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1
Magdalino, Paul. "Forty years on: the political ideology of the Byzantine empire." Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 40, no. 1 (April 2016): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2015.3.
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Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies was launched in the middle of a decade that saw many landmark events in Byzantine scholarship. I remember them well, because this was the decade when I became a Byzantinist, and attended my first two international congresses of Byzantine Studies, the 14th in Ceauşescu's Bucharest (1971), and the 15th, in post-Junta Athens (1976). Apart from the acts of these congresses, the 1970s produced many memorable publications that shaped our field. It would take too long to list them all, and it would be invidious to make, and justify, a small selection. I have chosen to focus my retrospective look on one small monograph of 1975 that makes a comprehensive statement about Byzantium and is therefore a representative illustration of where Byzantine studies were forty years ago and how far they have come, or not come, since then. My book of the decade is L’idéologie politique de l’Empire byzantin by Hélène Ahrweiler (Paris 1975).
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Böhm, Marcin. "Transport morski koni w trakcie działań wojennych Boemunda na Bałkanach w latach 1107-1108." Vox Patrum 63 (January 4, 2019): 429–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3573.
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The Bohemond of Tarentum Expedition of 1107-1108, directed against the Byzantine Empire, was one of the key steps in Normans relations with the Byzantine Empire in the twelfth century. Preceded by a great propaganda campaign, had to bring the emperor Alexius I Komnenos to his knees. After initial successes, the Normans succumbed to Byzantium. The Byzantines focused their attention on the elimination of the Normans cavalry. This formation could not function without adequate mounts and supplies for them. By blocking the supplies coming from Italy, while in the same time eliminating the horses which were in the hands of the invaders, the Byzantines prejudged the outcome of the conflict.
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Bulanin, Dmitriy Mikhailovich, Mikhail Vladimirovich Dmitriev, Oleg Ivanovich Dzyarnovich, Andrey Vitalyevich Korenevsky, Konstantin Alexandrovich Kostromin, Tatiana Viktorovna Kushch, Russell Martin, Dmitriy Igorevich Polyvyanny, and Rustam Mukhammadovich Shukurov. "Byzantium after Byzantium? Forum." Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana 31, no. 1 (2022): 3–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu19.2022.101.
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The Byzantine Empire has existed longer than all the empires that were on Earth — more than 1000 years. She created the «Byzantine Commonwealth» of countries (D. D. Obolensky’s term), stretching from the South Baltic to the Mediterranean and from the Adriatic Sea to the Caucasus Mountains. The Commonwealth countries had religious and cultural unity, a close political culture and a similar tragic fate. All of them fell victim to foreign conquest, from the Mongols to the Ottomans, and with great difficulty, centuries later, regained their sovereignty. With the death of the Byzantine Empire in 1453, its historical role did not stop. Byzantium remained a relevant historical actor for a long time, as an ideal and as a symbol, as a heritage and as a hope for the revival of its former greatness. It is not for nothing that the ideas of «lasting Rome», «New Constantinople», etc., were so popular. According to the Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga, the time of «Byzantium after Byzantium» has come, which continues to this day. In the article, historians, specialists in the history of Byzantium, consider the following questions: 1) What is «Byzantium after Byzantium»? Is it an symbolic image, is it a historical memory of a bygone empire, is it a political, spiritual, cultural ideal? Or is it a fictitious concept, Byzantium died in 1453? 2) How long did «Byzantium after Byzantium» exist? What is the chronological depth of Byzantine influence in the Balkans, in Eastern Europe? 3) There is a point of view about the «unfavorable heritage» of Byzantium — all countries belonging to the «Byzantine Commonwealth» have a difficult historical fate. Is this a fatal coincidence, or the negative influence of the «Byzantine heritage»? 4) Did Byzantium have a successor (cultural, political, spiritual)? To what extent can they consider Russia, the Balkan states?
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ΝYSTAZOPOULOU-PÉLÉKIDOU, Marie. "Βιβλιοκρισία του: Le Mont Athos et l’Empire Byzantin. Trésors de la Sainte Montagne. Petit Palais, Musée des Beaux Arts de la Ville de Paris, 10 avril-5 juillet 2009. Catalogue." BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 20 (January 18, 2011): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.1009.
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<span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt">Βιβλιοκρισία του: Le Mont Athos et l’Empire Byzantin. Trésors de la Sainte Montagne.</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman','serif'; font-size: 12pt"> <em>Petit Palais, Musée des Beaux Arts de la Ville de<span> </span>Paris, 10 avril-5 juillet 2009. Catalogue, </em>p. 318, 4o, 228 photos en couleur</span>
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Kushch, Tatiana V. "Decline of the Byzantine Thalassocracy." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 22, no. 4 (202) (2020): 126–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2020.22.4.067.
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After 1204, the Byzantine Empire lost control over the Eastern Mediterranean. The restoration of the Empire in 1261, however, did not recover its sea dominance. The Latins, especially the Venetians and the Genoese, who had possessions in the Aegean and the Black Seas and conducted active maritime trade there, established themselves in the region. The importance of sea routes for Byzantium increased dramatically given the territorial dispersion of the Byzantine possessions, the high activity of Europeans in the region, and the growing threat of an Ottoman conquest. This article analyses the specifics of Byzantine sea communications and their role in the fate of the Empire during the period of geopolitical changes between the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Based on written sources, the author examines the condition of the Byzantine fleet, the role of foreigners in ensuring movement within and outside the Empire, and the meaning of the sea communication during the Ottoman sieges of Byzantine cities. The author reveals that the Empire could not provide stable and regular sea contacts between separate parts of its territories and external relations with the West on its own. The decline of the fleet and the lack of material resources forced the Byzantines to use foreign ships as means of transportation. The Italians, especially the Venetians, provided transport to the Byzantine emperors and diplomats who made official trips to the West, transported people and goods within the region, and provided food for the inhabitants of besieged cities. It is concluded that the transport dependence of Byzantium on the Italian maritime republics testified to its economic and political weakness. The loss of control over the sea routes in the Eastern Mediterranean and the degradation of its own transport system contributed to the decline and fall of Byzantium in 1453.
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Wierzbiński, Szymon. "Szlachetni, odważni, dzicy? Obraz Waregów i Franków w oczach Bizantyńczyków w X-XI w." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 647–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3280.
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During Xth and XIth century the Byzantine Empire was one of the strongest states in the Levant. In mentioned period the emperors undertook numerous military campaigns, both in order to expand the borders of the empire and restitute their authority on once lost lands. Due to its prestige and wealth the Empire was a favorable destination for foreigners, including mercenaries. As a result, in Byzantium one could meet warriors of a very diversified ethnic descent. The presence of numerous foreigners could not escape the attentions of Byzantines themselves, who in time formed a distinctive view concerning those newcomers. Among many mercenaries two managed to obtain extraordinary status and step out in the eyes of Byzantine citizens. The first group were the Varangians, who at the end of Xth century formed the famous emperor`s guard. The second group of mercenaries were warrior from the West, usually referred to as the Franks. The main aim of this paper is to examine the genesis of mentioned warriors in Byzantium and the roots of stereotypes attached to them.
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Korobeynikov, Dmitry. "On the Byzantine-Mongol Marriages." ISTORIYA 13, no. 11 (121) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023180-7.
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The article focuses on the rapprochement between Byzantium and the Mongols from the 1250s which resulted in marriage alliances between Mongol Khans and Byzantine despoinas (princesses). The key issue is a clash of two different approaches. The Byzantine one was focused on the exclusive status of Byzantium as Christian Roman Empire, whose status was unrivalled and whose sovereigns seldom allowed marriages of Byzantine ladies to the foreign rulers, especially if the latter were heathen or Muslim. The Mongol view considered the Mongol state as the only one destined to dominate over other states. Here, the marriages between Mongol rulers and foreign brides have been suggested as one of vital elements of such domination. The compromise between two views seemed to have been made by the Byzantines: while the Byzantine church law refused to recognize interconfessional marriages, the Byzantines began to see these marriages as a Christian mission of sorts as the Greek brides and wives could have served as agents for spreading Greek Orthodox Christianity. Given the fact that some Khans had already converted to Islam prior to the marriage, these were also the first marriages between the Byzantine Imperial dynasty of the Palaiologoi and the Muslim rulers. It seems that special tolerance of the Mongols towards Christianity (even if they were Muslims) played a key role in the change of the principles of the Byzantine marriage policy: it henceforth became possible for the Emperor’s illegitimate daughter to marry a Muslim ruler. This policy affected the marriages of the later period of the fourteenth and fifteenth century between the imperial dynasties of the Palaiologoi and Grand Komnenoi, on the one hand, and the neighboring Turkish rulers, including the Ottomans, on the other.
