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1
Camara, Sidy. "The history of the Notion of the State in West Africa: from the destruction of empires to the emergence of the modern state resulting from colonization (the case of the Mali Empire)." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-1-28-34.
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This article aims to address the question of the emergence of empires in West Africa from the ninth century to the present day. The author plans to make an in-depth analysis of the political formation of the different empires which have succeeded each other in this vast West African space which nowadays shelters the current republics of Mali and Mauritania in particular and in general throughout other West African countries (Guinea, Senegal, Ivory Coast, Gambia, Burkina Faso, Niger). The largest and most famous empires that appeared on the territory of what is now Mali is called the Ghana Empire in the 9th century and was succeeded by the Mali or Mandé Empire in the 13th century. The influence of these empires throughout Africa and the rest of the world shows us a particular interest in understanding over time the notion of the State in Africa before the colonization and destruction of the African political system and its replacement by colonial state with the arrival of Europeans. Today the question of the weakness of the modern or postcolonial state in Africa and Mali poses many questions not only in the concert of nations but also in the academic and university environment. We will try to demonstrate in this article the link between the break in the evolution of the African state and the imposition of the modern European state through the colonial state which is at the root of the backwardness of African countries in terms political, economic and social compared to the rest of the world.
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Jansen, Jan. "The Representation of Status in Mande: Did the Mali Empire Still Exist in the Nineteenth Century?" History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171935.
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For the reconstruction of the history of the aftermath of the Mali empire, that is, the period 1500-1800, oral traditions are the only source of information. The history of this period has been reconstructed by Person and Niane. Their work has gained widespread acceptance. In this paper I will argue that these scholars made significant methodological errors—in particular, in interpreting chronology in genealogies, and their reading of stories about invasions and the seizure of power by younger brothers.My reading of the oral tradition raises questions about the nature of both sixteenth- and nineteenth-century Mande (that is the triangle Bamako-Kita-Kankan (see map), the region where the ‘Malinke’ live), and the medieval Mali empire, because I think that Mande royal genealogies have wrongly been considered to represent claims to the imperial throne of the Mali empire. In contrast, my reading of oral tradition suggests in retrospect that the organizational structure of the Mali empire may have been segmentary, and not centralized, ranking between segments under discussion, each group thereby creating a hierarchical image.The conventional wisdom seems to be that the Mali empire collapsed/disintegrated in the period from 1500 and 1800. As Person put it:Dans le triangle malinké, on ne trouvera plus au XIX siècle que des kafu, ces petites unités étatiques qui forment les cellules politiques fondamentales du monde mandingue. Certains d'entre eux savaient faire reconnaître leur hégémonie à leurs voisins, mais aucune structure politique permante n'existait à un niveau supérieur. Beaucoup d'entre eux, dont les plus puissants et les plus peuplés, seront alors commandées par des lignées Kééta qui se réclament avec quelque vraisemblance des empereurs du Mali médiéval.
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Green, Kathryn L. "“Mande Kaba,” the Capital of Mali: A Recent Invention?" History in Africa 18 (1991): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172058.
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Historians who work in certain diaspora areas of the Mande people are frequently told by Mandekan speakers that their ancestors came from “Mande Kaba” (Kaaba). When reporting this, they usually then proceed to explain that Kaba is the Mande term for the French-named town of Kangaba, capital of the Mali empire. However, in my work on the precolonial state of Kong in northeastern Côte d'Ivoire, it became important to question exactly what this phrase means in the context of oral traditions and chronology.The hypothesis equating Kaba, Kangaba, and the capital of the Mali empire dates back in print to the early French studies of ancient Mali, and particularly to Maurice Delafosse, that prolific writer on West African oral traditions, religion, and languages. In his 1912 magnum opus, Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Delafosse cited Kangaba, “sans doute” as the capital of the pre-Sunjata “royaume” of Mali. In his annotation of the French translation of the mid-seventeenth century compilation, Ta'rikh al-Fattash, Delafosse again presented this idea. The Ta'rikh stated that “[t]he town which served previously as the capital of the emperor of Mali was named Diêriba [jāriba]; following, there was another named Niani [Yan.”In a note Delafosse explained that Diêriba “is also the name of the town called Kangaba on our [French] maps, which after having been the first capital of the manding empire, is still today the chief town of the province of Manding or Malli.” He was most likely relaying information from his interpretation of traditions as well as his own personal observations of early twentieth-century Kangaba. The Keita family, claiming descent from Sunjata Keita, the founder of the Mali empire, enjoyed political control of Kangaba, and were recognized as having held this position for some time.
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Fonju, Dr Njuafac Kenedy. "Mali from the Empire of the Lion’s King and Kings to the Hands of Fifty Four Diplomatic Colonial Agents in the Appellation of French Sudan, Federation 1235-1960." Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 10, no. 6 (June 12, 2022): 263–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.36347/sjahss.2022.v10i06.004.
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This paper focuses on the identification of different French colonial agents whom in their portfolios were able to show their strength and hegemony in one of the former greatest African Empire known as Mali Empire with outstanding Lion King Sundiata Keita and other Kings from 1235 until it’s collapsed. The lucrative economic and commercial activities of the empire called for the attention of different actors in the later centuries at the time thereby making the history of the present day Mali very important to Africa. The French pre-colonial and colonial era dating from 1880 through the Berlin colonial conference of 1884-1885 to the granting of independence in 1960 opened the doors and mechanisms of neo-colonialism characterized with pre-crisis era which became serious challenges to that country till the 21st Century denunciations of French activities in that country. The scrutiny of specialized sources and other related scientific works enable the use of historical approach by bringing the highlights of the Mali Empire before identification of the main European agents. This study is very important because the young generation of historians can open other research activities concerning those specific colonial agents during their tenure of office and any colonial claims still waiting by Africans can be very important with concrete evidences.
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Shallal, Musa. "Sociological reflections on the empire of Mali (1300 AD)." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 24, no. 6 (June 2004): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330410790687.
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PETERSON, BRIAN J. "HISTORY, MEMORY AND THE LEGACY OF SAMORI IN SOUTHERN MALI, c. 1880–1898." Journal of African History 49, no. 2 (July 2008): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853708003903.
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ABSTRACTThis article seeks to situate local oral traditions on Samori Touré within the contexts of both internal African empire building and French colonial conquest. It takes into account the experiences of the vanquished on the periphery of Samori's empire in an effort to reassess his legacy. It argues that local traditions not only provide a corrective to the nationalist historiography on Samori, they also complicate the notion of ‘resistance’ by demonstrating internal dissent and even rebellion against Samorian rule at a time of Samori's vaunted ‘primary resistance’ to French conquest. Finally, this article concludes by providing a contemporary reading of the southern Malian historical landscape, rooting local Samorian history and politics in particular ‘sites of memory’.
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Afolayan, Bosede Funke. "The Court Poet/Praise Singer in Wole Soyinka’s Death and the King’s Horseman and Ola Rotimi’s Ovonramwen Nogbaisi: A Critical Appraisal." Afrika Focus 32, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03201009.
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Oral artists are a common sight in traditional African societies and were most prominent in old empires such as Oyo, Benin, Songhai and Mali. They also existed in the Zulu empire, northern Nigeria and among the Akan in Ghana. Their place is integral to the social and political well-being of these empires. In the Oyo empire, court poets are known as Olohun-Iyo. They are called griots in Senegal and Mali and among the Akan of Ghana, they are called Kwadwumfo. Modern Nigerian dramatists such as Wole Soyinka and Ola Rotimi have appropriated the image and roles of the court poet in Death and The King’s Horseman and Ovonramwen Nogbaisi respectively. This paper defines who a court poet is, his role as a maker and wordsmith, and the nature of his work and patronage. It examines the qualities he must possess and the content of his poetry. In examining the place of memory and remembering in the discharge of the poet´s duties, the paper investigates the various mnemonic and retrieval systems used by the poet to recall past accounts and great deeds of the kings. The roles of traditional court poets will be compared with the roles played by Olohun-iyo and Uzazakpo in the selected plays. The paper will also discuss what has become of oral artists in modern African societies. How viable is the art-form in the modern world with the advent of technology? Has civilization and modernity eroded their importance in society? While affirming their traditional advisory, prophetic, warning, motivational roles and as repositories of customs and culture, this paper concludes by stating the poet employs linguistic, para-linguistic and “medicinal” strategies to recall events at a given performance.
