Academic literature on the topic 'Empire byzantin'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Empire byzantin.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Journal articles on the topic "Empire byzantin"
1
Magdalino, Paul. "Forty years on: the political ideology of the Byzantine empire." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 40, no. 1 (April 2016): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2015.3.
Full textAbstract:
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies was launched in the middle of a decade that saw many landmark events in Byzantine scholarship. I remember them well, because this was the decade when I became a Byzantinist, and attended my first two international congresses of Byzantine Studies, the 14th in Ceauşescu's Bucharest (1971), and the 15th, in post-Junta Athens (1976). Apart from the acts of these congresses, the 1970s produced many memorable publications that shaped our field. It would take too long to list them all, and it would be invidious to make, and justify, a small selection. I have chosen to focus my retrospective look on one small monograph of 1975 that makes a comprehensive statement about Byzantium and is therefore a representative illustration of where Byzantine studies were forty years ago and how far they have come, or not come, since then. My book of the decade is L’idéologie politique de l’Empire byzantin by Hélène Ahrweiler (Paris 1975).
2
Böhm, Marcin. "Transport morski koni w trakcie działań wojennych Boemunda na Bałkanach w latach 1107-1108." Vox Patrum 63 (January 4, 2019): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3573.
Full textAbstract:
The Bohemond of Tarentum Expedition of 1107-1108, directed against the Byzantine Empire, was one of the key steps in Normans relations with the Byzantine Empire in the twelfth century. Preceded by a great propaganda campaign, had to bring the emperor Alexius I Komnenos to his knees. After initial successes, the Normans succumbed to Byzantium. The Byzantines focused their attention on the elimination of the Normans cavalry. This formation could not function without adequate mounts and supplies for them. By blocking the supplies coming from Italy, while in the same time eliminating the horses which were in the hands of the invaders, the Byzantines prejudged the outcome of the conflict.
3
Bulanin, Dmitriy Mikhailovich, Mikhail Vladimirovich Dmitriev, Oleg Ivanovich Dzyarnovich, Andrey Vitalyevich Korenevsky, Konstantin Alexandrovich Kostromin, Tatiana Viktorovna Kushch, Russell Martin, Dmitriy Igorevich Polyvyanny, and Rustam Mukhammadovich Shukurov. "Byzantium after Byzantium? Forum." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 31, no. 1 (2022): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2022.101.
Full textAbstract:
The Byzantine Empire has existed longer than all the empires that were on Earth — more than 1000 years. She created the «Byzantine Commonwealth» of countries (D. D. Obolensky’s term), stretching from the South Baltic to the Mediterranean and from the Adriatic Sea to the Caucasus Mountains. The Commonwealth countries had religious and cultural unity, a close political culture and a similar tragic fate. All of them fell victim to foreign conquest, from the Mongols to the Ottomans, and with great difficulty, centuries later, regained their sovereignty. With the death of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, its historical role did not stop. Byzantium remained a relevant historical actor for a long time, as an ideal and as a symbol, as a heritage and as a hope for the revival of its former greatness. It is not for nothing that the ideas of «lasting Rome», «New Constantinople», etc., were so popular. According to the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga, the time of «Byzantium after Byzantium» has come, which continues to this day. In the article, historians, specialists in the history of Byzantium, consider the following questions: 1) What is «Byzantium after Byzantium»? Is it an symbolic image, is it a historical memory of a bygone empire, is it a political, spiritual, cultural ideal? Or is it a fictitious concept, Byzantium died in 1453? 2) How long did «Byzantium after Byzantium» exist? What is the chronological depth of Byzantine influence in the Balkans, in Eastern Europe? 3) There is a point of view about the «unfavorable heritage» of Byzantium — all countries belonging to the «Byzantine Commonwealth» have a difficult historical fate. Is this a fatal coincidence, or the negative influence of the «Byzantine heritage»? 4) Did Byzantium have a successor (cultural, political, spiritual)? To what extent can they consider Russia, the Balkan states?
4
ΝYSTAZOPOULOU-PÉLÉKIDOU, Marie. "Βιβλιοκρισία του: Le Mont Athos et l’Empire Byzantin. Trésors de la Sainte Montagne. Petit Palais, Musée des Beaux Arts de la Ville de Paris, 10 avril-5 juillet 2009. Catalogue." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 20 (January 18, 2011): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1009.
Full textAbstract:
<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt">Βιβλιοκρισία του: Le Mont Athos et l’Empire Byzantin. Trésors de la Sainte Montagne.</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt"> <em>Petit Palais, Musée des Beaux Arts de la Ville de<span> </span>Paris, 10 avril-5 juillet 2009. Catalogue, </em>p. 318, 4o, 228 photos en couleur</span>
5
Kushch, Tatiana V. "Decline of the Byzantine Thalassocracy." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, no. 4 (202) (2020): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.4.067.
Full textAbstract:
After 1204, the Byzantine Empire lost control over the Eastern Mediterranean. The restoration of the Empire in 1261, however, did not recover its sea dominance. The Latins, especially the Venetians and the Genoese, who had possessions in the Aegean and the Black Seas and conducted active maritime trade there, established themselves in the region. The importance of sea routes for Byzantium increased dramatically given the territorial dispersion of the Byzantine possessions, the high activity of Europeans in the region, and the growing threat of an Ottoman conquest. This article analyses the specifics of Byzantine sea communications and their role in the fate of the Empire during the period of geopolitical changes between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Based on written sources, the author examines the condition of the Byzantine fleet, the role of foreigners in ensuring movement within and outside the Empire, and the meaning of the sea communication during the Ottoman sieges of Byzantine cities. The author reveals that the Empire could not provide stable and regular sea contacts between separate parts of its territories and external relations with the West on its own. The decline of the fleet and the lack of material resources forced the Byzantines to use foreign ships as means of transportation. The Italians, especially the Venetians, provided transport to the Byzantine emperors and diplomats who made official trips to the West, transported people and goods within the region, and provided food for the inhabitants of besieged cities. It is concluded that the transport dependence of Byzantium on the Italian maritime republics testified to its economic and political weakness. The loss of control over the sea routes in the Eastern Mediterranean and the degradation of its own transport system contributed to the decline and fall of Byzantium in 1453.