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Macura, Milan. "Byzantine law as a nursery garden for legal transplants with specific review of Dusan's Code." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 54, no. 1 (2020): 519–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns54-17584.
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The term Byzantium or Byzantine Empire is used for a state creation that existed from the 4th to the 15th century, more precisely until 1453 and the fall of Constantinople due to the Ottoman conquests. Regardless of what historical discussions and opinions otherwise differ regarding the origin of Byzantium, in this scholarly work May 11th, 330 AD, was taken as the beginning of the Byzantine Empire, the date when New Rome came into existence (Greek NέaῬώme, Lat. Nova Roma) at the site of the Byzantine Greek colony. The paper will analyze the influence of Byzantine law on the further development of the law in the world, as well as the temporal continuity and development of Byzantine law that relies on Roman law. In addition, through a comparison of the Byzantine Code Members and later Dusan's Code, the theory of legal transplants developed by Alan Watson will be analyzed.
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Kushch, Tatiana V. "Late Byzantium in the Works of Margarita A. Poljakovskaja." Античная древность и средние века 48 (2020): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.001.
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This paper commemorates Margarita Adol’fovna Poljakovskaja (1933–2020), the head of the Ural school of Byzantine studies and the respected authority in the history and culture of late Byzantium. The author makes the reader acquainted with Professor Poljakovskaja’s academic biography, the topics of her researches, and the results of her studies in various aspects of the Byzantine history from the thirteenth to fifteenth century. The paper has revealed a few key topics studied by Professor Poljakovskaja: monastic properties in late Byzantine cities; Byzantine rhetoric and epistolography; social and political thought; intellectual life; social structures in the Byzantine society; palace ceremonies and court culture; and the Byzantines’ emotional world and daily life. It has been stated that although Professor Poljakovskaja used abundant and varied methodology produced by historical and philological researches, she preferred the anthropological approach. Her attention concentrated on a person and the person’s notion of the time and self. Reconstructions of intellectual and social life in the period of decline of the Byzantine empire loomed large in the historian’s studies, and the key topic of her researches was the problem of the “person, society, and power”.
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Orehowskyi, Wadym. "TRADE AND MONEY CIRCULATION OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE." BULLETIN OF CHERNIVTSI INSTITUTE OF TRADE AND ECONOMICS 2, no. 86 (June 30, 2022): 8–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34025/2310-8185-2022-2.86.01.
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The article is devoted to the main directions and features of trade and money circulation of the Byzantine Empire. Describing the main sectors of the economy, the author notes that it was based on agriculture. Agriculture, viticulture and livestock were its main industries. At the same time it is noted that in the Middle Ages Byzantium was the most urbanized country. There were more than 1,000 cities with Constantinople, the largest of them. The author notes that the Byzantine cities were not only important administrative but also economic centers. It was characteristic of the Byzantine economy that a quarter of the gross national product came from handicrafts and trade. Describing trade, the author of the article notes that Constantinople was not only the capital and residence of the emperor, but it acted as an intermediary in trade between West and East. Convenient and safe routes have contributed to the growth of trade. Iron, perfume, spices, opium, and precious stones were imported from India; silk was exported from China; from Iran - soft wool; from Asia Minor - meat and metals; from Ethiopia - slaves. Thin linen was imported from the West to Byzantium, and Constantinople was not only a consumer of these goods, but also a center of commission trade and resale. The author also pays attention to Russian-Byzantine trade relations. Russia exported to Byzantium part of the tribute and military booty, especially slaves and raw materials. It imported mostly expensive fabrics, various ornaments, weapons, spices, etc. In the second part of the article the author refers to the Byzantine trade of the XII- XV centuries. During this period, immigrants from the Italian cities of Genoa, Pisa and Venice were in significant competition with Byzantine merchants. The Venetians, who established a powerful colony in Constantinople, became especially famous in this regard. Gradually, the empire lost control of its own economic and financial resources, which contributed to a huge uncontrolled outflow of Byzantine capital to Europe. The conclusions note that trade facilitated the exchange of goods not only between Byzantium and the West. It became a powerful leader of Byzantine cultural influence on European countries. However, cultural dominance contradicted Byzantium's economic backwardness of European countries. External defeats and internal problems increased the empire's dependence on foreigners, and duty-free trade, although filling the market with many European and Asian goods, quickly led to the decline of Byzantine crafts and the degradation of agriculture.
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Khapaev, V. V., and A. M. Glushich. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE SPORTS INFRASTRUCTURE OF THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE IN THE IV – XII CENTURIES." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 6 (72), no. 4 (2020): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2020-6-4-137-152.
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The article examines the location, design features and evolution of the sports facilities of the Byzantine Empire: the Great Hippodrome and smaller hippodromes of Constantinople and other cities of the empire, stadiums for playing equestrian polo (tzykanisterions) and other buildings used for training and sports competitions of the Byzantines in the IV – XII centuries. Special attention is paid to the constructive features of the Great Hippodrome of Constantinople, both in connection with its special significance for the history of the empire, and also with the abundance of sources on this issue: written and archaeological. It is concluded, that before the beginning of the systemic crisis of the empire in the first half of the 7th century and the massive invasions of the Persians, Avars, Slavs and Arabs into the territory of the empire, sports facilities and sports life (including competitive) were characteristic of all major cities of the empire. Each of them had monumental hippodromes and regular competitions. Their decline is associated both with the capture of most of the territory of Byzantium by the Arabs and (in the cities that remained under the control of Constantinople) with a protracted economic crisis and general de-urbanization. The revival of interest in sports and the need for sports facilities is associated with the strengthening of the economic and geopolitical position of Byzantium in the 9th-10th centuries. During this time many old buildings were restored and used, several new ones were built. The final decline of the empire’s sports infrastructure is associated with its defeat during the IV Crusade.
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Dușe, Călin Ioan. "The Renaissance of Byzantium during the Macedonian Dynasty 867-1056." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Catholica Latina 66, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 53–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/theol.cath.latina.2021.lxvi.2.04.
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The Macedonian dynasty (867-1056) opened a new stage in the history of Byzantium, which will lead the Byzantine Empire to its medieval peak. Thus, for 150 years the Byzantine Empire had a period in which it experienced important achievements on all levels. Between 867-1025 the Empire was led by some remarkable leaders, who distinguished themselves exceptionally. The representatives of this dynasty were the most brilliant leaders that Byzantium now had. They were people with an energetic and strong personalities, without mercy and scruples, with an authoritarian and strong will, trying to be feared rather than to win the sympathy and love of those they led. The grandeur of the Empire was the focus of their rule, proving that they were great military leaders, as they spent most of their reign among soldiers, in which they identified the source of the monarchy’s power.
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Wolińska, Teresa. "Paulicjanie w Bizancjum – uciekinierzy i przesiedleńcy." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 2 (2021): 247–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.019.13856.
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Paulicians in Byzantium: The fleeing and the displaced Paulicians, treated as Manicheans and persecuted in Armenia and the Byzantine Empire, escaped to the Arab-occupied territories where they established a state (843–878) and kept invading Byzantium in alliance with the Emirs of Melitene. Eventually Basil I (867–886) was able to defeat John Chrisocheiros and capture Tefrike. Constantine V, Basil I and John Tzimiskes drafted Paulicians into the Byzantine army and got them relocated to the territory of the empire, hoping to use their military potential to defend the borders against the Bulgarians. Consequently, a substantial group of Paulicians found themselves in the Balkans. According to some scholars they were the predecessors of the Bogomil heresy.
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Leszka, Mirosław J. "Obraz cara bułgarskiego Samuela w źródłach bizantyńskich (XII w.)." Studia z Dziejów Średniowiecza, no. 23 (December 17, 2019): 134–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/sds.2019.23.06.
