was famous for its wildness, preservation of Nature, pleasant climate, and beautiful scenery in the Qing Dynasty when the natural ecosystems were strictly conserved by the Emperors Kangxi and Qianlong (1703–93). Plants on the estate played an important role in this embellishment, 28 out of the 72 noted scenic sites being named after plants or plant etc. materials. The estate has been seriously destroyed in the last 150 years by wars, fires, and natural disasters, before the foundation of the new China. The damage was especially serious in the Hill Area, comprising some 80% of the estate.The present vegetation in the Hill Area is the result of reafforestion in the 1950s. Seven different plant communities, composed of natural and artificial elements, are now found there, most extensive of which is the Pinus tabulaeformis artificial forest with Vitex chinensis dominating the shrub layer. Some of these communities are unsuitable for the scenic spots on which they stand, some are not adaptable to the habitats, some have problems such as consisting of single species — so resulting in susceptibility to pests and offering little possibility for birds to make their nests and mammals to colonize.The natural environment in the estate is becoming widely degraded, with serious SO2 and Pb pollution caused by tourism and urbanization. Plants — especially needleleaf trees — are sensitive to these pollutants.This paper discusses the process of designing for Nature in the Hill Area of the Summer Villa estate, much of the work being concerned with problems of the present vegetation and the best approach to deal with them. To create Nature for the City of Chengde and at the same time recover the natural beauty in the Summer Villa estate, much attention is paid to the natural characteristics of suitable plants — especially those ‘historical’ natural species which can adapt to the present habitats. Five subsidary landscape areas with different plant characteristics in different habitats have been designed. Maps of the ‘historical’ natural vegetation, the present vegetation, and designs for Nature in the Hill Area, have been drawn and are here reproduced for practical use.

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Dongchung, Tenzin Yewong. "An 18th Century Textual Labyrinth: The Nature of Tibetan Buddhist Printing Network in Qing Inner Asia during the Kangxi Period." Waxing Moon 1 (February 22, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/waxingmoon.v1i.7075.

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Although patronage of Tibetan Buddhism by the imperial courts in China has a precedence before the Qing dynasty, the scale and scope of Qing emperors’ investment was unprecedented. Scholars have produced multiple interpretations on the nature of their rule, among which, the most pertinent argument has centered on analyzing the intentions of the emperors. The centrality of this debate has occured at the elision of other historical factors, one of which is infrastructures and institutions that facilitated this patronage. While Qing patronage took multiple forms, such as construction of monasteries or conference of titles to religious hierarchs, this paper focuses on printing activities in specific and illustrates the textual network that began to take shape during Kangxi’s reign (r.1661-1722). The Kangxi Emperor reorganized and significantly expanded the Imperial household department, Neiwufu, which was responsible for manufacture of goods for palace’s use. He also established imperial workshops such as Yangxindian and Wuyingdian that recruited artisans from all over the country and were involved in printing scholarly works. Through the collaborative work of the Imperial household department and the bureaucracy, enormous material and human resources were amassed to implement these printing projects. While the imperial court was involved in printing monumental texts, I have also highlighted the role of monasteries and temples outside of Beijing that were involved in printing smaller texts. I have shown that while the inner Asian printing network was undoubtedly supported by the Qing emperors and spurred by their financial contribution, they were also spaces and layers where smaller local powers could engage in printing activities independently outside the realm of imperial authority.

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Giovannetti-Singh, Gianamar. "Rethinking the Rites Controversy: Kilian Stumpf's Acta Pekinensia and the Historical Dimensions of a Religious Quarrel." Modern Intellectual History, November 9, 2020, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244320000426.

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The Chinese rites controversy (c.1582–1742) is typically characterized as a religious quarrel between different Catholic orders over whether it was permissible for Chinese converts to observe traditional rites and use the terms tian and shangdi to refer to the Christian God. As such, it is often argued that the conflict was shaped predominantly by the divergent theological attitudes between the rites-supporting Jesuits and their anti-rites opponents towards “accommodation.” By examining the Jesuit missionary Kilian Stumpf's Acta Pekinensia—a detailed chronicle of the papal legate Charles-Thomas Maillard de Tournon's 1705–6 investigation into the controversy in Beijing—this article proposes that ostensibly religious disputes between Catholic orders consisted primarily of disagreements over ancient Chinese history. Stumpf's text shows that missionaries’ understandings of antiquity were constructed through their interpretations of ancient Chinese books and their interactions with the Kangxi Emperor. The article suggests that the historiographical characterization of the controversy as “religious” has its roots in the Vatican suppression of the rites, which served to erase the historical nature of the conflict exposed in the Acta Pekinensia.

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Charleux, Isabelle. "Kangxi/Engke Amuγulang, un empereur mongol ? Sur quelques légendes mongoles et chinoises." Études mongoles et sibériennes, centrasiatiques et tibétaines, no. 42 (December 1, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/emscat.1782.

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