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N'Daou, Mohamed Saidou. "Sangalan Oral Traditions as Philosophy and Ideologies." History in Africa 26 (January 1999): 239–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172143.
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Sangalan is located in northeast Guinea in the région of MaliYambering. It was a federation of groups of villages, consisting of three taane (kafo in Malinke, districts or groups of villages): Dombiya, Uyukha, and Djulabaya. To these three taane correspond three ethnic subgroups, the Dombiyanne, Uyukhanne, and Djulabayanne. The Dombiyanne were mostly the Keita families; the Uyukhanne the Camara; and the Djulabayanne the Nyakhasso. The people of Sangalan are Dialonka—those living in Sangalan are called the Sangalanka. They are originally all from Dialonkadougou, at first a province of the Soso empire founded and ruled by Sumanguru Kante, and later a province of the empire of Mali, created by Sundiata Keita in the thirteenth century. The Sangalanka call themselves “Sosoe Forine” (Old Sosoe), the Sosoe who lived on the high mountains (dialon) of both the Soso and Manden empires. They call the other Sosoe, living along the Guinean coast, Bani Sosone (Sosoe of the Coast, near the water). The Soso Forine and Bani Sosone lived in the Futa Jallon and were driven away by the Fulani invaders in the eighteenth century.
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Zavyalova, Olga Yu. "ХАРТИИ МАНДЕН: АНАЛИЗ И СРАВНЕНИЕ ВЕРСИЙ." Folklore: structure, typology, semiotics 5, no. 2 (2022): 17–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2658-5294-2022-5-2-17-41.
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This article is devoted to the Manden Charter (West Africa). The Manden Charter, according to tradition, was adopted in 1236 in Kurukan Fuga (Mali). It is an oral document that has undergone the influence of time during the transmission of the text among generations of griots; it is a set of norms that was created to organize the Mali empire. The Charter itself is a reconstruction from epic sources, in which several griots from Guinea and Senegal participated at once. The article presents a complete translation of the Charter, the comparison and analysis of its several versions from the griots Siriman Kuyate and Karamo Adam Diabate. While the Kuyate’s version of the Charter is considered to be “official”, the Diabate’s version is more credible. The analysis of the articles allows us to conclude that a part of the document may well be qualified as a declaration of new world order in the Mali Empire, while the other part of the document is a folklore addition to it. Today, it is especially important to record all references to traditional texts or knowledge, since attempts to change history, making it more “humane” and “modern”, can be traced in Africa at all levels.
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Austen, Ralph A., and Jan Jansen. "History, Oral Transmission and Structure in Ibn Khaldun's Chronology of Mali Rulers." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 17–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171932.
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The early history of the Mali empire is known to us from two sources: Mande oral literature (epic and praise poetry) recorded over the last 100 years and Ibn Khaldun's Kitab al-ʿIbar (Book of Exemplars) written in the late four-teenth century. The list of Mali kings presented by Ibn Khaldun is precise, detailed, entirely plausible, and recorded not too long after the events it purports to describe. For scholars attempting to reconstruct an account of this West African empire, no other medieval Arab chronicler or, indeed, any Mande oral traditions provide comparable information for its formative period.There is, however, reason to question the historical reliability of Ibn Khaldun's account precisely on the grounds of its narrative richness. When read in relation to the general model of political development and decay which Ibn Khaldun worked out in the more theoretical Muqaddimah (“Prolegomena”) of Kitab al-ʿIbar, as well as the larger context of the work in which it is imbedded, the Mali kinglist takes on some characteristics of an instructive illustration rather than a fully empirical account of the past. Indeed Ibn Khaldun himself, in his contemplation of the basis for asabiyah (group solidarity) among bedouin peoples, cautions us against literal interpretation of genealogical accounts:For a pedigree is something imaginary and devoid of reality. Its usefulness consists only in the resulting connection and close contact.Ibn Khaldun is certainly not as ideologically engaged in constructing the royal genealogy of Mali as a bedouin spokesman might be in reciting the list of his own ancestors. Nevertheless, this great Arab thinker has something at stake in this story which needs to be given serious attention by all scholars concerned with either the events of the medieval western Sudan or the process by which they have been incorporated into more recent narratives.
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Davidchuk, Anna, Denis Degterev, and Omar Sidibe. "FRANCE'S MILITARY PRESENCE IN MALI: STRUCTURAL POWER OF THE SUB-EMPIRE OF THE «COLLECTIVE WEST»." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 50–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.03.
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The French military presence in Mali is considered in the context of other instruments of the first-level structural power (according to Suzan Strange) - in the fields of economics and law (OHADA), finance (CFA zone), distribution of knowledge (France 24 and TV5 Monde). It is shown that the former metropolitan power itself acts as a sub-empire of the «collective West» led by the United States with its own zone of influence (French-speaking African countries), and its potential is complemented by Western structural power (NATO, OECD, Bretton Woods Institutions, etc.). However, it is the military factor, including regular operations in Africa, that acts as the most important tool of French influence on the continent. The article examines the system of bilateral agreements in the military sphere between France and Mali, but the focus is on the current stage of development of the situation in the Sahel: the events after the overthrow of M. Gaddafi, when jihadist activity intensified in the region, in response to which the French operations Serval and Barkhane were launched. The phenomenon of France's «situational multilateralism» in the field of security and peacekeeping is being investigated, when the UN forces (MINUSMA), the EU forces (EUTM Mali, EUCAP Sahel, Takuba) and local actors (G5 Sahel) become its partners in the implementation of operations depending on the situation. At the first stage of the intervention, France and its partners managed to somewhat stabilize the situation, but the further build-up of the military component did not lead to a clear improvement in the situation. In the current circumstances, the military leadership of Mali has bet on the withdrawal of France from the country and on the search for new security allies, primarily Russian assistance. At the same time, other instruments of French structural power remain in place.
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Conrad, David C. "Searching for History in The Sunjata Epic: The Case of Fakoli." History in Africa 19 (1992): 147–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171998.
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That is why, regarding the time between the death of one great king and the rise of another king made famous by God, If you ask whether in that intervening period there were other kings, Of course there were, But their names are not known.Some scholars search for historical evidence in the ancient traditions preserved by bards of the Western Sudan, while other writers express doubts that these sources can contain any information of value to historians. A period markedly affected by this question is the early thirteenth century, because it was then that the Mali empire was established, and because most of the evidence for this is derived from the Sunjata tradition, which is an essential part of the repertoire of many Mande bards (also known as “griots” or, in the Mande language, jeliw). A limited amount of information on thirteenth-century Mali is available from Arabic sources, but these were written a century to a century and a half after the reign of Sunjata, and although Ibn Khaldun confirms the existence of the famous mansa and reports that he subdued the Soso (Susu, Sosso), the external writings provide no biographical details about the purported empire-builder. Conversely, some episodes in the internal oral accounts are specifically addressed to the life and times of Sunjata, with elements from other time periods—some of which are identifiable and others not—regularly creeping in and out of the narratives. Some themes are obviously mythical, while others could have a historical basis but cannot be independently confirmed. Thus, any historian addressing thirteenth-century Mali must either accept the severe limitations of the external written sources and say very little indeed about that period, or face the difficulties involved in supplementing these with references to the oral sources.