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Samuel, the ruler of Bulgaria from the turn of the tenth and eleventh centuries is without a doubt a significant figure in the history of his country, having left a clear mark on its relations with the Byzantine Empire. It was he who challenged the Byzantines, who occupied a considerable part of Bulgaria in 971. Over the course of several decades, he was first wrenching Bulgarian territories from the Byzantine hands and subsequently defended his possessions with great determination. It was only several years after his death (1014) that the Bulgarian state fell into Byzantine hands (1018), ushering an almost hundred and seventy yearperiod of its nonexistence – the time of Byzantine captivity.
Information included in the 12th‑century Byzantine sources (Nicephor Bryennios, Anna Komnene, John Zonaras, Michael Glykas, The Life of Nikon Metanoeite”), analysed in the present article and relating to Samuel are focused on the two fundamental questions, specifically the circumstances in which he had taken the reins of power and the military activity he conducted against Byzantium. The portrayal of the Bulgarian ruler included therein was on the one hand influenced by the trend present in the Byzantine literature to diminish the successes of the Empire’s enemies by indicating their causes were to be found on the Byzantine side, and on the other by the fact that the Bulgarians became subjects of the Byzantine ruler. Some of them entered into the elite of the Byzantine society, sometimes through familial connections. In these circumstances, it was better to be related to Samuel the Basileus, rather than to Samuel the barbarian.
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Marinow, Кirił. "Patrząc na przemoc. Postawa, odczucia i bezsilność człowieka wobec okropności wojny w świetle retoryki okresu średniobizantyńskiego." Vox Patrum 69 (December 16, 2018): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3269.
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The second and third decade of the 10th century was marked by an armed conflict between the East Roman Empire and Bulgaria. A conflict, which nearly brought about the downfall of Byzantium, was caused by ambitious plans of Symeon I (893-927), the Bulgarian ruler who desired to impose his supremacy upon the empire and gain new territories on the Balkan Peninsula at its cost. Only his death let the Byzantines take a breath and conclude a peace treaty with his son and follower, Peter I (927-969). Theodore Daphnopates (890/900 - after 961), the alleged author of a rhetoric work On the Treaty with the Bulgarians, praising the freshly concluded peace (in 927), reminded the atrocities of war. He also built up the image of a suffering human who had become a witness to the violence inflicted to the soil, temples and villages, as well as and first of all to humans during war operations. And although that image was in many aspects a cliché of the Byzantine literature through multiplying the images of suffering, present in other similar works, it referred to the deeply inrooted pattern of such feelings, based on the experience of many generations of Byzantines themselves and of the humankind in general. So, despite being a customary topos it reflected the possible or perhaps actual human experience of meeting with violence. In my presentation I will present and characterize the attitudes and emotions which accompanied the Byzantine author he had experienced (or at least said he had), being a witness and hearing the relations of atrocities of a fratricidal war.
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Voisin, Ludivine. "L' « ancienne » ou la « nouvelle » Rome: les monastères grecs sous domination latine entre Rome et Constantinople (13e-15e siècles)." Chronos 28 (March 21, 2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/chr.v28i0.396.
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Plus d'un siècle après l'établissement des Normands en Italie du Sud, une autre dynastie franque, originaire du Poitou, s'établit en pays grec et étend sa domination sur une population majoritairement hellénophone, de culture et de foi grecques à Chypre : les Lusignans en 11922. La monarchie franque s'y maintient jusqu'en 1473, année où s'amorce la transition politique et administrative de l'île vers le règne vénitien (1489-1570/1571). Le détournement de la quatrième croisade sur Constantinople (1203-1204) marque une étape supplémentaire dans l'expansion latine en Orient : la prise de la capitale de l'empire byzantin (12-15 avril 1204) convainc les croisés de leur irrésistible force. Les Latins se dispersent alors sur les routes de la Grèce continentale et insulaire, que leurs chefs ont prévue de se répartir avant même la prise de Constantinople (Van Tricht 2011 : 41-46). Le Péloponnèse est conquis en 1205 par des chevaliers franc-comtois et champenois : la principauté franque de Morée survit diffcilement jusqu'en 1430, date à laquelle elle est cédée au despotat d'Épire. Les grands vainqueurs de la conquête latine sont finalement les Vénitiens qui établissent un empire colonial dont I 'île de Crète constitue la plus importante terre de peuplement (1205-1645/1669). La domination latine se replie aux 19 et 16 siècles sous l'effet des conquêtes ottomanes, mais une poche de résistance latine se maintient encore à Corfou au 1 V siècle.
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Avzhi, Zhasim. "Relatıons wıth Byzantıne Empıre Durıng The Prophet’s Tıme (Pbuh)." Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 127, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 494–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2023-1/2664-0686.38.
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The period of Muhammad [pbuh] is the most important time period of whole 15-century Islamic history. It is because his sayings and habits had become a source of influence for later periods. As being the head of state of Islam based in Madina, his relations with the two super power states of the world at that time, Sasanids and Byzantines are substantial examples. The north side of the Arabian peninsula, at the time Muhammad [pbuh] was preaching Islam to the people of Macca, were hosting a power struggle between Sasanids and Byzantines. In this time, the polytheist heathen people of Macca were supporting the Zoroastrian Sasanids’ side, while Muslims who embrace the «tawhid» faith were having a sympathy for Byzantine empire, whom were Christians, the people of the book. In the seventh year of hijra towards Madina [AD 628], the prophet had sent letters to many prominent leaders of his time, inviting them to Islam. One of these prominent leaders were the Byzantine emperor, Heraclius, whom accepted the ambassador Dihya ibn Khalifa al-Kalbi during his visit at Jerusalem. The prophet also sent envoys to Byzantine governor of Egypt and emir of Ghassanids, a Byzantine alley, to invite them to Islam. The emir of Ghassanids’ killing the ambassador of Islamic state who was sent to Bosra governor, led to a new crisis. As the emir had called for Byzantines to help against troops that were sent by Islamic state, Muslims had faced up against the army of Byzantine empire for the first time, during Battle of Mu'tah [8/629]. At this battle, the Islamic army was forced to leave the war area due to Byzantine-Ghassanids’ numerical superiority. In the 9th year of Hijra [AD 630] following the reports of Byzantine empire preparing armies to attack to lands of Islam, Prophet went on an expedition as the head of 30.000 people large army. The army had reached towards Tabuk, however, as Byzantine army have had not seen anywhere, the army had returned. Meanwhile, military units were sent to some of the settlements near and the region was taken under control.
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Schreiner, Peter. "The Byzantine roots of southeastern Europe." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 60-2 (2023): 1311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360311s.
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Southeastern Europe is a divided region with regards to its Byzantine roots, Byzantine legacy and Byzantine present. Politically and militarily, Byzantium never managed to reestablish the old Roman frontiers in the Balkans. However, it was decisively involved in the economic rise of this region, which in turn benefited the Empire. Byzantium became a model for peoples and states due to its overall political power, cultural legacy, and especially the charisma of the church, as well as the fact that it did not suppress their own national developments and traditions. But in the past and present, Byzantine culture has left lasting traces only in the mentality where the traditions were supported by the Orthodox Church or where they were preserved independently of strict forms of belief through a sense of belonging to an Orthodox cultural community.
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Van Tricht, Filip. "Claiming the Basileia ton Rhomaion." Medieval History Journal 20, no. 2 (September 25, 2017): 248–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945817718651.
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In April 1204, the army of the Fourth Crusade captured Constantinople. For the leading princes, it was self-evident that they would install an imperator of their own in the Queen of Cities. Their choice fell on Baldwin IX/VI, count of Flanders/Hainault. In this contribution, we aim to analyse how Baldwin and his successors saw their emperorship, and how they and their empire were seen by others in Byzantium and the West. The current historiographical term, ‘Latin Empire of Constantinople’, reflects the prevailing view that an entirely new political construct had been set up replacing the former Byzantine Empire. However, contemporaries, both the emperors themselves as well as outsiders, consistently referred to the empire using both Latin and Greek terms that, prior to 1204, had been commonly employed to refer to the Byzantine Empire. Yet eastern and western conceptions of the nature of the empire before 1204 differed greatly: it was ‘Greek’ in Latin eyes, ‘Roman’ in Byzantine eyes. The Constantinopolitan imperial crown having been placed on his head, Baldwin became heir to these conflicting traditions. Moreover, rival imperial claims soon arose within the Byzantine space in neighbouring Byzantine successor states. In the face of these challenges, the Latin emperors strove to formulate a political ideology legitimising their claim to imperial rule. We will argue that in essence the successive Latin emperors adopted, up to a point, the key tenets of Byzantine imperial theory (Roman character, universalism, emperors as vicars of Christ and autocracy). Their western background and their different relationship with the West led to certain changes, but whether these should be seen as fundamentally un-Byzantine is not self-evident. Conversely, the presence of the now Latin rulers on the Constantinopolitan throne also led to changes in the western perception of the eastern empire.