6
Wierzbiński, Szymon. "Szlachetni, odważni, dzicy? Obraz Waregów i Franków w oczach Bizantyńczyków w X-XI w." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 647–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3280.
Full textAbstract:
During Xth and XIth century the Byzantine Empire was one of the strongest states in the Levant. In mentioned period the emperors undertook numerous military campaigns, both in order to expand the borders of the empire and restitute their authority on once lost lands. Due to its prestige and wealth the Empire was a favorable destination for foreigners, including mercenaries. As a result, in Byzantium one could meet warriors of a very diversified ethnic descent. The presence of numerous foreigners could not escape the attentions of Byzantines themselves, who in time formed a distinctive view concerning those newcomers. Among many mercenaries two managed to obtain extraordinary status and step out in the eyes of Byzantine citizens. The first group were the Varangians, who at the end of Xth century formed the famous emperor`s guard. The second group of mercenaries were warrior from the West, usually referred to as the Franks. The main aim of this paper is to examine the genesis of mentioned warriors in Byzantium and the roots of stereotypes attached to them.
7
Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "On the Byzantine-Mongol Marriages." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023180-7.
Full textAbstract:
The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.
8
Macura, Milan. "Byzantine law as a nursery garden for legal transplants with specific review of Dusan's Code." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 1 (2020): 519–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-17584.
Full textAbstract:
The term Byzantium or Byzantine Empire is used for a state creation that existed from the 4th to the 15th century, more precisely until 1453 and the fall of Constantinople due to the Ottoman conquests. Regardless of what historical discussions and opinions otherwise differ regarding the origin of Byzantium, in this scholarly work May 11th, 330 AD, was taken as the beginning of the Byzantine Empire, the date when New Rome came into existence (Greek NέaῬώme, Lat. Nova Roma) at the site of the Byzantine Greek colony. The paper will analyze the influence of Byzantine law on the further development of the law in the world, as well as the temporal continuity and development of Byzantine law that relies on Roman law. In addition, through a comparison of the Byzantine Code Members and later Dusan's Code, the theory of legal transplants developed by Alan Watson will be analyzed.
9
Kushch, Tatiana V. "Late Byzantium in the Works of Margarita A. Poljakovskaja." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.001.
Full textAbstract:
This paper commemorates Margarita Adol’fovna Poljakovskaja (1933–2020), the head of the Ural school of Byzantine studies and the respected authority in the history and culture of late Byzantium. The author makes the reader acquainted with Professor Poljakovskaja’s academic biography, the topics of her researches, and the results of her studies in various aspects of the Byzantine history from the thirteenth to fifteenth century. The paper has revealed a few key topics studied by Professor Poljakovskaja: monastic properties in late Byzantine cities; Byzantine rhetoric and epistolography; social and political thought; intellectual life; social structures in the Byzantine society; palace ceremonies and court culture; and the Byzantines’ emotional world and daily life. It has been stated that although Professor Poljakovskaja used abundant and varied methodology produced by historical and philological researches, she preferred the anthropological approach. Her attention concentrated on a person and the person’s notion of the time and self. Reconstructions of intellectual and social life in the period of decline of the Byzantine empire loomed large in the historian’s studies, and the key topic of her researches was the problem of the “person, society, and power”.
10
Orehowskyi, Wadym. "TRADE AND MONEY CIRCULATION OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE." BULLETIN OF CHERNIVTSI INSTITUTE OF TRADE AND ECONOMICS 2, no. 86 (June 30, 2022): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34025/2310-8185-2022-2.86.01.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the main directions and features of trade and money circulation of the Byzantine Empire. Describing the main sectors of the economy, the author notes that it was based on agriculture. Agriculture, viticulture and livestock were its main industries. At the same time it is noted that in the Middle Ages Byzantium was the most urbanized country. There were more than 1,000 cities with Constantinople, the largest of them. The author notes that the Byzantine cities were not only important administrative but also economic centers. It was characteristic of the Byzantine economy that a quarter of the gross national product came from handicrafts and trade. Describing trade, the author of the article notes that Constantinople was not only the capital and residence of the emperor, but it acted as an intermediary in trade between West and East. Convenient and safe routes have contributed to the growth of trade. Iron, perfume, spices, opium, and precious stones were imported from India; silk was exported from China; from Iran - soft wool; from Asia Minor - meat and metals; from Ethiopia - slaves. Thin linen was imported from the West to Byzantium, and Constantinople was not only a consumer of these goods, but also a center of commission trade and resale. The author also pays attention to Russian-Byzantine trade relations. Russia exported to Byzantium part of the tribute and military booty, especially slaves and raw materials. It imported mostly expensive fabrics, various ornaments, weapons, spices, etc. In the second part of the article the author refers to the Byzantine trade of the XII- XV centuries. During this period, immigrants from the Italian cities of Genoa, Pisa and Venice were in significant competition with Byzantine merchants. The Venetians, who established a powerful colony in Constantinople, became especially famous in this regard. Gradually, the empire lost control of its own economic and financial resources, which contributed to a huge uncontrolled outflow of Byzantine capital to Europe. The conclusions note that trade facilitated the exchange of goods not only between Byzantium and the West. It became a powerful leader of Byzantine cultural influence on European countries. However, cultural dominance contradicted Byzantium's economic backwardness of European countries. External defeats and internal problems increased the empire's dependence on foreigners, and duty-free trade, although filling the market with many European and Asian goods, quickly led to the decline of Byzantine crafts and the degradation of agriculture.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Empire byzantin"
1
Loaëc, Arnaud. "L’empereur dans l’épigraphie byzantine 641-1204." Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040041.