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Bühnen, Stephan. "In Quest of Susu." History in Africa 21 (1994): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171880.
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The political history of the medieval Western Sudan was dominated by a succession of empires exerting their domination over the region: Ghana, Mali, and finally Songhay. Oral tradition is our only evidence for the existence of yet another empire. It was called Susu and exerted its supremacy after the decline of Ghana and before the rise of Mali. Most historical treatises locate enigmatic Susu in the Kaniaga region northwest of Segou. These treatises are mainly based on oral traditions and medieval Arabic chronicles.After rereading the conventional historical sources and examining passages in Portuguese sources thus far untapped for the history of the Western Sudan, I feel induced to present a new identification for Susu. The Portuguese evidence appears to point to a vast but nearly forgotten kingdom in the Futa Jalon and Upper Niger region as the historical descendant of ancient Susu, thus indicating the latter's location. This kingdom was called Jalo and Concho. Its ethnic core were the Susu and Jalonke, and it was on its ruins that the Muslim Fula conquerors erected the state of Futa Jalon in the eighteenth century. My interpretation of oral traditions and Arabic sources also leads me to assume an identity of Susu with the kingdoms of Sankaran and Do. I will attempt to demonstrate the identity of the polities bearing these different names in sections introducing these polities, most of which have never been subjected to close historical investigation.
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Benoist, Stéphane. "Boni et mali principes, un empire en jeu(x)1 : discours, figures et postures impériales." Kentron, no. 36 (December 17, 2021): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/kentron.5397.
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Singleton, Brent. "Rulers, Scholars, and Invaders: A Select Bibliography of the Songhay Empire." History in Africa 31 (2004): 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003533.
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The Songhay Empire was a remarkable west African state, flourishing in several areas including territorial and trade expansion, development of a strong military and centralized government, unprecedented support for learning and scholarship, and skilful relations with the greater Sudanic and Islamic lands. Songhay arose out of the remains of the Mali empire under the rule of Sonni Ali ca. 1464. Yet it was the empire's second ruler, Askiya Muhammad, who initiated the century-long golden age of peace and stability, bringing Songhay to its zenith. This era was particularly fruitful for the cities of Gao, Timbuktu, and Jenne, the empire's administrative, scholarly, and trade centers respectively. Timbuktu soared to preeminence in the Sudan and became known in other parts of the Muslim world, producing many respected scholars. However, by the later part of the sixteenth century fractious disarray among the descendants of Askiya Muhammad weakened the state, ultimately leading to the Moroccan invasion of 1591. Songhay's capitulation to the invaders ended the age of the great medieval west African states.
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Rodet, Marie, and Brandon County. "Old homes and new homelands: imagining the nation and remembering expulsion in the wake of the Mali Federation's collapse." Africa 88, no. 3 (July 17, 2018): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000189.
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AbstractThis article examines concepts of ‘home’ and ‘abroad’ for migrants and citizens in the twilight of empire. It focuses on the ‘cheminots refoulés’, railway workers with origins in the former French Sudan (today's Republic of Mali) who were expelled from Senegal shortly after both territories declared independence, and other ‘Sudanese’ settled in Senegal, sometimes for several generations. Using newly available archives in France, Mali and Senegal, and interviews with formercheminotsand ‘Sudanese migrants’ on both sides of the border, this article seeks to historicize memories of autochthony and allochthony that have been constructed and contested in postcolonial nation-building projects. The Mali Federation carried the lingering memory of federalist political projects, but it proved untenable only months after the Federation's June 1960 independence from France. When member states declared independence from each other, the internal boundary between Senegal and the Sudanese Republic became an international border between Senegal and the Republic of Mali. In the wake of the collapse, politicians in Bamako and Dakar clamoured to redefine the ‘nation’ and its ‘nationals’ through selective remembering. Thousands ofcheminotsand ‘Sudanese migrants’ who had moved to Senegal from Sudan years (or decades) earlier were suddenly labelled ‘foreigners’ and ‘expatriates’ and faced two governments eager to see them ‘return’ to a hastily proclaimed nation state. This ‘repatriation’ allowed Republic of Mali officials to ‘perform the nation’ by (re)integrating and (re)membering the migrants in a nascent ‘homeland’. But, having circulated between Senegal and Sudan/Mali for decades, ‘Sudanese migrants’ in both states retained and invoked memories of older political communities, upsetting new national priorities. The loss of the Mali Federation raises questions about local, national and international citizenship and movement in mid-century West Africa. Examining the histories invoked to imagine postcolonial political communities, this article offers an insight into the role that memory has played in constructing and contesting the nation's central place in migration histories within Africa and beyond.
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Jansen and Fairhead. "The Mande Creation Myth, by Germaine Dieterlen, as a Historical Source for the Mali Empire." Journal of West African History 6, no. 2 (2020): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jwestafrihist.6.2.0093.
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Zavyalova, Olga Yu. "The Neo-traditionalism of the Manden Charter." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Asian and African Studies 14, no. 2 (2022): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu13.2022.203.
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The Manden Charter, according to tradition, was adopted in 1236 at Kurukan Fuga (Mali), after the victory of Sunjata Keita, legendary Mali ruler, over Sumaoro Kante, general of susu troops. It is a corpus of rules that was created to organize the Mali Empire. In 2009, UNESCO inscribed the Charter on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. The Charter, like the Hunters’ Oath (1222), belongs to the oral tradition and was documented only in 1998. Therer are many oral variants of text. So there is controversy about its authenticity. Basing on the results of my previous research, it is safe to say that the Charter conveys the main social norms of Manden society and its social structure, however, it contains also some modern ideas. In Guinea, near Niagassola village, there is a place similar to Kurukan Fuga, where until recently the main Manden families gathered to make important decisions. Informants said that Sundiata himself was there also. The Charter may be even more significant today than it used to be, which is why it has become the center of attention both among the Manden peoples and abroad. Like every oral tradition the Charter makes changes in history, and this alternation of history is inevitable, because history is important not just for the past, but for present and future of the peoples. Today the Charter is an important element in Manden’s self-identification.
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Łukaszyk, Ewa A. "Entre o Império do Mali e o «Islão marítimo». O impacto dos legados e das literacias islâmicas na África portuguesa." Studia Romanica Posnaniensia 50, no. 2 (October 5, 2023): 61–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/strop.2023.50.2.5.
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The article presents the impact of the Islamicate populations and literacies in Portuguese colonial literature and scholarship. The main ethnic group that focused the attention of the colonisers were the aggressive, dominant Fulani portrayed in the novels of Fausto Duarte, Auá and A Revolta. Their usages and traditions were studied by the first Portuguese ethnographers and ethnohistorians with almost satisfactory results. On the other hand, Islam in the oriental part of the Portuguese colonial empire (Mozambique) was much less understood. The Portuguese paid greater attention to the aggressive, jihadist movements in West Africa than to the relatively less conspicuous Sufi movements that developed in the port cities and islands along the East African coast. Overall, the process of Islamicization of the territories controlled by the Portuguese went on unhindered or even accelerated during the colonial period.
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Jansen, Jan. "A Critical Note on “The Epic of Samori Toure”." History in Africa 29 (2002): 219–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172161.
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Samori Toure (d. 1900) is celebrated, both in written history and oral tradition, in Mali and Guinea because of the empire he founded and his fierce resistance against the French, as they sought to occupy their future colony of the French Sudan. Recently published anthologies of African epic (Johnson/Hale/Belcher 1997; Kesteloot/Dieng 1997; Belcher 1999) attest that an orally transmitted Samori epic exists in these countries. In this paper the texts hitherto presented as the Samori epic will be compared to some oral sketches about Samori which I recorded during two years of fieldwork conducted in southwestern Mali and northeastern Guinea. I will hypothesize that a Samori epic may be in the making, but does not yet exist. The texts hitherto presented as the epic of Samori are largely oral narratives produced more or less in concord with expectations about what an epic should look like. The focus is on Samori as a hero on the battefield, and this is not representative for the present-day oral narrative on Samori. Therefore, an epic of Samori, if it ever does come into being and takes the form of a standardized oral narrative, might deal with different issues than one might expect from reading the texts presented in the anthologies.