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Еldin, Мikhail А. "The Paradigm of the Byzantine Economic Order-Taxis: Historical and Philosophical Dimension." Economic History 16, no. 3 (November 30, 2019): 229–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.15507/2409-630x.050.016.202003.229-240.
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Introduction. The article deals with one of the key issues of the Eurasian economic order related to the Byzantine Empire, which lasted for more than a thousand years (395–1453) and experienced periods of growth and decline, in which military expansion was replaced by crises and internal upheavals. The Byzantine state has always been under pressure from outside, but it has learned to survive among rivals and enemies. The Power of Byzantium in many respects ahead of its era, was not only the largest feudal entity of the Middle Ages, but also along with this centralized state, which had a powerful system of administrative management, which played an important role in regulating of the economic order. Materials and Methods. Current methodological approaches based on the principle of spiritual understanding of the modern world picture, as well as the degree of theoretical elaboration at the present stage of development of society the problem of forming the mentality of a particular nation, studying cultural phenomena in a historical context contribute, we believe, the disclosure of the “conceptual entity” the Byzantine heritage. Results. The analysis of sources and materials that consider various aspects of scientific works of Byzantine taxonomists on the economic structure. The characteristic features of the economic policy of the Byzantine Empire are revealed and the conclusion about the significance of the Byzantine experience for regulating the economic order in modern States is substantiated. Discussion and Conclusion. The Byzantine state, which actively intervened in the regulation of the economy, received a relatively stable economic order, which allowed it not only to maintain its well-being throughout the centuries of the Empire’s history, but also to cope with crisis situations. The variety of forms of farming in early Byzantium was reflected in the effective interaction of commodity production developed in cities and the economic system of rural settlements. The flourishing of trade and industry were mainly characteristic of coastal cities, whose economic expansion only slightly affected the agricultural sector of the Empire, while there was a partial taxonometrization of the economy. Despite short periods of weakening trade priorities of Byzantium, we can not talk about the economic disaster of the Empire, because it had at its disposal the economic reserves of the provinces. The state has repeatedly experienced shocks accompanied by crises, but has maintained sufficient viability, subsequently reviving and returning to its previous positions.
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Bardi, Alberto. "The Paradosis of the Persian Tables, A Source on Astronomy between the Ilkhanate and the Eastern Roman Empire." Journal for the History of Astronomy 49, no. 2 (May 2018): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021828618762461.
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Recent scholarship on a Byzantine astronomical handbook on how to use a set of astronomical tables stemming from Islamic tradition sheds new light on a transfer of knowledge that occurred in the fourteenth century between the Ilkhanate and Byzantium. As this source was so far unpublished, the present paper gives an outline of the main textual features, then discusses the source in the framework of the cross-cultural contacts between Byzantine and non-Byzantine scholars between the Eastern Roman Empire and the Ilkhanate.
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PODOLSKIY, V. A. "APPLIED AND PRACTICAL PHILOSOPHY OF PHILANTHROPY IN BYZ-ANTINE POLITICAL THOUGHT." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 17, no. 5 (2022): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2022-17-5-45-66.
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Byzantine political philosophy developed under the influence of the Christian ethics and Hellenistic monarchism. Byzantine theology is well studied both in Russian and foreign science, while political philosophy is less known. The purpose of the present article is to study the attitude of the Byzantine political philosophy to charity. Methodology of the research: the study is based on historic and comparative approach, analysis of institutions, analysis of texts and speeches by thinkers and politicians, and shows origins and development of ideas on charity in Byzantium. As a result, it was revealed that the values and institutions formed in the first centuries of the existence of the Eastern Empire worked throughout the history of Byzantium and influenced European and Rus-sian practices of charity. The collected information about the history of political philosophy in Byzantium is of value in the study of charity and social policy.
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Naumenko, Valeriy. "About the Bosporos Oil of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus and the Byzantine “Greek Fire”: Archaeological Evidence." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (January 2020): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.6.
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Introduction. The article discusses information sources of the 10th – 11th centuries about the oil fields in the area of the Bosporus needed to produce the secret offensive weapon of the Byzantine Empire, i.e. the famous “Greek fire”. Methods. The study is comprehensive. Along with a review of written sources allowing to establish the chronology of the most active period of using the Byzantine “Greek fire”, their material evidence of the oil fields development on the banks of the Kerch strait and the subsequent transportation of Bosporus oil in the central regions of Byzantium were analyzed. Analysis. The treatise of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus De Administrando Imperio contains a message about the oil fields in various areas of the Northeastern Black Sea including the Asian Bosporus which are traditionally considered as sources of raw materials for the famous secret weapons of the Empire – the so-called “Greek fire”. The unique nature of this information, in fact, has reliable archaeological evidence. During excavations of many settlements and fortresses of the Bosporus a sufficient number of examples of the local oil production and transportation to the central areas of Byzantium were found. In the late 9th – 11th centuries containers for the oil transportation were the so-called jugs with a high neck, the general chronology of which generally coincides with the period of the most active use of the “Greek fire” by the Byzantine fleet in fighting against numerous opponents of the Empire. Results. As the study shows, in addition to the military-strategic and political component, the interest of Byzantium in ensuring control over the territories of the Bosporus was probably due to the abundance of numerous sources of oil needed to manufacture the secret offensive weapon of the Empire – the famous “Greek fire”.
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Madona Mikeladze. "TEACHING THE HISTORY OF BYZANTIUM AT GEORGIAN SCHOOLS ACCORDING TO THE ANALYSIS OF CURRICULA AND TEXTBOOKS." World Science 1, no. 7(35) (July 12, 2018): 4–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ws/12072018/5997.
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The Byzantine Empire, which existed for more than 1000 years, holds a special place in the history of civilization. It was the largest medieval Christian state on the crossroad of Europe and Asia. The Byzantine culture belongs to the medieval Christian culture, but it has specific peculiarities in comparison to the Western Christian culture.The phenomenon of Byzantium, as the successor of the Roman state tradition and as the source of Christian culture, is of particular importance in the development of Georgia's historical processes.Understanding the historical processes of the V-XV centuries in Georgia is quite difficult without knowing the history of Byzantium. We cannot analyze even the later period without knowing Byzantium, because this country has left an indelible mark on Georgia, especially on its culture. The purpose of the present article is to show what the position of the Byzantine history is in the national curriculum and school books.
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Kyriakidis, Savvas. "The idea of civil war in thirteenth and fourteenth-century - Byzantium." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 49 (2012): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249243k.
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This paper discusses thirteenth and fourteenth-century Byzantine perceptions of civil wars, which were a common feature in the late Byzantine period. It investigates how the most important authors of the period understood and defined the idea of civil war. It explores the Byzantine understanding of the differences between military conflicts which were fought between subjects and employees of the emperor and wars the empire fought against its external enemies. In addition, it examines the views the imperial authorities and the authors of the period express about wars against enemies with whom the later Byzantines shared a common cultural, ethnic and religious background.
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Kanev, Nikolay. "Byzantine Lead Seal of Constantine, Notarios and Abydikos from Bulgaria." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (January 2020): 90–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.7.