Full textAbstract:
L’épigraphie byzantine est en science en construction dans le domaine de l’épigraphie médiévale. Ce travail repose sur la présentation d’un corpus de 229 inscriptions historiques comportant le nom de l’empereur byzantin, annotées et commentées, présenté par une étude globale du dossier. L’étude de la nature ainsi que de la répartition géographique et chronologique des inscriptions permet de souligner une nette domination de la capitale. En effet, la moitié du corpus est constitué des inscriptions de Constantinople, en particulier lors des périodes difficiles (VIIe-IXe siècles). La répartition chronologique est assez régulière mais avec une part assez importante des inscriptions d’époque macédonienne (867-1055). Les titulatures impériales sont à la fois stéréotypées et variées. Autour de la formule incontournable de pistos en Christos basileus autokrator, les épithètes correspondent souvent à l’idéologie impériale du moment ou du contexte, ce qui produit une assez grande variété des titres. Enfin, l’inscription est souvent incompréhensible pour des populations en majorité analphabètes. Du coup, en tant qu’objet elle est aussi un instrument idéologique qui permet de marquer le territoire de l’empreinte impériale, en particulier lors de la mise en défense d’une région, ou de la construction d’églises. En tant qu’objet présenté à la vue de tous, le texte inspire la crainte aux ennemis de l’Empire et le respect des populations locales envers leur empereurThe Byzantine epigraphy is a science under construction in the sphere of medieval epigraphy. This work is based on the presentation of a corpus of 229 historical inscriptions with the name of the Byzantine Emperor, annotated with commentary, presented by a comprehensive study of the file. The study of nature together with the geographical and chronological distribution of inscriptions allows to underline a clear domination of the capital. In fact, half of the corpus consists of Constantinople inscriptions, especially during difficult times (7th-9th centuries). The chronological distribution is fairly regular but with a sizeable part of the Macedonian inscriptions (867-1055). Imperial titulatures are both stereotypical and varied. Around the essential title pistos en Christos basileus autokrator, epithets often correspond to the imperial ideology of the moment or context, which produces a considerable variety of titles. Finally, inscription is often incomprehensible to the majority of the population, for the greater part illiterate. So, as an object, it is also an ideological instrument to mark out the territory of the imperial inprint, especially in the defense of a region, or when he building up of churches. As an object presented in plain sight, the text inflicts fear on the enemies of the Empire and generates respect of local people to their emperor
2
Kitapçı, Bayrı Buket. "Le témoignage des martyrs et des derviches." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010553.
Full textAbstract:
Le changement politique, social et culturel vécu entre les XIIIème et XVème siècles en Anatolie et dans les Balkans, constitue le dernier bouleversement important vécu dans le bassin méditerranéen médiéval. Le changement identitaire, entre 1261 et 1453, qu'eurent à connaître les Byzantins vivant sur le territoire de l'ancienne Byzance, appelé Pays de Rum par les sources musulmanes, constitue le thème principal de cette thèse. A. Cette époque, au fur et à mesure des incursions, des pillages, des conquêtes, et des processus de colonisation et de restructuration- qui se succèdent au cours des migrations turco-musulmanes, les frontières des espaces physiques et symboliques déterminant l' identité communautaire des Byzantins furent fortement ébranlées et leur groupe se rétrécit à cause de leur assujettissement, des conversions, et des changements de camp. Pour pouvoir comprendre l'effet de ce rétrécissement de l'identité byzantine, nous avons examiné la terminologie définissant le "soi" et l"'autre" dans les martyria byzantines, les menakibnamés et les narrations épiques produites dans la société turcomusulmane de l'époque. Ce travail tente d'apporter une nouvelle approche et une nouvelle interprétation par rapport à la conviction générale qui considère que le changement socio-culturel s'opère entre des civilisations aux identités scellées, invariables dans le temps et ne se touchant pas.
3
Kaplony, Andreas. "Konstantinopel und Damaskus : Gesandtschaften und Verträge zwischen Kaisern und Kalifen 639-750 : Untersuchungen zum Gewohnheits-Völkerrecht und zur interkulturellen Diplomatie /." Berlin : K. Schwarz, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37105252h.
Full text
4
Jouette, Jean-Cyril. "Magie bénéfique, magie maléfique et divination dans le monde byzantin : VIIIe-XIIe siècles." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0169/document.