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Chrétien, Jean-Pierre. "L'empire des Bacwezi. La construction d'un imaginaire géopolitique." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 40, no. 6 (December 1985): 1335–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ahess.1985.283241.
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La construction d'espaces imaginaires n'est pas réservée aux cultures populaires africaines. L'historiographie et l'ethnographie modernes, à l'intersection des traditions orales et de l'écriture savante, ont même été des lieux privilégiés de la cristallisation des mythes, comme dans la Grèce archaïque selon les analyses récentes de Marcel Détienne. C'est ainsi que des lignages, des ethnies, des potentats locaux ont pu se voir attribuer, sous des plumes autorisées, des ancêtres prestigieux, localisés tantôt dans des États lointains, mais réels (l'Ethiopie, le Mali, la Perse…), tantôt dans des royaumes d'autant plus merveilleux qu'ils avaient été forgés avec un grand flou artistique. Nous entreprenons de démontrer ici que c'est le cas du fameux « empire des Bacwezi », qui a reçu une sorte de label d'historicité à force de peupler toutes les synthèses sur l'histoire ancienne de l'Afrique orientale.
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Hantgan, Abbie, Hiba Babiker, and Johann-Mattis List. "First steps towards the detection of contact layers in Bangime: a multi-disciplinary, computer-assisted approach." Open Research Europe 2 (April 22, 2022): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.14339.2.
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Bangime is a language isolate, which has not been proven to be genealogically related to any other language family, spoken in Central-Eastern Mali. Its speakers, the Bangande, claim affiliation with the Dogon languages and speakers that surround them throughout a cliff range known as the Bandiagara Escarpment. However, recent genetic research has shown that the Bangande are genetically distant from the Dogon and other groups. Furthermore, the Bangande people represent a genetic isolate. Despite the geographic isolation of the Bangande people, evidence of language contact is apparent in the Bangime language. We find a plethora of shared vocabulary with neighboring Atlantic, Dogon, Mande, and Songhai language groups. To address the problem of when and whence this vocabulary emerged in the language, we use a computer-assisted, multidisciplinary approach to investigate layers of contact and inheritance in Bangime. We start from an automated comparison of lexical data from languages belonging to different language families in order to obtain a first account on potential loanword candidates in our sample. In a second step, we use specific interfaces to refine and correct the computational findings. The revised sample is then investigated quantitatively and qualitatively by focusing on vocabularies shared exclusively between specific languages. We couch our results within archeological and historical research from Central-Eastern Mali more generally and propose a scenario in which the Bangande formed part of the expansive Mali Empire that encompassed most of West Africa from the 13th to the 16th centuries. We consider our methods to represent a novel approach to the investigation of a language and population isolate from multiple perspectives using innovative computer-assisted technologies.
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Hantgan, Abbie, Hiba Babiker, and Johann-Mattis List. "First steps towards the detection of contact layers in Bangime: a multi-disciplinary, computer-assisted approach." Open Research Europe 2 (January 21, 2022): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/openreseurope.14339.1.
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Bangime is a language isolate, which has not been proven to be genealogically related to any other language family, spoken in Central-Eastern Mali. Its speakers, the Bangande, claim affiliation with the Dogon languages and speakers that surround them throughout a cliff range known as the Bandiagara Escarpment. However, recent genetic research has shown that the Bangande are genetically distant from the Dogon and other groups. Furthermore, the Bangande people represent a genetic isolate. Despite the geographic isolation of the Bangande people, evidence of language contact is apparent in the Bangime language. We find a plethora of shared vocabulary with neighboring Atlantic, Dogon, Mande, and Songhai language groups. To address the problem of when and whence this vocabulary emerged in the language, we use a computer-assisted, multidisciplinary approach to investigate layers of contact and inheritance in Bangime. We start from an automated comparison of lexical data from languages belonging to different language families in order to obtain a first account on potential borrowing candidates in our sample. In a second step, we use specific interfaces to refine and correct the computational findings. The revised sample is then investigated quantitatively and qualitatively by focusing on vocabularies shared exclusively between specific languages. We couch our results within archeological and historical research from Central-Eastern Mali more generally and propose a scenario in which the Bangande formed part of the expansive Mali Empire that encompassed most of West Africa from the 13th to the 16th centuries. We consider our methods to represent a novel approach to the investigation of a language and population isolate from multiple perspectives using innovative computer-assisted technologies.
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Ndour, Moustapha. "Narrative Realism at the Interplay of Traditionality and Modernity in Ousmane Sembene’s God’s Bits of Woods and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s The River Between." International Journal of Comparative Literature and Translation Studies 7, no. 2 (April 30, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.ijclts.v.7n.2p.55.
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This paper articulates the interactions between a traditional and modern world as embodied by the colonizer and the colonized, focusing on Ousmane Sembène’s God’s Bits of Woods (1960) and Ngugi wa Thiong’o’s The River Between (1965). It argues that both narratives can be read as realist novels that counter the hegemonic power of the European empire. While Sembène engages in critiquing imperialism and its social and cultural effects in the West African community –Senegal, Mali and Niger – Ngugi concentrates on the internal problems of the Gikuyu as they respond to the contact with the Western culture. The essay claims that the sociopolitical agendas in these novels should be understood within the context of French and British colonial regimes concerned with finding a legitimizing basis and control in an era when social and political forces of the colonies were energetically asserting themselves.
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Spasic-Djuric, Dragana, and Sonja Jovanovic. "A 12th century set of marvered purple glass vessels from Branicevo (Serbia)." Starinar, no. 68 (2018): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1868151s.
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During the 2011 archaeological excavations at the Mali Grad site in Branicevo, a set of at least 16 vessels made of translucent dark-purple glass and decorated with marvered opaque white trails was discovered. This unique glass assemblage, consisting of at least eight bowls, three bottles, two cylindrical flasks and three further vessels which can be possibly attributed to flasks, was found in the most significant archaeological context in the urban centre of Branicevo, in the layer above the floor in House No 4. According to other archaeological finds from the same context, coins in particular, the glass vessel set is dated to the 12th century. Importantly, the finds from Branicevo are so far the earliest securely-dated vessels of this type in the territory of the Byzantine Empire, post-dating the reestablishment of its control over the Balkan Peninsula in the 11th century.
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Jansen, Jan. "Masking Sunjata: A Hermeneutical Critique." History in Africa 27 (January 2000): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172110.
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Among the rich legacy of African oral traditions, the Sunjata epic is still one of the most complex phenonema, because it undoubtedly goes back to the times of Ibn Battuta, because of the limited variety between the available text editions, and because of its present-day popularity in sub-Saharan West Africa among people of all kinds of social background. In scholarly discussion, the epic has challenged many academics since Delafosse used the Sunjata epic as evidence for his reconstruction of the Mali empire as a thirteenth-century vast centralized polity. Although his views have been criticized since then, they have become part of history lessons at primary schools in Mali, the Gambia, Senegal, and Guinea. All these countries belong to the so-called “Mande,” an area inhabited by various ethnic groups that have close similarities in language, oral tradition, and social organization.In the last decade History in Africa has given room to discuss the Sunjata epic, in particular in order to explore how data from the epic can be used as historical sources, and as what history for whom. Articles by David Conrad, Tim Geysbeek, Stephan Bühnen, Stephen Bulman, Kathryn Green, George Brooks, Ralph Austen, and myself come my mind. All these authors have treated the Sunjata epic as a text. This seems to be a logical and inevitable choice for the historian.However, this approach implies a choice that limits the range of interpretations which can be made about the Sunjata traditions as a source for African history.