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Introduction. The paper deals with a byzantine lead seal of Constantine, notarios and abydikos, which originated from the vicinity of the medieval fortress of Rusokastro, southeastern Bulgaria. Methods. A part of byzantine lead seals are a primary source of information regarding both the commercial and economic activity in the Byzantine Empire and the administrative structures and mechanisms for its control and management, in particular for the period of the 8th – 9 th centuries. Therefore, the appearance of any such new scrambling monument is of great importance and the information derived from it should be carefully analyzed and appropriately taken into account in any reconstruction of the picture of the socio-economic life of the Empire and its contacts with its neighbors, including the medieval Bulgaria. Analysis. The seal dates from the second half of the 8th – the first half of the 9th cc. A cross-shaped invocative monogram is depicted on its obverse, while there is an inscription in four lines placed in a partly preserved circle on the reverse. The whole text of the monogram and the legend is as follows: “+ Κύριε βοήθει τῷ σῷ δούλω Κωνσταντίνω νοταρίου καὶ ἀβυδηκοῦ +”. The article also focuses on retrieving possible information from the Byzantine lead seal published in it. Results. The Byzantine lead seal published here is a material proof related to the picture of the commercial and economic life in the area of the Byzantine Empire near the medieval Bulgarian state and its administration by the Byzantine provincial authorities. Finding it in the territory that for the most of this period was a part of the First Bulgarian Empire suggests that Constantine’s seal is undoubtedly a testimony of the nature of peacetime contacts between Byzantium and Bulgaria at that time.
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Orlov-Vilimonovic, Larisa. "Contextualizing gender in XII century Byzantine discourse: Women and power in Ioannes Zonaras’ epitome historiarum." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 69, no. 2 (2021): 365–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2102365o.
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The paper investigates Ioannes Zonaras? Epitome Historiarum, a Byzantine XII century world chronicle for normative conceptions of gender in Byzantium. The article explores two gender-appropriate women?s roles in Byzantine society. It focuses on the behaviors, activities, and attributes attached to and prescribed for the widows and mothers to reiterate the patriarchal social structures. Also, this research intends to uncover the interplay between text and language through crucial gender signifiers, which influenced the balance of social and political power in the Medieval Roman Empire.
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Louth, Andrew. "Palestine under the Arabs 650-750: the Crucible of Byzantine Orthodoxy." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014339.
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The period from the beginning of the seventh century to the middle of the ninth was decisive for the history of the Byzantine empire. At the beginning of the seventh century, the idea of the Roman, or Byzantine, empire as the political configuration of the Mediterranean world - something that the Emperor Justinian had done his best to restore - still seemed valid, though there were already significant cracks in the edifice. By the end of the seventh century - let alone the middle of the ninth - that was a dream, though a dream to which the Byzantines obstinately clung. For the early years of the seventh century had seen the temporary Persian conquest of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire, soon followed by the Arab conquest which the Byzantines were to prove unable to overturn. The impact on the Byzantine empire of these events and the infiltration into the Balkan peninsula by the Slavs, was profound - politically, economically, culturally, and theologically. But the story of this impact is generally presented, both in the sources and in scholarly accounts, from the point of view of the centre, the Queen City, Constantinople. Central to the Byzantine world view, as it emerged with renewed confidence in the middle of the ninth century, was the idea of the empire, and the Emperor, as the guardian of Christian Orthodoxy, which was symbolized in the proclamation of the ‘Triumph of Orthodoxy’ with the final overthrow of iconoclasm in 843, a proclamation that became part of the normal ecclesiastical calendar, celebrated thereafter each year on the first Sunday of Lent. But that Orthodoxy, in its final form, had not been nurtured in Constantinople, nor had the wealth of liturgical poetry that came to celebrate it. Constantinople had reacted to the catastrophe of the early seventh century by plunging into heresy: first, the Christological heresy of monenergism, with its refinement, monothelitism, and then the heresy of iconoclasm, also believed - by both iconoclasts and their opponents - to be ultimately a matter of Christology. The Orthodoxy whose triumph was celebrated from 843 onwards had been defined, and celebrated, in Palestine, the province that had been lost for good to the Byzantines in the 630s. Orthodoxy, in fact, achieved its final definition at the periphery - and defeated periphery at that - and from there took over the centre. In this paper, we are not concerned with Christians who visited the Holy Land as pilgrims, but rather with those who belonged there: mainly monks, both natives and those who came to the Holy Land to live in the complex of monasteries in and around Jerusalem. How and why did these Palestinian monks come to play this role in the wider history of the Christian œcumene?
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Duda, Michalina, Sławomir Jóźwiak, and Marcin Wiewióra. "nr="113"Byzantine Architects, Builders, and Stonemasons in Latin Europe in the 10th to 12th Centuries." Mediaevistik 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2020.01.05.
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Abstract: The article concerns the issue of Byzantine architects, builders, and stone masons in Latin Europe in the tenth to twelfth centuries. The heart of the conducted analysis is the participation of builders from the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) in erecting particular buildings in the countries of Latin Europe. The authors referred to Byzantine builders’ activities in Reich (Paderborn and probably in Cologne), Italy (Venice, Monte Cassino), and Hungary.It is worth to notice that the topic is analysed in view of written sources from the epoch, which are often disregarded in similar studies.
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Kalic, Jovanka. "Despot Stefan and Byzantium." Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, no. 43 (2006): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0643031k.
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The topic of this paper is one aspect of the relationship between Serbia and Byzantium at the beginning of the 15th Century, during the so-called "despot period" of the reign of Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427), namely the fate of the Byzantine title of Despots' in Serbia against the background of the political situation in the Balkans at the time of Turkish domination. Knez Stefan (1377-1427), Knez Lazar's son, received the title of Despotes according to the procedure long ago established at the Byzantine Court. In Byzantium, this title, which was second in rank only to the title of the Emperor, used to be endowed to the relatives of the imperial dynasty, it was not hereditary and did not depend on the territory ruled by the bearer of the title. It was a personal court title of the highest rank in Byzantium. This honor was bestowed upon the young Knez Stefan in summer of 1402 after his return from the battlefield of Angora (Ankara), where Sultan Beyazid I suffered a disastrous defeat from the hands of the Tatars. The Serbian Knez was solemnly received in Constantinople, a marriage between himself and a sister of the Byzantine Empress was arranged and John VII Palaeologus, the co-regent of the then-absent Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, endowed him with the title of Despotes. Knez Stefan carried this title till the end of his life. It was held in great honors in Serbia and was broadened in meaning to designate a ruler's title in general, remaining alive among the Serbs even after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Stefan Lazarevic received the dignity of a Despotes once more, in 1410 in Constantinople. All this notwithstanding, the political situation in the South-East of Europe at the beginning of the 15th Century was all but favorable. Some Christian states were conquered by the Turks (Bulgaria), some were vassals of the Sultan (Byzantium, Serbia). Everything depended on the Ottomans. At the time of dynastic conflicts in the Turkish Empire (1403-1413) as well as afterwards, the political interests of Byzantium and Serbia were different, even at times contrary. What they had in common was the attempt to find allies in the West, especially among the countries which had an interest to fight against the Turks, so an initiative was raised to form a Christian League to that effect. Despot Stefan, in his capacity as a vassal of the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg, took part in the negotiations the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaelogus held in Buda with his host (1424). This was the last meeting of the Serbian Despotes with the Byzantine Emperor. The title of Despotes had changed with respect to the Byzantine norms. Despot Stefan became the Despotes of the Kingdom of Rascia (Raska), as the Kingdom of Serbia was called in the West. The personal title of the Byzantine Imperial Court was thus transformed in accordance with the non-Byzantine traditions of the Serbian political ideology. .
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Drobyshev, Yuliy. "Reflection of Mongolian imperial ideas in the medieval Byzantium sources." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2022): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080013354-6.
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The article uses materials of Byzantine historical works of the XIII-XIV centuries to further develop the author’s work in the sphere of Imperial ideology of the medieval Mongols. The special geopolitical position of Byzantium, as well as controversies among descendants of Genghis Khan, have caused peculiarities of its relations with the Mongol Empire, and later with the states of Juchids and Khulaguids, and allowed it to remain independent. Byzantine historians described the Mongols from the position of external observers, so their information is relatively scarce, but important for understanding the goals of the Mongol conquerors in the region and their views on the world order. Analysis of information provided by George Pachymeres, Nicephorus Gregoras, and other Byzantine intellectuals suggests that the Mongol leaders demonstrated considerable flexibility in their foreign policy and did not show any claims to world domination. The sources also reproduce a number of stories concerning the Mongols, which are also known from the Christian historiography of the South Caucasus and the Middle East, in particular, they speak out the idea of nomads who invaded the cultural lands as a “scourge of God”, but they are still far from an eschatological interpretation of the Mongol invasion and do not interpret it in terms of “the whole world”. They do not express thoughts about the need to submit to this inevitable evil. Byzantine authors describe quite accurately the goals of Mongol conquest campaigns and diplomatic activities of the Mongol leaders. It can be assumed that relations between Byzantium and the Mongol states were built on an equal basis, or the Byzantine authors carefully avoided any hints of inequality in their works. The image of Genghis Khan drawn in the analyzed sources does not contain anything messianic or heroic; moreover, not all authors know who exactly was a founder of the Mongol Empire, and they attribute the leadership of Genghis Khan’s military campaigns to his descendants. Thus, the Mongol “imperialism” in the Byzantine sources is very poorly traced, which, however, does not detract from their value in reconstruction of the mental climate of the Mongol Empire and its historical successors.