Full textAbstract:
Cette étude a pour but de montrer le rôle et l’importance que pouvaient avoir les différentes formes de magie et de divination dans le monde mésobyzantin du premier iconoclasme à la quatrième croisade de 1204. Elle s’articule autour de deux grands thèmes de recherches complémentaires mais qui proposent toutefois une lecture différente des sources faisant état de ces pratiques à Byzance. Une lecture objective des sources normatives et narratives, complétée par des témoignages archéologiques, nous permet de considérer la place qu’occupaient la magie bénéfique, la magie maléfique et la divination dans la vie quotidienne des Byzantins, et cela en fonction de leurs besoins : popularité des phylactères et des soins magiques, services indécents et immoraux que la magie maléfique proposait, goût prononcé des Byzantins pour un vaste ensemble de divinations. Le deuxième axe de recherche met en exergue l’utilisation de la figure du magicien ou du devin dans des discours de propagande politico-religieuse, aussi bien dans la littérature hagiographique que dans les œuvres historiographiques. La réflexion se concentre d’abord sur le rôle alloué aux sorciers et aux devins dans le travail d’écriture des hagiographes, puis, d’un point de vue plus général, sur la diabolisation dont furent victimes différents hérésiarques qui étaient jugés un peu trop populaires. Enfin ces mêmes mécanismes ont été mis en évidence avec une attention toute particulière à propos de la question de l’iconoclasme, depuis l’histoire officielle iconodoule où les patriarches et empereurs hétérodoxes, victimes d’une violente damnatio memoriae, concentraient sur eux les accusations de sorcellerieThis study aims at showing the role and the importance of different kinds of magical and divinatory arts in the middle Byzantine era, from the first iconoclasm up to 1204. It focuses on two main approaches, based on two different readings of the literary evidence.First, using the evidence of normative and narrative sources, along with archaeological artefacts, this work shows the importance, in response to specific needs, of beneficent and maleficent magic and divinatory arts in the everyday life of the Byzantines. The popularity of phylacteries and magical treatments is examined along with the conflicted nature of the relationship which existed between these practices and Byzantine orthodoxy. The different forms of maleficent magic are then explored and the services that they alone could offer. This section concludes with a discussion of Byzantines’ fascination for a great number of unorthodox divinatory arts which, in spite of their illicit nature, continued to be practiced.Second, this study emphasises the role of magicians and soothsayers in the political and religious propaganda. An attempt is first made to demonstrate how some hagiographers employed these useful opponents of saints as tools in their writings. Then, this work seeks to show how some heresiarchs, perhaps deemed too popular, were demonized, in an attempt to put an end to disruptive religious movements. Finally, particular attention is paid to iconoclasm, showing how heterodox emperors such as Leo III and his son Constantine V, and patriarchs such as John the Grammarian, were subjected to a violent damnatio memoriae by iconophile authors, something which could involve accusations of witchcraft
5
Moulet, Benjamin. "Evêques, pouvoirs et société à Byzance : début du VIII siècle-milieu du XI siècle : territoires, communautés et individus dans la société provinciale de l'Empire byzantin." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010624.
Full textAbstract:
L'épiscopat constitue un fondement essentiel mais méconnu de l'Eglise mésobyzantine. Malgré la relative rareté des sources, il est possible d'en retracer l'histoire et les grandes évolutions: une part importante de I'hagiographie de I'iconoclasme et post-iconoclaste concerne en effet métropolites et évêques, témoignant du lien fort existant entre ceux-ci et le peuple des cites dont ils ont la charge, particulièrement quand ils sont considérés saints par la population. De nombreuses sources épistolaires, ecclésiastiques et sigillographiques, émanant des évêques eux-mêmes, permettent d'approcher les réalités du corps épiscopal et celles de la société provinciale qu'il représente auprès des autorités centrales. L'évêque apparaît également comme Ie relais des volontés impériales et patriarcales dans les provinces de l'Empire. Dans un contexte de compétition de pouvoir avec les autorités locales, l'évêque tente ainsi d'imposer le sien propre, dans ses aspects spatiaux, sociaux, religieux et symboliques. L'approche collective et les approches individuelles de l'épiscopat doivent permettre de comprendre les réalités sociales d'un Empire de plus en plus centre sur sa capitale et dont sont progressivement détachées, du moins dans les sources, les périphéries. Une histoire décentrée de l'Empire byzantin passe dès lors par des études régionales mais aussi par des études consacrées à des groupes sociaux enracines dans tout l'Empire, surtout lorsque, comme les évêques, ils revendiquent la spécificité de leur région et leur attachement à une société provinciale qui constitue le socle de l'Empire.
6
Xanthopoulou, Maria. "Les luminaires en bronze et fer aux époques paléochrétienne et byzantine : typologie, technologie, utilisation." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010629.
Full textAbstract:
Parmi les objets utilitaires en métal vil, les luminaires constituent une partie importante des collections byzantines et du matériel archéologique trouve en contexte. En vue d'une première étude d'ensemble, nous avons choisi de traiter les quatre types de luminaires que l'on rencontre le plus fréquemment dans l'empire byzantin : les lampes à bec, les candélabres, les lampes en forme de coupe et les lustres. Il convenait aussi de présenter les accessoires associés à ces objets, à savoir les éléments de suspension, les récipients à huile, les supports de mèche, et de mentionner les combustibles employés. L'objectif principal est d'établir une typologie formelle pour chaque catégorie de luminaire étudiée. Le matériel issu de contextes archéologiques permet de localiser la production et d'illustrer sa diffusion chronologique et spatiale. La comparaison systématique de nos luminaires avec des objets équivalents en céramique et en verre, aussi bien que leur mise en rapport avec d'autres types d'objets métalliques contemporains, qu'il s'agisse d'objets utilitaires ou de dévotion, sert à les rattacher à un contexte artisanal précis. Nous procédons par la suite à l'examen des matériaux, des techniques de fabrication et de décor des luminaires en métaux cuivreux. Les analyses chimiques, l'observation des moules et des traces de procédés divers sur les objets fournissent notre point départ. Une collecte de renseignements archéologiques et textuels relatifs à l'artisanat du cuivre complète notre approche technique. Le cout de la matière et sa résistance à l'usure font de nos luminaires des objets relativement précieux que l'on peut associer à des utilisateurs aises, laïcs ou ecclésiastiques. Nous nous penchons sur les contextes de découverte, ainsi que sur les sources écrites et picturales, afin de déterminer les lieux dans lesquels ils étaient employés et de préciser la terminologie des luminaires à ByzanceAmong the utilitarian objects made from non-precious metals, lighting devices constitute an important part of byzantine collections and archeological finds. We have chosen to examine the four main types of lighting devices most commonly used in the byzantine empire : lamps, lampstands, hanging bowl lamps and polikandela. We also present the different accessories associated with these objects, such as suspension chains, oil containers, wick holders, and to specify the fuel employed. Our main objective is to establish a typology for each category of lighting device. Material discovered in archeological context allows us to locate production centers and illustrate the distribution of the different types in space and time. Systematic comparison of our lighting devices with equivalent objects in clay and glass, as well as with other contemporary metal objects, whether utilitarian or devotional, helps us relate them to a specific crafts'context. We then examine the materials, fabrication and decorative techniques of the lighting devices made from copper alloys. Chemical analyses, close observation of moulds and of traces left by different techniques on the objects themselves, constitute our starting point. A survey of archeological and litterary evidence concerning the copper industry and craftsmanship completes our technical approach. Cost and resiliance turn our lighting devices into relatively precious objects, which can be associated with wealthy, lay or ecclesiastical users. We take into consideration the archeological contexts, as well as pictorial and litterary information, in order to determine where these lighting devices were used and which terms described them in Byzantine times
7
Pitarakis, Brigitte. "Les croix-reliquaires pectorales en bronze : recherches sur la production des objets métalliques à Byzance." Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010512.