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Sané, Mamadou Lamine, and Monica Cecilia Labonia. "Du Wagadu au Kaabu : le puits, symbole de la fondation, légitimation et destitution du pouvoir au Sahel du VIIIe au XIXe siècles." Mande Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/mnd.2022.a908472.
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ABSTRACT: We analyze representations of water in relation to wells among certain groups in the Mande area who are struggling with desertification. These representations span the period dating from the formation of the Wagadu-Ghana kingdom to its decline (eighth to thirteenth centuries), the settlement of Mande populations in the Senegambian area from the thirteenth century (under the domination of the Mali Empire), and the fall of the Kaabu kingdom in the nineteenth century. We demonstrate that during the migrations of Soninke and Manding populations from the Sahel the well as a symbol played as much a role in the constitution of power as in its destruction. Our historical and anthropological approach captures the multiple symbolic dimensions of the well, including those associated with the cult of the serpent. RÉSUMÉ: Nous analysons les représentations de l'eau relatives au puits au sein de certains groupes de l'aire mande aux prises avec la désertification. Celles-ci traversent une période allant depuis la formation du royaume de Wagadu-Ghana à son déclin (VIIIe–XIIIe siècles) jusqu'à l'établissement des populations du Mande dans l'espace sénégambien à partir du XIIIe siècle (sous la domination de l'Empire du Mali) et la chute du royaume de Kaabu survenue au XIXe siècle. Nous démontrons que lors des migrations des populations soninke et manding en provenance du Sahel, le puits est intervenu autant dans les instances constitutives du pouvoir que celles de sa destruction. L'approche historique et anthropologique saisit les multiples dimensions symboliques du puits dont celles associées au culte du serpent.
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Sané, Mamadou Lamine, and Monica Cecilia Labonia. "Du Wagadu au Kaabu : le puits, symbole de la fondation, légitimation et destitution du pouvoir au Sahel du VIIIe au XIXe siècles." Mande Studies 24, no. 1 (2022): 106–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/mande.24.1.07.
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ABSTRACT: We analyze representations of water in relation to wells among certain groups in the Mande area who are struggling with desertification. These representations span the period dating from the formation of the Wagadu-Ghana kingdom to its decline (eighth to thirteenth centuries), the settlement of Mande populations in the Senegambian area from the thirteenth century (under the domination of the Mali Empire), and the fall of the Kaabu kingdom in the nineteenth century. We demonstrate that during the migrations of Soninke and Manding populations from the Sahel the well as a symbol played as much a role in the constitution of power as in its destruction. Our historical and anthropological approach captures the multiple symbolic dimensions of the well, including those associated with the cult of the serpent. RÉSUMÉ: Nous analysons les représentations de l'eau relatives au puits au sein de certains groupes de l'aire mande aux prises avec la désertification. Celles-ci traversent une période allant depuis la formation du royaume de Wagadu-Ghana à son déclin (VIIIe–XIIIe siècles) jusqu'à l'établissement des populations du Mande dans l'espace sénégambien à partir du XIIIe siècle (sous la domination de l'Empire du Mali) et la chute du royaume de Kaabu survenue au XIXe siècle. Nous démontrons que lors des migrations des populations soninke et manding en provenance du Sahel, le puits est intervenu autant dans les instances constitutives du pouvoir que celles de sa destruction. L'approche historique et anthropologique saisit les multiples dimensions symboliques du puits dont celles associées au culte du serpent.
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İLKTEN, Hande. "II. Abdülhamid Dönemi Memur Yolsuzlukları (1876-1908)." Akademik Tarih ve Araştırmalar Dergisi 6, no. 9 (December 30, 2023): 4–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.56448/ataddergi.1397273.
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II. ABDÜLHAMİD DÖNEMİNDE KAMU PERSONELİNİN YOLSUZLUK FİİLLERİ VE CEZA MÜEYYİDELERİ*
Hande İLKTEN**
ÖZ
Osmanlı son döneminde Padişah II. Abdülhamid’in önemli bir yeri vardır. Tanzimat Fermanının ilanından sonraki yeni düşünce ve düzeni tesis etmede birçok reformu yapmıştır. Bu reformların yapılmasının amacı Osmanlı son döneminde devletin içinde bulunduğu zafiyeti yok etmek ve devletin yenidünyaya adaptasyonunu sağlamaktı. Ancak bu amacın önündeki en önemli engellerden biri hiç kuşkusuz yolsuzluklar olmuştur.
Bu yolsuz fiiller her devletin zafiyete düştüğü dönemlerde, ekonomik sorunlar yaşandığı zamanlarda, kıtlık ve savaş gibi olağanüstü koşullarda kendini gösterir. Osmanlı son döneminde ise birbiri ardına kaybedilen savaşlar, başkent-taşra arasındaki haberleşmenin zayıflığı, denetimsizlik, mali buhran yaşanması, kişisel hırsları olan idareciler sebebiyle bu dönemle alakalı olarak Osmanlı arşivinde çok sayıda yolsuzluk dosyası bulunmaktadır. Yaptığımız çalışmada amacımız uzun yıllar iktidarda kalan II. Abdülhamid döneminde yaşanan yolsuzluk fiillerini inceleyip kamu personellerinin durumu hakkında çıkarım yapmaktır. Çalışmamızda Osmanlı Arşivi yolsuzluk dosyaları incelenmiş olup konuyla alakalı yayınlarda yararlanılmıştır.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Memurlar, Yolsuzluk, Rüşvet, Zimmet, Görevi Suistimal
CORRUPT ACTS OF CIVIL SERVANTS AND PENAL SANCTIONS DURING THE REIGN OF ABDULHAMID II
ABSTRACT
In the last period of the Ottoman Empire, Sultan II. Abdulhamid has an important place. He made many reforms to establish the new idea and order after the declaration of the Tanzimat Edict. The purpose of these reforms was to eliminate the weakness of the state in the last period of the Ottoman Empire and to ensure the adaptation of the state to the new world. However, one of the most important obstacles to this goal has been corruption.
These corrupt acts manifest themselves in times of weakness in every state, in times of economic problems, and in extraordinary conditions such as famine and war. In the last period of the Ottoman Empire, there are many corruption files in the Ottoman archives related to this period due to the wars that were lost one after another, the weakness of communication between the capital and the provinces, lack of control, financial depression, and administrators who personal ambitions. Our aim, in our study, is to examine the acts of corruption during the reign of Abdulhamid II, who remained in power for many years, and to make inferences about the situation of civil servants. In our study, the Ottoman Archive corruption files were examined and relevant publications were used.
Key Words: Civil Servants, Corruption, Bribery, Embezzle, Malpractice.
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Geysbeek, Tim. "A Traditional History of the Konyan (15th-16th Century): Vase Camara's Epic of Musadu." History in Africa 21 (1994): 49–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171881.
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In an oral discourse passed down through many generations, the village elder Vase Kamara describes how a slave named Zo Musa Kòma founded the ancient town of Musadu in Guinea-Conakry, and he explains how the legendary Kamara ancestor Foningama later became a leader in Musadu. We tentatively date some elements of the Zo Musa stories to about the fourteenth and fifteenth century, when the Manding began to assimilate and push the Southwestern and Eastern Mande-speaking peoples from the Musadu area in the Konyan to the forest. Some of the Foningama related accounts seem to correspond to the era when the Kamara who settled in the Konyan became active in the sixteenth-century Mane “invasions.”Stories about Musadu's founding provide information about these movements and help bridge the histories of the savanna and forest peoples who live in Guinea, Côte d'Ivoire, and Liberia. The Musadu legend links the Konyaka to their kinsmen who live in the traditional heartland of the Mali empire in present-day northern Guinea and southern Mali. In addition, some Manding, Vai, Loma, Gola, Kpelle, Konor, Dan, and Mano trace their origins to Musadu, and reflect one Loma writer's claim that “all of the tribes in Liberia are from Musadu, or have some association with Musadu” (Korvali 1960:7).The main actors are Manding (Mandekan) speakers who migrated to the Mau/Gbè and Konyan regions of western Côte d'Ivoire and southern Guinea respectively. The Mauka/Gbèka and Konyaka are members of the Northern Mande language group and are classified as Maninka (Malinke). The Bamana (Bambara), Dyula (Jula), and Vai are other Northern Mande speakers. Vase claims that Foningama was Manding, and that Zo Musa was Kpelle. The Kpelle, Loma, and Konor are Southwestern Mande speakers, and the Dan (Gio) and Mano are Eastern Mande speakers.