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Kanev, Nikolay. "Byzantine Rank Hierarchy in the 9th–11th Centuries." Studia Ceranea 8 (December 30, 2018): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.08.09.
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The aim of the article is to present the Byzantine secular rank hierarchy of the 9th–11th centuries. During the above-mentioned period of time Byzantium knew not one but several distinct, relatively independent official hierarchical systems. All of them, however, were mutually interconnected to varying degrees and thus formed a single, pan-imperial hierarchical construct, expressed through the so-called system of palace precedence of ranks in the empire. It is this global and more general paradigm that reflects the Byzantine hierarchical model of the 9th–11th centuries; consequently, it seems fitting to refer to it as the rank hierarchy of the classical Middle Byzantine period, in the era preceding the reforms of Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118).
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Kyiak, S. R. "Ukrainian Catholicism: The Church-Ritual Aspect." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 30 (June 29, 2004): 96–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2004.30.1511.
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In Ukrainian church life, the influence of the Byzantine Empire, which has existed for over eleven centuries, holds a special place. This unique Greek superpower became the first independent state where faith in Jesus Christ became part of the entire state complex. It was this faith that united Byzantium with the Ecumenical Church, whose center of history was rooted in Rome.
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Conev, Blagoj. "Byzantinism as a Fundament of Balkanism." Hiperboreea 5, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.5.1.0017.
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Abstract Byzantinism, a not sufficiently explored field, is still today a fundament of the pejorative explanation of the terms “Balkanization” and “Balkanism”. Byzantinism, the Hellenic one, actually represents the whole idea for the Balkans; the idea of how, due to the hegemonization of an ethnic identity, an empire that persisted for about a millennium could collapse. The idea of this text is to show the connection between Byzantinism and Balkanism and by using synthesis and comparative analysis to prove the thesis that: The hegemonization of the Byzantine-Greek identity in the past contributed to the birth of today's Balkan nationalism - Balkanism. In this text, the author analyses the appearance of Byzantium as a par excellence addition to ancient Hellenism, especially its conversion into hegemonic Hellenism, which was intended to submerge and assimilate all the other non-Greek identities in Byzantium. In fact, the author will prove that Byzantinism, which is a product of Hellenism, is the source of Balkanism, which itself leads to the idea that the fundament of today's Balkan nationalism, that is, Balkanism, is nothing but the hegemonic Hellenism during the Byzantine Empire.
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Intagliata, Emanuele E. "Jonathan Harris. The lost world of Byzantium." Journal of Greek Archaeology 2 (January 1, 2017): 455–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/jga.v2i.622.
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The lost world of Byzantium is a rather agile and engaging read covering the history of the Byzantine Empire from the foundation of Constantinople to its fall by the hands of Sultan Mehmet II in 1453. The principle aim, as part of the wider scope of the work, is ‘to investigate why Byzantium lasted for so long, in spite of all the upheavals and invasions that threatened its existence’ (preface, p. x). The ten chapters dedicated to this purpose are structured chronologically; each chapter starts with an excerpt from a written source, a hint on the main lens through which the historical facts are to be examined. The history of Byzantium is recounted by those prominent figures that directly acted to make the empire great, or that brought it to its collapse. It is a history, then, made by emperors, generals, courtiers, and patriarchs, described from the centre (Constantinople), and where the middle and lower classes are mentioned rarely, if at all.
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Milewski, Ireneusz. "„Zaraza zaczęła się od Egipcjan”. Dżuma Justyniana widziana z perspektywy pandemii COVID-19." Studia Historica Gedanensia 12, no. 2 (2021): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23916001hg.21.002.14984.
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“The plague began from the Egyptians”. The Plague of Justinian seen from the perspective of the COVID-19 pandemic This article considers the “Plague of Justinian” from the perspective of a person living for over a year in a situation of epidemiological threat, constantly “bombarded” in the media with a diversity of information relating to all aspects of the COVID 19 pandemic, including non-medical ones. The plague that erupted in the Byzantine Empire in the XVth year of the reign of the Emperor Justinian (541/542 CE) can certainly be seen as a pandemic. Between 541 and 750, one can note as many as eighteen waves of plague. From written records and on the basis of admittedly only partial archaeological data, we know that the plague affected the entire population of the Byzantine Empire, the barbarian kingdoms in the West, but also neighbouring lands: Ireland, Scandinavia, and Germany. IT very likely also reached lands to the east of the Oder. The article describes the causes and circumstances of the appearance of plague in the Byzantine Empire, its symptoms, its spread, ways of combatting it, and its consequences (including social and economic consequences). The article also attempts to estimate the number of victims of the epidemic in Byzantium.
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Dushenko, Anton. "The Games of the Population of Byzantine Taurica (According to the Archeological Sources)." Materials in Archaeology, History and Ethnography of Tauria, XХVII (December 15, 2022): 222–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2413-189x.2022.27.222-262.
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Games were a popular form of leisure activities in Byzantium. The aim of this article is to reconstruct the complex of games practiced by the population of Byzantine Taurica. The source base comprises of items of gaming equipment excavated at the Byzantine towns of the Crimea. Following to the nature of the gameplay, the games are divided into three groups: tactical, gambling, games of dexterity. The first group includes chess and board games, the Nine Men’s Morris, in particular. The second group includes games with six-sided dice and four astragali. The third group consists of two more games with astragali: knucklebones and πεντέλιθα. The games, archaeologically documented in the Byzantine towns of the Crimea, are typical for the entire territory of the empire and adjacent territories.
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Alekseienko, Nikolai Aleksandrovich. "On the Coin Circulation in the South-Western Taurica in the Late Byzantine Period: A Few New Numismatic Rarities." Античная древность и средние века 51 (2023): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2023.51.016.
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The specifics of the monetary circulation of the Taurica during the classical Middle Ages are well known to modern specialists in Byzantine numismatics. It is characterized by the diversity of the money market and a wide variety of issuers. There appeared new discoveries expanding the geography and direction of the Crimean numismatic monuments from the Late Byzantine Period and replenishing them with important information. Among the numismatic finds from the period when the Byzantine Empire collapsed and, later, restored, there are local issues along with, so to speak, the money “brought from across the sea,” which circulated in the markets of the Taurica in this or that way. The coins in question comprised of the money minted by the Empires of Trebizond and Nicaea, Crusader states, and renovated Byzantium. Today, the said interpretation gets extra support from the finds to be introduced into the scholarship: the coins of Megaloi Komnenoi, such as a follaro of John III (1342–1344) and aspri of Manuel III (1390–1417) and John IV (1446–1458); a hyperpyron nomisma of Emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes (1222–1254) of Nicaea; a denier tournois of Doux Guillaume (William) I de la Roche (1280–1287) of Athens; a denaro tornese minted by the Genoese government of Chios in 1477–1487; a copper tetarteron of Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328); and some other finds. These new coins are important evidence of trade and economic relations of the south-western Taurica with the regions of the Southern Black Sea, the Balkans and the Mediterranean and an impressive illustration of the administrative and political processes in the Black Sea area in Late Byzantine Period.
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Lysikov, Pavel. "The Church and Internal Conflicts in Byzantium: The Catalans’ Presence in the Empire in the Early 14th Century According to the Correspondence of Athanasios I, Patriarch of Constantinople." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 284–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.21.