Full textAbstract:
Les croix-reliquaires pectorales en bronze sont l'objet de dévotion le plus prisé des byzantins dans la période qui fait suite à l'iconoclasme. Portées aussi bien par les hommes, les femmes et les enfants au quotidien, que par les moines et les soldats, elles étaient destinées à les protéger contre tous les maux de la vie mais aussi dans l'au-delà. À la protection venue des reliques s'ajoute celle qui émane du Christ, de la Vierge et des saints représentés ou invoqués à la surface des volets composant ces boitiers. Ainsi, les croix-reliquaires deviennent le support idéal à travers lequel sont diffusés les schémas iconographiques de l'église à une époque déterminée. Néanmoins, un certain conservatisme est également décelable dans les modelés utilisés par les artisans du cuivre. Il s'agit d'une production de masse issue de quelques ateliers centralises, essentiellement dans la capitale, mais ensuite étendue dans tout le territoire de l'empire byzantin grâce à la mobilité des artisans et aux moyens techniques de surmoulage. La simplicité du décor rend également aisée les imitations locales par gravure et incision. Cette dissémination des centres de production est doublée par une diffusion liée aux échanges humains et commerciaux. La majeure partie des centres de production semblent se dessiner dans des régions à forte tradition minière dont l'activité est attestée à travers des prospections archéologiques et des analyses scientifiques sur des scories métalliquesBronze pectoral reliquary crosses are the most popular private devotionnal object in the period after inconoclasm. Worn by men, women, children as well as by monks and soldiers, they are intended to ensure a protection against evil during life and beyond. To the protection coming from the relics is added this emanating from the sacred images engraved or cast on both sides of these box-shaped objects. Thus, the reliquary crosses become the ideal medium for the diffusion of a period's iconographic schemes. Nevertheless, a certain conservatism can be detected in the models used by bronze workshops. The reliquary crosses represent a mass production, first distributed from a few centralized workshops in the capital, then reproduced or imitated all over the byzantine empire. This dissemination of the centers of production is paired by a distribution due to human and commercial exchanges. The major production centers seem to be localisable in the areas of mining industry identified through archaeological surveys and scientific analysis on metallic slags
8
Carrier, Marc. "L'image du grec selon les chroniqueurs des croisades : perceptions et réactions face au cérémonial byzantin 1096 à 1204." Sherbrooke : Université de Sherbrooke, 2000.
Find full text
9
Vallejo, Girvés Margarita. "Byzancio y la España tardoantigua (ss. V-VIII) : un capitulo de historia mediterránea /." Alcalá de Henares : Universidad de Alcalá, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37646887r.
Full text
10
Niavís, Pávlos E. "The reign of the Byzantine Emperor Nicephorus I : (AD 802-811) /." Athens = Athī́na : St. D. Basilopoulos = St. D. Vasilópoulos, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb389454036.
Full textAbstract:
Texte remanié de: Ph. D. thesis--University of Edinburgh, 1985.Mention parallèle de titre ou de responsabilité : Ī vasileía tou vyzantinoú autokrátora Nikīfórou A' : 802-811 m. Ch. / Paúlos E. Niavī́s. Résumé en grec. Bibliogr. p. 283-304. Index. Notice partiellement translittérée du grec (monotonique) selon la norme ISO 843 (1997).
Books on the topic "Empire byzantin"
3
Dagron, Gilbert. Empereur et prêtre: Étude sur le "césaropapisme" byzantin. [Paris]: Gallimard, 1996.
Find full text
4
Déroche, V. Entre Rome et l'Islam: Les chrétientés d'Orient 610-1054. Paris: SEDES, 1996.
Find full text
5
C, Evans Helen, Wixom William D, and Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, N.Y.), eds. The glory of Byzantium: Art and culture of the Middle Byzantine era, A.D. 843-1261. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1997.
Find full text
6
Cormack, Robin. Writing in gold: Byzantine society and its icons. London: George Philip, 1985.
Find full text
7
Kaplan, Michel. Les hommes et la terre à Byzance du VIe au XIe siècle: Propriété et exploitation du sol. Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1992.
Find full text
8
Arietta, Papaconstantinou, and Talbot Alice-Mary Maffry, eds. Becoming Byzantine: Children and childhood in Byzantium. Washington, D.C: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 2009.
Find full text
9
Cariello, Nicola, ed. Stato e Chiesa a Bisanzio al tempo dell'imperatore Leone VI il Saggio (886-912). Rome, Italy: Arbor Sapientiae, 2018.
Find full text
10
Robert, Browning. The Byzantine Empire. Washington, D.C: Catholic University of America Press, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Empire byzantin"
1
Rotman, Youval. "Slavery in the Byzantine Empire." In The Palgrave Handbook of Global Slavery throughout History, 123–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13260-5_7.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe importance of Byzantium to the history of global slavery stems from its geographic and historical position. Byzantium boasts a history of more than a millennium, longer than any other Mediterranean empire. As an offspring of the Roman Empire, it inherited the Roman institution of slavery, which was in constant change in view of the changes that the medieval world underwent. The Byzantine Empire offers an ideal historical environment to examine questions about global slavery, questions that pertain to continuity and change, the destiny of ancient slavery in particular, and thanks to its geopolitical position, also to connectivity between different medieval enslaving societies.