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JANSEN, JAN. "WHEN MARRYING A MUSLIM: THE SOCIAL CODE OF POLITICAL ELITES IN THE WESTERN SUDAN, c. 1600–c. 1850." Journal of African History 57, no. 1 (February 12, 2016): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000237.
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AbstractThis study analyzes the marriage patterns in accounts of ‘founder strangers’ and ‘first-comers’. By telling whether and when a child from a marriage between a Muslim and a warrior was successful or not, the accounts reveal the social code of the political elites in the Western Sudan in the period c. 1600–c. 1850. This social code expressed the elites’ concern with legitimizing their political autonomy as well as with reproducing their ruling position in a context of increasing warfare and growing reformist Islam. This social code structured accounts of both matrilineal warrior rulers and patrilineal Muslim rulers. Though methodologically rooted in classical approaches, historiographically this study contributes not only to recent research on state formation in Kaabu (present-day Guinea-Bissau) and Kankan (present-day Guinea), but also offers an approach to the Sunjata epic that hints at a seventeenth- and eighteenth-century origin of most of the epic as we know it. These fresh insights may shed new light on the history of the Mali Empire and its aftermath, and on processes of state formation in the Western Sudan in general.
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Conrad, Davind C. "A Town Called Dakajalan: The Sunjata Tradition and the Question of Ancient Mali's Capital." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (November 1994): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002675x.
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When combined, evidence from oral tradition, Arabic texts and archaeological sites indicates that ancient Mali's seat of government changed more than once during its imperial period from the twelfth to the sixteenth century. According to oral tradition, the town in which Sunjata spent his early years, and to which he returned from exile, was Dakajalan. This mansadugu or ‘king's town’ served as Sunjata's base of operations for his campaign against Sumanguru and may have continued for a time as both spiritual and military headquarters during the struggle for unification following the defeat of Soso. As Mande's core territory expanded into the beginnings of empire, the mansadugu was probably moved north-eastward, down the River Niger to take advantage of widening commercial opportunities and to govern an expanded population of imperial subjects who included large numbers of Muslims from the former Soninke territories. Niani was one of the oldest and most important cities of Mali, especially notable for its iron industry. If it served also as a political capital this would most likely have been in the sixteenth century under Niani Mansa Mamadu, a descendant of Sunjata's royal lineage.
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Tamari, Tal. "The Development of Caste Systems in West Africa." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 221–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025718.
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Endogamous artisan and musician groups are characteristic of over fifteen West African peoples, including the Manding, Soninke, Wolof, Serer, Fulani, Tukulor, Songhay, Dogon, Senufo, Minianka, Moors, and Tuareg. Castes appeared among the Malinke no later than 1300, and were present among the Wolof and Soninke, as well as some Songhay and Fulani populations, no later than 1500. All the West African castes ultimately developed from at most three centers, located among the Manding, Soninke, and/or Wolof. Migration is the key process explaining the current distribution of caste people. Formation of blacksmith and bard castes among the Manding may be related to the Sosso–Malinke war, described in the Sunjata epic, which led to the founding of the Mali empire. As they evolved over time, castes acquired secondary specializations or changed occupations, and moved up or down in rank relative to other social groups. Although marriage alliances took place within a caste or among a limited number of castes, castes did not form demographic isolates. Children of caste men and slave concubines had caste status, while free persons taken captive in war sometimes claimed to be caste members. Assimilation of local artisans to a caste may have occurred when caste institutions were first introduced into a given area.
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Oppong, Seth. "History of psychology in Ghana since 989AD." Psychological Thought 10, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 7–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/psyct.v10i1.195.
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Psychology as taught in Ghanaian universities is largely Eurocentric and imported. Calls have been made to indigenize psychology in Ghana. In response to this call, this paper attempts to construct a history of psychology in Ghana so as to provide a background for the study of the content and process of what psychology would and/or ought to become in Ghana. It does so by going as far back as the University of Sankore, Timbuktu established in 989AD where intellectual development flourished in the ancient Empire of Mali through to the 1700s and 1800s when Black Muslim scholars established Koranic schools, paying particular attention to scholarly works in medicine, theology and philosophy. Attention is then drawn to Anton Wilhelm Amo’s dissertation, De Humanae Mentis “Apatheia” and Disputatio Philosophica Continens Ideam Distinctam (both written in 1734) as well as some 18th and 19th century Ghanaian scholars. Special mention is also made about the contributions by the Department of Psychology at the University of Ghana (established in May 1967) in postcolonial Ghana as one of the first departments of psychology in Anglophone West Africa. The paper also discusses the challenges associated with the application of psychological knowledge in its current form in Ghana and ends by attempting to formulate the form an indigenous Ghanaian psychology could to take.
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Sun, Jodie Yuzhou. "Arrested development: the Soviet Union in Ghana, Guinea, and Mali, 1955–1968; Cold War liberation: the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Portuguese empire in Africa, 1961–1975." International Affairs 99, no. 2 (March 6, 2023): 875–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad058.
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Gardner, I. M. F., and S. N. C. Lieu. "From Narmouthis (Medinet Madi) to Kellis (Ismant El-Kharab): Manichaean Documents from Roman Egypt." Journal of Roman Studies 86 (November 1996): 146–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300427.
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In 1968, Peter Brown read at the Society's Annual General Meeting a paper entitled ‘The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire’. Delivered at a time when little research was being carried out by British scholars either on Manichaeism or on the cultural and religious relationship between the Roman and the Sassanian Empires, it was for many a complete revelation. With consummate skill and vast erudition Brown placed the history of the diffusion of the sect against a background of vigorous and dynamic interchange between the Roman and the Persian Empires. He also mounted a successful challenge on a number of popularly held views on the history of the religion in the Roman Empire. Manichaeism was not to be seen as part of the mirage orientale which fascinated the intellectuals of the High Empire. It was not an Iranian religion which appealed through its foreigness or quaintness. Rather, it was a highly organized and aggressively missionary religion founded by a prophet from South Babylonia who styled himself an ‘Apostle of Jesus Christ’. Brown reminded the audience that ‘the history of Manichaeism is to a large extent a history of the Syriac-speaking belt, that stretched along the Fertile Crescent without interruption from Antioch to Ctesiphon’. Its manner of diffusion bore little or no resemblance to that of Mithraism. It did not rely on a particular profession, as Mithraism did on the army, for its spread throughout the Empire. Instead it developed in the common Syriac culture astride the Romano-Persian frontier which was becoming increasingly Christianized consequent to the regular deportation of whole communities from cities of the Roman East like Antioch to Mesopotamia and adjacent Iran. Manichaeism which originally flourished in this Semitic milieu was not in the strict sense an Iranian religion in the way that Zoroastrianism was at the root of the culture and religion of pre-Islamic Iran. The Judaeo-Christian roots of the religion enabled it to be proclaimed as a new and decisive Christian revelation.