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Introduction. The present research is related to the problem of the image of Other in Byzantine sources, but the focus is on its single aspect, namely the problem of the Byzantine attitude towards “the Latins” and, in particular, Western mercenaries which will be considered on the example of Athanasios I, patriarch of Constantinople’s (1289–1293, 1303–1309) relation to mercenaries of the Catalan Company staying for a long time (1303–1309) on the territory of the empire. It represents source analysis of the patriarch’s correspondence that is, we believe, the most underrated historical sources in this respect. Our goals are to find out the position of the Byzantine church towards the Catalan company and to determine the value of the Athanasios’ epistolary as a source for studying the Byzantine-Catalan conflict. The subject of research is 10 letters of Athanasios somehow reflecting his views on the Catalans’ presence in the empire. Methods and materials. The principles of the hermeneutic method allow us to interpret holistically the letters of the patriarch. Analysis and results. It is concluded that Athanasios who saw the Catalans, representatives of the West, as a threat to the existence of the Byzantine state and church from the very beginning was against their involvement in the empire to defend its eastern boundaries. After the Catalans’ arrival, three main themes can be distinguished in his criticism of them which the patriarch expressed in his letters sent mainly to the emperor: he opposed lawlessness and violence on their part towards the local population; warned the basileus about inadmissibility of the Catalans’ interference in state affairs; feared that their long stay in Byzantium would be harmful to the church and the Orthodox population in the ways that it was at the time of the Fourth Crusade and Latin Domination. These letters contain not much factual information but they allow to confirm and even complement data of other sources, mainly narrative ones, as well as to deepen our knowledge on relations between state and church in Byzantium under conditions of internal crisis in the early 14th century.
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Pishchulina, Viktoria V. "Architecture of One-Apsidal Churches of North Black Sea Coast VI-XII c." Materials Science Forum 931 (September 2018): 790–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/msf.931.790.
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A one-apsidal hall church is always a reflection of so-called “vulgar” Christianity, thus revealing the important peculiarities of the spatial culture of the region where it is erected. In this region we can mark two periods when such temples were built: VI-VII c. and X-XII c. The first period is associated with the missionary activity by Byzantine Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania which was conditioned by both geopolitical interests (Byzantian Empire, Antioch) and the shift of The Great Silk Way to the north (Caucasian Albania). The second, as the research has shown, is connected with the migration of the peoples of Abkhazia, the abzakhs to this territory in the XII-XIII c. and the development of contacts with the Crimea. In the North Black Sea Region the one-apsidal hall church appears as early as in the VI c. – in the territory of Abkhazia we know about ten such temples. The temples of this type in the area of Big Sochi are dated back to the VII-VIII c. In the first Abhzaian temples we can reveal the influence of denominational centers – Byzantian Empire, Antioch, Caucasian Albania. In the temples of the Black Sea coast of both periods – introduction of the samples from Abkhazia.
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Zhdanovych, Olesia. "NOMADIC BARBARIANS IN THE ORBIT OF THE ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF SASANIAN IRAN AND BYZANTINE EMPIRE." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 43 (2021): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2021.43.1.
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The article is devoted to the role of nomads in the long-standing conflict between Sassanid Iran and the Byzantine Empire in the VI century. The purpose of the article is to analyze the participation of ancient Turks and Sogdians in the international politics of that period, as well as their place in the struggle for trade routes, markets and spheres of influence on the regions of transit trade. Menander Protector, describing the exchange of embassies between the Byzantines and the Persians, assigned a significant role in the international political and economic life to the Persians. On the other hand, in fragments of Menander's work, the nomadic factor appears to be one of the most important in the relations between the largest empires in that region. The Turks of the Great Turkic Khanate were the main arbiters between the two big countries. Menander's information about nomads is based on official documents of diplomatic missions, which he used to write his work. At the same time, his subjective view of Byzantine economic and foreign relations with Iran is important to us because Romans did not know about nomadic Turkic-speaking tribes in northern Eurasia. In the international politics of the region played some role also the territories of modern Ukraine, peoples and tribes that lived in our lands, in particular, the Slavs.
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Zolotovskiy, Vladimir. "The Byzantine Military Strategy in Asia Minor During the Early Palaiologan Period (1259–1328)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 6 (December 28, 2021): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.16.
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Introduction. The purpose of the article is to determine the specifics of the Byzantine war strategy in Asia Minor. A qualitative military and political characteristics of the main military expeditions to the eastern borders are crucial for the disclosure of this problem. From this aspect, the study addresses the following issues: defining of the role of the eastern military campaigns in the complex of military-strategic measures on the state scale; characteristics of the features the armed forces used, as well as the tasks solved during military expeditions to Asia Minor; disclosure of the features of military-technical measures to ensure the security of Byzantium eastern borders. Methods. Critical use of elements of civilizational, formational and systemic approaches is the methodological basis of this study. It should be noted that the use of a systematic approach in the analysis of the Byzantine troops combat practice in east direction, allows to determine the strategic objectives of military expeditions in Asia Minor, to reveal the logic of warfare in the eastern theater, to determine the functional purpose of military-technical measures. Analysis and Results. The study reveals the strategic concept of Byzantium armed forces military operations during the reign of the first Palaeologus on the Asia Minor territory. Analysis of combat practice allows us to conclude that the strategic priority of the western and northwestern directions, which required the use of the most combat-ready troops consisting of mercenaries during the reign of Michael VIII, determined the need to use the Byzantine troops at the eastern borders of the empire. TheByzantine army was episodically involved in major defensive expeditions to the borders of the empire. We determined that the purpose of these campaigns is to stop the advance of enemy armies and their subsequent expulsion from the empire. This logic of military operations does not mean the loss of strategic initiative at the eastern direction. The strategy of passive defense which determined the nature of the military confrontation in the Asia Minor region was ensured by the creation of a garrison system, or a line of fortresses, on the eastern borders of the empire. Fortification activities of Michael VIII and Andronikos II in 1280–1282 temporarily stopped the advance of the Turkish troops. However, natural factors and the intensification of the economic crisis at the end of the 13th century made it impossible to preserve the defensive line located along the banks of the rivers that served as the borders of the Byzantine state. In addition, the strengthening of the military-political power of the emirates of Menteşe, Aydinoglu and Osman led to the loss of the initiative by the Byzantine troops and, as a result, the reduction of the Asia Minor territories of the empire. In an effort to change the situation, Andronicus II proceeded to implement an active defense strategy.
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Steiris, Georgios. "History and Religion as Sources of Hellenic Identity in Late Byzantium and the Post-Byzantine Era." Genealogy 4, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy4010016.
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Recently, seminal publications highlighted the Romanitas of the Byzantines. However, it is not without importance that from the 12th century onwards the ethnonym Hellene (Ἓλλην) became progressively more popular. A number of influential intellectuals and political actors preferred the term Hellene to identify themselves, instead of the formal Roman (Ρωμαῖος) and the common Greek (Γραικός). While I do not intend to challenge the prevalence of the Romanitas during the long Byzantine era, I suggest that we should reevaluate the emerging importance of Hellenitas in the shaping of collective and individual identities after the 12th century. From the 13th to the 16th century, Byzantine scholars attempted to recreate a collective identity based on cultural and historical continuity and otherness. In this paper, I will seek to explore the ways Byzantine scholars of the Late Byzantine and Post Byzantine era, who lived in the territories of the Byzantine Empire and/or in Italy, perceived national identity, and to show that the shift towards Hellenitas started in the Greek-speaking East.
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Böhm, Marcin. "Remarks on the History of the Navy of the Empire of Nicaea in the Light of the Chronicle of Georgios Akropolites." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 74 (November 2016): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.74.54.
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The Empire of Nicaea was a successor of the Byzantium shattered in 1204. In the newly established state marine traditions of Byzantines, remain alive. The best testimony to this, are the evidence contained in the chronicle of Georgios Akropolites, devoted to activities of the rulers of Nicaea, aimed to build their own naval forces. In this paper I'll also try to answer, where was beating the heart of the Nicean shipbuilding industry and how large was the navy of this state. This is important from point of view of the maritime history, because of the fleet of the Empire of Nicaea, filled the gap created after the fall of Constantinople and the Byzantine Empire, which was the local naval power in previous centuries. Akropolites give us a clear and direct answer to a question, where we should search for a center of Nicaean shipbuilding industry. Georgios Akropolites suggest us, that was in two towns, Holkos and Smyrna. The above-mentioned fleet consisted of the few squadrons, each counting 5-6 ships. We can only guess that a fleet of the John III, could count about 50 warships, whose quality was worse to that belonging to the Venetians. We must say that the fleet of the Empire of Nicaea, which we see in the chronicle of Akropolites, was the force, that lent itself to the support of ground forces. And in this role worked well. The situation was different when it comes to clashing with the Venetians, with the experienced crews of their ships, who surpassed Nicaean in this matter. Even with the advantage of numbers, Nicaean was unable to overcome at the sea, the citizens of the Republic of St. Mark. The plan to build their own naval forces, which was taken by the emperors of Nicaea, was a good direction.