2
Kontogiannopoulou, Anastasia. "The Byzantine Empire." In The Routledge Handbook of Public Taxation in Medieval Europe, 389–407. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003023838-20.
Full text
3
Hancock, James F. "Spice trade in the dark ages of Europe." In Spices, scents and silk: catalysts of world trade, 146–56. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249743.0012.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This chapter narrates the state of world trade during the fall of the Western Roman Empire under waves of Germanic tribe movements during the 'Völkerwanderung' or Migration Period. It contains nine subchapters that are about the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, spice use in Europe during the dark ages, the level of western trade in the early medieval age, Mediterranean trade in the early medieval period, early medieval trade in Europe, the Radhanites: medieval tycoons, the rise of the Gotlanders, Rus' trade with the Muslims and Byzantines through Khazaria, and lastly, Rus' attacks on the Islamic and Byzantine Worlds.
4
Leidholm, Nathan. "Governing the Byzantine Empire." In How Medieval Europe was Ruled, 107–25. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003213239-8.
Full text
5
Hancock, James F. "Golden age of Byzantium." In Spices, scents and silk: catalysts of world trade, 122–34. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249743.0010.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This chapter discusses the reign of the Eastern Roman Empire as well as the state of the international trade during its golden era. It consists of thirteen subchapters which are about the Shift of Roman Power, the rule of Constantine, the drastic transition of world trade after the fall of the West Roman Empire, the exotic luxuries of Byzantium, the golden age of the Eastern Roman Empire under Justinian, Byzantine attitudes about trade. Trade in the Byzantine world was highly regulated by the state, the empire was essentially a huge trading organization. It continues with the subchapters, The Dollar of the Middle Ages, Trading with the Enemy, Aksum and Byzantium's Indian Ocean Connections, Christians Surrounded by Muslims, The Secret of Silk Escapes, which is about the mid-sixth century when most silk found its way to Europe through the Silk Routes across China and the northern steppes of Central Asia, the Justinian's Plague that spread along the great trade routes, emerging first in China and north-east India, travelling to Ethiopia, moving up the Nile to Alexandria and then east to Palestine and across the entire Mediterranean region, and lastly, The End of the Red Sea Portal. Some 1000 years of Greek and Roman rule over Egypt had ended and with it the Red Sea link of Europe with the Asian spice trade.
6
Tsanana, Aikaterini. "Middle Byzantine Hierissos." In Byzantine Greece: Microcosm of Empire?, 215–24. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003429470-16.
Full text
7
Pahlitzsch, Johannes. "The Byzantine Empire and Islam." In Routledge Handbook on Christian–Muslim Relations, 115–25. New York : Routledge, 2017.: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745077-14.
Full text
8
Cameron, Averil. "The empire of Byzantium." In The Medieval World, 106–25. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2017. | Series: The Routledge worlds: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315102511-7.
Full text
9
Olson, Alexander. "An Evergreen Empire." In New Approaches to Byzantine History and Culture, 49–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59936-2_3.
Full text
10
de Lange, Nicholas. "Hebrew inscriptions of the Byzantine empire." In Manuscrits hébreux et arabes, 415–24. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.bib.1.102103.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Empire byzantin"
1
Stanev, Kamen. "THE FIFTH SLAVIC SIEGE OF THESSALONIKI." In THE PATH OF CYRIL AND METHODIUS – SPATIAL AND CULTURAL HISTORICAL DIMENSIONS. Cyrillo-Methodian Research Centre – Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59076/2815-3855.2023.33.16.
Full textAbstract:
The fifth Slavic siege of Thessaloniki took place in 676 – 678 and it shows that the relationship between the Slavic tribes and Byzantium, as well as between the Slavic tribes themselves, is much more complex than is traditionally presented in the historiography. The hostile actions of the slavs against the city can be divided into two periods. In the first stage participated the Rhynchines, Strymonites and Sagudates. During this period, in Thessaloniki, as Byzantine allies, there was also a Slavic squad, without specifying which tribe it was from. The fact that the Dragovites, who lived west of the city during this period, are not among the tribes fighting with Thessaloniki shows that perhaps it is from them the slavs in question, allies of the Byzanatines.This is also the reason why the first two years there is no real siege, only separate attacks on land and sea. At one point, the Slavic squad, which was helping Thessaloniki, turned against the Byzantines. This is the moment when the Draguvites appear among the tribes invading the city and at the same time move to a classic siege using siege machines. After the failure of the siege, the Draguvites fell into some form of dependence on the empire, and over the next two centuries there was no evidence of hostilities between them and the Byzantines. In contrast, the Strymonites and Rhynchines continued their raids for another decade.
2
SIMONE, Pierluigi. "THE RECASTING OF THE OTTOMAN PUBLIC DEBT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE CAPITULATIONS REGIME IN THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ACTION OF TURKEY LED BY MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.64.
Full textAbstract:
The recast of the international debt contracted by the former Ottoman Empire and the overcoming of the capitulations regime that had afflicted Turkey for centuries, are two of the most relevant sectors in which the political and diplomatic action promoted by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk has been expressed. Extremely relevant in this regard are the different disciplines established, respectively, by the Treaty of Sèvres in 1920 and then by the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923. After the Ottoman Government defaulted in 1875, an agreement (the Decree of Muharrem) was concluded in 1881 between the Ottoman Government and representatives of its foreign and domestic creditors for the resumption of payments on Ottoman bonds, and a European control of a part of the Imperial revenues was instituted through the Administration of the Ottoman Public Debt. At the same time, the Ottoman Empire was burdened by capitulations, conferring rights and privileges in favour of their subjects resident or trading in the Ottoman lands, following the policy towards European States of the Byzantine Empire. According to these capitulations, traders entering the Ottoman Empire were exempt from local prosecution, local taxation, local conscription, and the searching of their domicile. The capitulations were initially made during the Ottoman Empire’s military dominance, to entice and encourage commercial exchanges with Western merchants. However, after dominance shifted to Europe, significant economic and political advantages were granted to the European Powers by the Ottoman Empire. Both regimes, substantially maintained by the Treaty of Sèvres, were considered unacceptable by the Nationalist Movement led by Mustafa Kemal and therefore became the subject of negotiations during the Conference of Lausanne. The definitive overcoming of both of them, therefore represents one of the most evident examples of the reacquisition of the full sovereignty of the Republic of Turkey.