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Rivallain, Josette. "C ollet Hadrien, Le Sultanat du Mali. Histoire régressive d’un empire médiéval, xxi e - xiv e siècle , Paris, CNRS Éditions, 2022, 479 p. ISBN 978-2-271-13979-5, 26 euros." Outre-Mers N° 418-419, no. 1 (September 12, 2023): 330–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/om.418.0330.
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Perinbam, B. Marie. "The Salt-Gold Alchemy in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century Mande World: If Men are Its Salt, Women are Its Gold." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171943.
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Given its enduring association with “civilized Africa,” “urban Africa,” “rich Africa,” and “commercial Africa,” it is hardly surprising that the trans-Saharan salt-gold trade caught the imagination of Arab authors between the eighth and sixteenth centuries. We recall, for example, that al-Ya'qubi (872/73), the principal source on the Mande empire of Ghana before al-Bakri's Kitab al-masalik wa-'lmamalik (1067/68) first revealed “commercial Africa” to the Islamic world, drawing attention to the two major trans-Saharan routes leading south to the Sudan from Zawila in the east and Sijilmasa in the west, both roads eventually conjoining at the kingdom of Ghana, an ancient heartland of the Mande world. Or that Ibn Hawqal (988) astonished the Islamic world with accounts of “rich Africa” by thrice repeating (at least) his story of the promissory note for 42,000 dinars owed by one Muhammad b. Abi Sa'dun—a salt-gold trade from Awdaghost dealing with the Soninke of Ghana—to his counterpart(s) in Sijilmasa. Or that al-Bakri (1068) confirmed the stories of “urban Africa” with his account of Sijilmasa, the trading entrepot “built in the year 575-758,” and surrounded by “numerous suburbs with lofty mansions and other splendid buildings (where) there are also many gardens.” Or that traveling south from Sijilmasa to Mali—a later heartland of the Mande world—Ibn Battuta (1355), not in the least impressed with Taghaza (the western Sahara's major saline), nonetheless acknowledged as its only virtue the “qintar upon qintar of gold” arriving there from the Malian mines, which Taghaza's inhabitants (“slaves of the Masufa,” he sniffed) exchanged for salt.
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KANE, Dame. "Soundjata ou l’epopée mandingue à la lumiere de la structure du mythe du héros ou le désir d’etre Dieu de Philippe Sellier." FRANCISOLA 3, no. 1 (July 9, 2018): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/francisola.v3i1.11894.
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RÉSUMÉ. L’intrusion de l’oralité dans les champs de recherche universitaire d’Afrique noire dans les années 1960, a mis au grand jour la richesse des récits épiques maliens. Plusieurs possibilités se présentent dans leur étude notamment l’analyse de leur liens avec l’épopée occidentale. Ce qui pourrait se faire en nous appuyant sur l’approche de Sellier (1970) suivant une démarche comparative. Soundjata, figure historique fondatrice de l’empire du Mali et initiatrice de la charte du Manden établie à kouroukan Fouga avec ses alliés de Kirina ayant triomphé du Roi forgeron Soumaoro Kanté à la bataille de Kirina en1235, devient, de ce fait, un personnage épique. Son épopée chantée par les griots, autrefois détenteurs de l’histoire, sera reprise par plusieurs auteurs comme Niane (1960) dans Soundjata ou l’épopée mandingue qui exalte les exploits de ce Roi-lion qui continue de marquer la mémoire des africains notamment de son peuple. Dans cet article, il est question, donc, de voir si cette œuvre de Niane prend en considération les différentes étapes du modèle héroïque classique tel qu’il est présenté par Sellier (1970) dans La structure du mythe du héros ou le désir d’être Dieu. Mots-clés : épopée, héros, manding, négro-africain, Sellier, Soundjata ABSTRACT. The intrusion of orality into the academic research fields of black Africa in the 1960s brought to light the richness of Malian epic narratives. Several possibilities exist in their study, including the analysis of their links with the Western epic. This could be done by using the Sellier approach (1970) using a comparative approach. Soundjata, founding historical figure of the Malian empire and initiator of the Manden charter established at Kurukan Fouga with his Kirina allies having triumphed over the blacksmith king Soumaoro Kanté at the Battle of Kirina in 1235, becomes, therefore, an epic character . His epic sung by the griots, formerly holders of the story, will be taken up by several authors like Niane (1960) in Soundjata or the Mandingo epic that extols the exploits of this Lion King who continues to mark the memory of Africans including his people. In this article, it is a question, therefore, to see if this work of Niane takes into consideration the different stages of the classic heroic model as presented by Sellier (1970) in The structure of the myth of the hero or the desire of to be God. Keywords: épic, héro, manding, négro-african, Sellier, Soundjata
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Zosidze, Nugzar. "GEORGIA IN THE PLANS OF GERMANY AND ITS ALLIES AT THE INITIAL STAGE OF THE WORLD WAR I (MILITARY OPERATIONS ON THE TRANSCAUCASUS FRONT)." Innovative economics and management 10, no. 3 (November 29, 2023): 170–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.46361/2449-2604.10.3.2023.170-178.
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Nugzar zosidze
E-mail: n.zosidze@bsu.edu.ge
Associate Professor, Batumi Shota Rustaveli State University
Batumi, Georgia
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2613-3365
Abstract. In the early twentieth century, two large opposing hostile coalitions have formed in Europe: Triple Alliance and Triple Entente.
The Triple Alliance initially included: Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy. After the start of the World War I, the latter withdrew from the bloc, but Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria joined it, thus forming the Quadruple Alliance. The countries included in it demanded a "place under the sun" and assumed to take the colonies from the Entente countries through war.
The core of the "Entente" consisted of the world's largest colonial empires of that time - Great Britain, France and Russia. It was between these two imperialist groups that the World War I of 1914-1918 broke out, involving thirty-eight states from different continents.
The war was imperialistic, unjust and conquering on both sides, resulting in the deaths and maiming of millions of people, destruction and extermination on a grand scale.
Germany and its allies had significant plans for Transcaucasia and the expulsion of Russia from there. This unity of these interests largely led to the Ottoman Empire joining the Alliance, following the 1908 Young Turk Revolution. After the Revolution, three leaders distinctively stood out in the political life of the Ottoman Empire: Enver Pasha, Military Minister and and de facto dictator of the Ottoman Empire; Talaat Pasha, Minister of Internal Affairs; and Ahmed Djemal Pasha, Minister of Marine. Those three were obviously prone to Germanophilism.
Young Turks, in their attempts to find ways for quickly reorganizing their army defeated in the Balkan wars, looked at Germany with hope. That is why they happily met Germany's proposal to send a military mission to the Ottoman empire, which was received. On 8 October 1913, an agreement was signed between Germany and the Ottoman Empire, which gave the Sanders military mission extensive rights (M.Larcher, La guerre Turque dans la guerre mondiale: 609-610).
The German military mission undertook considerable work in the Ottoman Empire prior to the war. The members of the mission had responsible positions in the local general staff, border corps and fortifications. The history of the period in question became especially relevant from the beginning of the 50s of the twentieth century. However, many details and features of these liasons have not yet been fully investigated, comprehensively studied and scientifically substantiated.
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Hassan, Yasin Xalid, and Abdullah Ahmed Abdullah. "The participation of koye Muhammed Mala (the big Mullah) in the political field." Journal of University of Raparin 10, no. 3 (September 29, 2023): 400–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(10).no(3).paper19.
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Malai Gawra (Mala Mohammadi Koi) is the son of Mala Abdullah, the son of Mala Asaad, the son of Mala Abdulrahman whose family is known as (Jali Zada). He was born in Koya in 1876 and died in 1943. Through a brief look at the history of this family which takes more than 500 years we realize that they have played a great role and participated in social and political events of their time. During 67 years of Malai Gawra's life he witnessed and took part in three different changes and historical stages such as, the end of Ottoman empire era (Abdul Hamid II, Itihad and Taraqi, the English invasion of Kurdistan and Iraq, and the monarchy era in Iraq; Faisal I and his son Ghazi).