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Van Tricht, Filip. "BEING BYZANTINE IN THE POST-1204 EMPIRE OF CONSTANTINOPLE: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE (SOCIETY AND CULTURE)." Историјски часопис, no. 72/2023 (December 30, 2023): 67–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2372067t.
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The impact of the Latin conquest of Constantinople has often been treated from either the perspective of the Western newcomers who established themselves in various Byzantine territories, or from the perspective of the Byzantines who left the regions that came under Latin control and who managed to establish themselves elsewhere (Nicaea, Epiros, Trebizond). In this contribution the momentous consequences of the Fourth Crusade are addressed from the perspective of those Byzantines that came under Latin rule. By zooming in on a selection of individuals and subgroups a picture is sketched of the varied Byzantine experience within the confines of the (Latin) Empire of Constantinople after 1204. Attention will be given to the various – political, religious, socio-economic and cultural – spheres of society. The focus is on the capital and the region around Constantinople, but other regions come into view as well (Thessaloniki, Adrianople, Philippopolis, Achaia/Morea, Attica, Beotia, Euobia, Crete, etc.). Chronologically this contribution is primarily limited to the period until the loss of Latin Constantinople in 1261
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Böhm, Marcin. "Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) versus Uzes – about the Nomads on Boats on the Danube in 1064." Studia Ceranea 11 (December 30, 2021): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.11.02.
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The reign of the Doukas dynasty in 1059–1078 was a time when new threats to the Byzantine Empire emerge in Europe and Asia. One of them was the increased activity of Turkmen who were penetrating the lands belonging to the Byzantines. A manifestation of these threats was visible during the rule of Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067) in 1064. We have there an invasion of the tribe of Uzes, who crossed the Danube. They ventured so far, as the vicinity of Thessalonica and the province of Hellas, plundering everything in their path. Their actions surprised the defense of the Byzantines. This attack on the empire was related to their crossing of the Danube, about which Michael Attaliates and Skylitzes Continuatus provides us with interesting information. The main aim of this paper therefore will be related to issues linked to the types of vessels used by Uzes to cross this river, as well as an attempt to assess their boatbuilding skills.
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Nazarov, Andrey. "Military Recruitment as a Means of Pacification of the Byzantine Periphery: Tzani in the Imperial Army (6th Century)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 339–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.21.
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Introduction. The article is devoted to the problem of integration of territories inhabited by the Tzani into the Eastern Roman empire in the 6th century. They were a people who lived in the Pontine Mountains during Antiquity and the Middle Ages. In the face of the threat posed by Sasanian Iran, Justinian I (527–565) actively sought to integrate Tzanica into the empire. Methods. There is a need not only to determine the nature of the Byzantine presence in the country of the Tzani. It is also important to study the significance assigned to this region in the military system of Byzantium, since its subdual was necessary for the further activity in Transcaucasia. Analysis. There were no Byzantine governors in Tzanica, the tribal leaders retained their power positions. Fortresses were erected in this region, and its Christianization was also actively carried out. Under Justinian I, Tzani were recruited into the imperial army. They served both in regular units and in detachments of tribal militias that took part in battles for Lazica. Results. The author concludes that Justinian I first of all sought to establish control over the warlike population of Tzanica. Service in the Byzantine army was intended to reorientate the military activity of the Tzani in such direction that was beneficial to the empire itself. Nominally, they were considered as the subjects of the emperor, but the real power in Tzanica was in the hands of local leaders, not the Eastern Roman administration.
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Aibabin, Aleksandr. "Controversy About the Date of Termination of the Rule of the Eastern Roman Empire in the Klimata of Gothia." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.1.
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Introduction. Crimean historians dated the liberation of the Klimata of Gothia from the control of the Eastern Roman Empire to the end of the 12th century, 1204 or 1070. Anna Komnene wrote about Cherson belonging to Byzantium in 1092. A.A. Vasiliev, as well as A.A. Kunik and V. Heid, saw in the text of the Alexei III Angel’s chrysoboullos in 1198 a proof of the “liberation” of Crimean Gothia from political dependence on Byzantium. A.L. Jacobson joined this opinion. Analysis. According to the conclusion of A.P. Kazhdan, the Metropolitan of Athens Michael Choniates’s letter no. 3 to Pegonites fixes the dispatch of tax collectors from Constantinople to the Klimata of Gothia and thus is evidence of the real power of Byzantium in the Klimata and the Cimmerian Bosporus around 1180. The term θέμα acquires its former administrative meaning after the reform of the Komnenoi, which restored, at least in Asia Minor, the old principle of dividing the territory of the empire into administrative units, again called themes and controlled by a high-ranking military officer – the doux, who again controlled the civil administration. These military districts formed the core of the Komnenian provincial administration. The 12th-century-seals of Byzantine aristocrats originating from the territory of the Klimata of Gothia testify to the possible sale of administrative positions in the Crimea by the Komnenoi to representatives of aristocratic families. Results. The administration of the Eastern Roman Empire in the region was interrupted by its defeat in 1204 by the Crusaders. Throughout the entire period of their existence in the Klimata of Gothia, there is no evidence of their autonomy. In 1261, the emperor of the Nicaean Empire, Michael VIII Palaiologos, captured Constantinople and restored the Eastern Roman Empire. The Empire of Trebizond continued to live an isolated life, and Cherson with Klimata of Gothia paid tribute to it.
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Van Tricht, Filip. "BEING BYZANTINE IN THE POST-1204 EMPIRE OF CONSTANTINOPLE: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE (POLITICS, GOVERNMENT, CHURCH AND RELIGION)." Историјски часопис, no. 71/2022 (December 30, 2022): 65–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.34298/ic2271065t.
Full textAbstract:
The impact of the Latin conquest of Constantinople has often been treated from either the perspective of the Western newcomers who established themselves in various Byzantine territories, or from the perspective of the Byzantines who left the regions that came under Latin control and who managed to establish themselves elsewhere (Nicaea, Epiros, Trebizond). In this contribution the momentous consequences of the Fourth Crusade are addressed from the perspective of those Byzantines that came under Latin rule. By zooming in on a selection of individuals and subgroups a picture is sketched of the varied Byzantine experience within the confines of the (Latin) Empire of Constantinople after 1204. Attention will be given to the various – political, religious, socio-economic and cultural – spheres of society. The focus is on the capital and the region around Constantinople, but other regions come into view as well (Thessaloniki, Adrianople, Philippopolis, Achaia/Morea, Attica, Beotia, Euobia, Crete, etc.). Chronologically this contribution is primarily limited to the period until the loss of Latin Constantinople in 1261.
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Hupchick, Dennis P. "Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule, 1396-1762 Orthodoxy and Bulgarian Ethnic Awareness Under Ottoman Rule." Nationalities Papers 21, no. 2 (1993): 75–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999308408277.
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By the year 1453, when the vestigial remains of the Byzantine Empire were destroyed with the fall of Constantinople, much of the Balkan peninsula was already in the hands of the conquering Ottoman Turks. The overthrow of Byzantium in that year was the capstone in a century-long process that transformed an originally militant Muslim Anatolian border emirate into a powerful Muslim empire that straddled two continents and represented a major contender in contemporary European great power politics. Over half of the population subject to the Ottoman sultan were Christian European inhabitants of the Balkans: Greeks, Serbs, Vlahs, Albanians and Bulgarians. With the conquest of Constantinople, Sultan Mehmed II Fatih, the victorious Turkish ruler, faced the quarrelsome problem of devising a secure means of governing his vast, Muslim-led empire that contained a highly heterogeneous non-Muslim population.