3
Mutabdžija, Goran. "BYZANTIUM: THE GEOGRAPHICAL LOGIC OF THE EMPIRE." In 6th INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE GEOBALCANICA 2020. Geobalcanica Society, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18509/gbp.2020.94.
Full text
4
Николов, Александър. "Св. Седмочисленици и формирането на българската „протонационална“ идентичност." In Кирило-методиевски места на паметта в българската култура. Кирило-Методиевски научен център, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59076/5808.2023.03.
Full textAbstract:
THE SEVEN APOSTLES OF THE SLAVS AND THE FORMATION OF THE BULGARIAN “PROTO-NATIONAL” IDENTITY (Summary) Some historians assume that the emergence of national identities in Europe is a result of social changes occurring in the Early Modern era, while others claim that this process was set in motion already in the Later Middle Ages. Similar disputes on the beginnings of the modern Bulgarian nation are also present in historiographic works. The Slavo-Bulgarian History of Paisiy Hilendarski is usually presented as the first clear sign of the emerging Bulgarian nation. The aim of this article is to confirm a proto-national stage in the development of the Bulgarian medieval ethnic community, which was instrumental for the survival and continuation of the Bulgarians as a separate ethnie and, despite the interruptions in the independent existence of the Bulgarian state and church, led to the transformation of this ethnie into a modern nation. The development of the Bulgarian medieval state, founded in 681 (widely accept¬ed date), lacks continuity. It has been interrupted in 1018 by the Byzantine conquest, which provoked deep social, economic and cultural changes and was followed by ethnic changes too. However, former Bulgarian lands, especially the core area around the last capital of the First Bulgarian Empire, Ohrid, retained certain level of ecclesiastical and economic autonomy. In the diocese of the Ohrid Bishopric began to emerge a “proto-national” pantheon, centered around the figures of St Clement of Ohrid and St John of Rila, and promoted by Byzantine prelates like Theophylactus of Ohrid and George Skylitses. The Bulgarians were regarded as a separate ethnie (according to the theory of Anthony Smith) within the limits of the Byzantine Empire, identified by their traditions, culture, language, and by their own patrons and spiritual teachers, who formed their “proto-national” pantheon. This tendency was successfully continued after the restoration of the Bulgarian state in 1185 (again a widely accepted date). The Second Bulgarian Empire had a multieth¬nic composition, including not only Slavic-speaking Bulgarians, but also Pecheneg and Cuman migrants, Vlah population, etc. All these groups, engaged very often in the gov¬ernment of the re-established empire, were centered around the political and state ideol¬ogy of the Bulgarian ‘proto-nationalism”. In the newly formed “pantheon” of national saints were included as “Bulgarians” also people with non-Bulgarian or at least disputed ethnic origin. In their Vitae, written after the liberation from the Byzantines, the question about their ethnic origin was of growing importance. Special place was given to the holy brothers Cyril and Methodius, (whose Bulgarian origin and direct links with Bulgaria are at least obscure) and five of their most prominent disciples. They were venerated as Bulgarian saints and became important part of the “proto-national” ideology of the Sec-ond Bulgarian Empire. This attitude has been transferred successfully into the national ideology of the modern Bulgarian nation. Later, in the 16th century, this group of saints was stylized as the Seven Apostles of the Slavs and acquired popularity even among the Greek-speaking clergy. Consequently, Cyril and Methodius, who were representatives of the universalistic Christian culture of the Second Rome entrusted with the task to enlighten the Slavonic peoples and to introduce them to the Holy Scriptures, together with their most prominent disciples, became emblematic figures, actively engaged in the formation of one of the Slavonic “proto-nations” during the Late Middle Ages.
5
Johnson, Nicholas. "CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE SACRED ART OF THE RAMIFIED BYZANTINE EMPIRE." In Kralj Milutin i doba Paleologa: istorija, književnost, kulturno nasleđe. Publishing House of the Eparchy of Šumadija of the Serbian Orthodox Church - "Kalenić", 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/6008-065-5.559j.
Full textAbstract:
This paper will look for evidence of continuity and change in the periphery and centre of the Byzantine Empire in the late Palaeologan period looking at examples of sacred art from before and after the Latin occupation of Constantinople (1204-1261), I shall attempt to identify examples of continuity which served to reestablish Orthodoxy and note changes in composition, style and symbolism which have come to be seen by some as a Palaeologan Renaissance. My contention is that the visual culture thrived even when the polity and economy of empire were compromised.
6
Söğüt, Sibel Gürses. "Projects in Sultanahmet Square in the Late Ottoman Period." In 4th International Conference of Contemporary Affairs in Architecture and Urbanism – Full book proceedings of ICCAUA2020, 6-8 May 2020. Alanya Hamdullah Emin Paşa University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.38027/z_iccaua2021tr0031n18.