This study aims at analyzing the outlook and participation of Malai Gawra in the political matters and events of his era along with analyzing three foremost stages and political events he contributed in through analytical and descriptive methods.
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Sall, Ethmane. "Le Mali d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui." Lublin Studies in Modern Languages and Literature 44, no. 4 (December 22, 2020): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/lsmll.2020.44.4.91-97.
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<p>Mali of the past and today is different on several levels. If territorial fixity seems to be erected in absolute value in the text of Maryse Condé, the travel account of François-Xavier Freland invalidates the immutability of the spaces represented. Relying on the intellectual mechanics of "founding myths" of the empires of the time, Condé delegates characters who extol the virtues of territorial immobility, considering that Ségou and Toumbouctou are eternal. But the flow of time has brought several changes to the Malian space, namely a geopolitical crisis brought about by Libyan chaos and a pervasive jihadist threat.</p>
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González Martínez, Nelson. "Mail concessions for a global empire: correos mayores in the Spanish Empire in America (1514-1620)." Fronteras de la Historia 27, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.22380/20274688.2328.
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The nature of mail concessions awarded to private parties in order to enable the distribution of information within the Spanish Empire in the sixteenth century is examined. I propose the hypothesis that several versions of mail concessions coexisted within the Spanish Empire. Likewise, I question the notion that these mail concessions were intended to gain monopoly control. The analysis concentrates on correos mayores, through which contracts were negotiated and entered into with the crown for the rights to distribute correspondence in several communication epicenters. By means of a comparison between the situations in Sevilla, the Royal Court, Mexico, and Guatemala, the article shows that “gifts” by various means, as well as auctions, were the main models for allocating mail concessions.
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Lange, Dierk. "Les Rois de Gao-Sané et les Almoravides." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002572x.
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In recent years the impact of the Almoravid movement on the sahelian societies has been the object of some debate. Ancient Ghana seemed to be the most rewarding area of investigation, since al-Zuhrī (1154) and Ibn Khaldūn (end of the fourteenth century) suggested its ‘conquest’ by Almoravid forces. The evidence provided by these narrative sources has been disputed, but it could not be discarded.A new field of investigation was opened by the discovery in 1939 of a number of royal tombstones in Gao-Sané close to the old capital of the Gawgaw empire. The dates of the epitaphs extend from the early twelfth to the late thirteenth century. However, none of the Arabic names given to the rulers of Gao-Sané seemed to correspond to any of the names provided in the chronicles of Timbuktu, the T. al-Sūdān and the T. al-Fattāsh. A closer look at the epitaphs shows that the third ruler of Gao-Sané, called ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb and also Yāmā b. K.mā and who died in 1120, is in fact identical with Yama Kitsi mentioned in the chronicles. The available evidence suggests that by 1080 the local Berbers of Gao-Sané were able to seize power from the earlier Qanda/Kanta dynasty of Old Gao. This change of dynasty was certainly not the result of a military conquest, although it is likely that Almoravid propagandists contributed to arouse the religious fervour of the local Muslims in both Gao-Sané with its community of traders and Old Gao with its Islamic court members and dynastic factions. The clear message of the Gao epitaphs is that the new rulers of Gao-Sané, the Zāghē, tried to establish good relations with members of the former ruling clan resorting to a policy of intermarriage. By the middle of the thirteenth century the Zāghē rulers were so much integrated into the local Mandé society that they adopted the title Z.wā (Zā) which was originally the title of the Kanta rulers. Thus it would appear that in spite of the far-reaching dynastic effects resulting from the religious and political upheaval of the Almoravid period, there was no major incursion of Berber people into the kingdom of Gawgaw. Indeed, there are reasons to believe that the basic institutions of the original‘Mande’ society were destroyed only in the course of the fifteenth century, when Songhay warrior groups from the east under the leadership of the Sonni radically changed the ethnic set-up of the Middle Niger. In spite of these changes the Zarma, whose aristocracy descend from the Zā, preserve the tradition of their origin from Mali until the present day.
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Driss, Hager Ben. "Women Writing/Women Written: The Case of Oriental Women in English Colonial Fiction." Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 35, no. 2 (2001): 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026318400043327.
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Women's contribution to the building of the british empire has become by now undeniable. Standing at different vantagepoints, English women articulated, supported, and even innovated the colonial discourse. Though highly masculine in its ideological core, the Empire is far from being exclusively male in its rhetorical voice. Feminist postcolonial critics have shown British women's important participation in colonialism. McClintock, for example, claims that “white women were not the hapless onlookers of empire but were ambiguously complicit both as colonizers, privileged and restricted, acted upon and acting” (6).
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McInnis, Verity G. "Indirect Agents of Empire." Pacific Historical Review 83, no. 3 (November 2012): 378–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2014.83.3.378.
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The experiences of army officers’ wives stationed in British India and the U.S. West during the period 1830–1875 offer a critical dimension to understandings of imperialism. This comparative analysis argues that these women designed a distinct identity that blueprinted, directed, and legitimized the ambitions of empire. In feminizing the Army’s ranking system, officers’ wives appropriated and wielded male authority. Military homes—a space where class, race, ethnicity, and gender intersected—functioned as operational sites of empire, and, in managing household servants, officers’ wives both designed and endorsed the principles of benevolent imperialism. Whether adjudicating local disputes, emasculating soldier-servants of lower rank, or enacting the social norms of the metropole, these women confidently executed their duty as imperial agents.
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Harris, Lane J. "The “Arteries and Veins” of the Imperial Body: The Nature of the Relay and Post Station Systems in the Ming Dynasty, 1368–1644." Journal of Early Modern History 19, no. 4 (June 18, 2015): 287–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342440.
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The “arteries and veins” of the Ming Empire were the relay (驛 yi) and post station (急遞鋪 jidipu) systems, two networks that worked together to circulate people, information, and goods throughout the realm. The relay system was an infrastructure of stations, horses, carts, and other facilities provided at government expense for the transportation, accommodation, and provision of a select group of imperial officials, tribute-bearing foreign envoys, and messengers from other government offices on their journeys to the capital. The express post station network with its foot posts and mail handling procedures was the communications system of the Ming Empire. Together, the two systems helped the state consolidate control over the empire, allowed the emperor to manage his officials, supported the conduct of diplomatic relations, and facilitated the movement of people, goods, and information across the empire.
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Schultz, Marianne. "‘Sons of the Empire’: Dance and the New Zealand Male." Dance Research 29, no. 1 (May 2011): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/drs.2011.0003.
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This article traces the journeys of dancing men from the stages of New Zealand to the stages of London during the twentieth century. The oft-repeated history of ‘the hard man’ of New Zealand who belonged to the ‘culture of imperial manliness’ is challenged by the stories of these men who, beginning in the 1920s with Jan Caryll, became professional dancers. I argue that within early twentieth-century New Zealand culture the opportunity existed for men and male bodies to be on display. The Maori haka, which featured men dancing in public exhibitions and ceremonies, had been seen by non-Maori (Pakeha) since first contact, while the emergence of body-building, beginning with the visit in 1902 of Eugen Sandow and a culture of sport, allowed men to be on show. Not least of all, tours to the antipodes of European dancers inspired young men to study ballet and contemporary dance. As a consequence, throughout the twentieth century New Zealand male dancers continued to arrive in London and contributed to both New Zealand and British dance histories.
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Edmonds, Leigh. "Australia, Britain and the Empire Air Mail Scheme, 1934–38." Journal of Transport History 20, no. 2 (September 1999): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/tjth.20.2.1.
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Topal, Omer Faruk. "The politics of male circumcision in the late Ottoman Empire." Middle Eastern Studies 57, no. 1 (September 11, 2020): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2020.1816546.
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