Full textAbstract:
In the 19th century, the foci of the spatial change in the capital of the Ottoman Empire were the squares dating back to the previous period. As buildings were endowed by their builders, the Byzantine forums had disappeared during the Ottoman Empire. During this period, the only place known and named as a square was the Hippodrome (Atmeydanı). To the south of Hagia Sophia, a part of the old Augustaion, whose exact boundaries cannot be determined, turned into a neighborhood. After the fire in 1913 which demolished the neighborhood, the area once more transformed into a square (Hagia Sophia Square). Today, this area is called Sultanahmet Square and is home to one of the first modern indicators of the period, the Darülfünun building, inaugurated in 1863 as university but later used as the Ministry of Justice building. In the blocks overlooking the square, a project for the Zaptieh building to replace the old Finance Administration building came to the fore in 1869, and later in 1871, the first model Central Prison was built next to the Ibrahim Pasha Palace. However, it was demolished in 1939 when the Courthouse was being built, and the prisoners were transferred to the Sultanahmet Jail, built in the “New Ottoman” style in 1918 to the east of Darülfünun. Decorated with symbols of power since the Byzantine, this square continued to be the “central square of the Empire” with different manifestations in the 19th century.
7
Дедов, А. С. "The Byzantine Question in the Loyalist Scientific Discourse of The Russian Empire." In VIII Международная научно-практическая конференция «Современные исследования: теория, практика, результаты». Crossref, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.26118/2357.2024.85.53.021.
Full text
8
Dimitrijević, Milan S. "TEODOR METOHIT I NjEGOV UČENIK NIĆIFOR GRIGORA NA DVOROVIMA KRALjA MILUTINA I STEFANA DEČANSKOG." In Kralj Milutin i doba Paleologa: istorija, književnost, kulturno nasleđe. Publishing House of the Eparchy of Šumadija of the Serbian Orthodox Church - "Kalenić", 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/6008-065-5.223d.
Full textAbstract:
Theodore Metochites (Θεόδωρος Μετοχίτης; 1270–1332), a Byzantine Greek statesman and polymath, and his student, the greatest Byzantine astronomer Nicephoros Gregoras (1295-1360) were in several diplomatic missions on the courts of King Milutin and his son, King Stefan Dečanski. Both gave significant contributions in astronomy. Metochites, considered as the one of the greatest forerunners of the Renaissance in the Greek world, was a Platonist philosopher, astronomer and patron of the arts. From 1305 to 1328 he held the position of personal adviser (mesazon) to emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos. During his long political career he was also Great Logothetes (a kind of Prime Minister) of the Byzantine Empire. His teacher in astronomy was Manuel Bryennius. His known astronomical writting is an introduction to the study of Ptolemaic astronomy (Στοιχείωσις επί τη αστρονομική επιστήμη). Related to astronomy is also his paraphrases of Aristotle's works on natural philosophy and Σημειώσεις γνωμικαί (Annotations), where he provided an important critique of Aristotle. Metochites was five times on the court of King Milutin as the envoy of Andronikos II to make the peace with Serbia and to arrange the mariage of King Milutin with Simonida, grand daughter of the Byzantine emperor. He wrote a writting about his travels to Serbia (Пρεσβευτικός) which is translated to Serbian.
9
Evdokimova, A. A. "Corpus of Accentuated Byzantine Written Monuments and Methods of Its Markup." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE on Computational Linguistics and Intellectual Technologies. RSUH, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2075-7182-2023-22-1071-1081.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents a corpus of Byzantine accentuated texts (BGAT) created since 2008. It currently includes 1010 Byzantine inscriptions, 950 papyri from various collections from the 1st to the 9th centuries, 132 seals from the collection of Dumbarton Oaks, and a selection of 100 Athos manuscripts from the 8th to the 15th centuries. Based on the collected data, we developed a method for markup such texts, which later makes it possible to create a database of accentuated texts from them and, based on the entire corpus, to train neural networks for classifying texts according to accentuation systems and recognizing them in images. As a result of marking texts, in addition to the previously known Alexandrian, Byzantine, and Dorian systems of accentuation, new accentuation systems were identified, including logical or semantic, with a shift of an accent mark to the right, with a displacement of an accent mark to the left, and mixed. For each group of monuments, their variants of using accentuation systems, especially the Alexandrian one, were identified, which show different aspects of the accentuation of the Byzantine Greek language. When creating a glossary of accentuated word forms based on the corpus, we determined that there were lexemes that retained their accentuation regardless of the influence of the dialect, meter, or traditions characteristic of the masters. However, a comparison of identical texts, even found in the same region of the Byzantine Empire, showed that the accentuation was not replicated when quoting.
10
Ory, Vincent. "“Locking up the Strait in the fifteenth century’s Ottoman Mediterranean”: The Bosporus’ sea forts of Mehmet II (1452)." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11333.
Full textAbstract:
In the fifteenth century, the Mediterranean world was in turmoil. A new sultan, Mehmet II, had just inherited a vast empire stretching over two continents in the centre of which the ruins of the Byzantine Empire survived through the city of Constantinople. In order to seal his accession, he therefore undertook important preparations to conquer the “City guarded by God”. Mehmet then ordered the construction, within 4 months, of an imposing fortress nicknamed Boǧazkesen (the throat cutter). This coup de force is a testimony to the incredible military and economic power of this growing empire that masters a new war technology: artillery. The Ottomans, who were still novices in this field, had therefore had to adapt their fortifications to the use of firearms. Using local and foreign architects and engineers, the Ottoman fortifications built in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries bear witness to an architectural experimentation that seems to testify, like the work carried out in Rhodes by Pierre d’Aubusson or in Methoni by the Venetians, to a real research in terms of offensive and defensive effectiveness. In this context, the fortifications of Rumeli Hisarı and Anadolu Hisarı, built on either side of the narrowest point of the Bosporus in 1451-1452, are characterized by the presence of large coastal batteries that operate together. They were to block access to Constantinople by the Black Sea, combining sinking and dismasting fire.
Reports on the topic "Empire byzantin"
1
Cabrera Ramos, María Isabel. Maria Paleologina and the Il-Khanate of Persia. A Byzantine Princess in an Empire between Islam and Christendom. Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21001/itma.2017.11.08.
Full text