Relevant bibliographies by topics / Empire hittite

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Empire hittite'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Empire hittite"

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Alparslan, Metin, and Meltem Doğan-Alparslan. "The Hittites and their Geography: Problems of Hittite Historical Geography." European Journal of Archaeology 18, no. 1 (2015): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957114y.0000000075.

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The Hittite state was founded c. 1650 BC and developed thereafter. The Hittites were able to establish their rule in Anatolia's hostile landscape and overcome the difficulties it presented to create an empire—an objective that they achieved with the aid of their remarkable organizational skills. Despite the frequent occurrence of geographical names in the state archives, only a small number of them can be safely localized and, although Hittitology is a 100-year-old field, the regional names have only recently been determined. This article serves as a general introduction to the Hittites as well as a review of the problem of geographical names, revealing the complexity it presents.
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Dularidze, Tea. "Information Exchange and Relations between Ahhiyawa and the Hittite Empire." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4785.

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The majority of scholars identify the long-disputed term Ahhiyawa found in the Hittite texts as Achaea of the Homeric epics. According to the Hittite texts, Ahhiyawa and Hittite relations can be dated from the Middle Kingdom period. The term was first used in the records of Suppiluliuma I (1380-1346). Documents discussed (the records of Mursili II and Muwatalli II) demonstrate that Ahhiyawa was a powerful country. Its influence extended to Millawanda, which evidently reached the sea. Especially interesting is the “Tawagalawa letter” dated to the 13th century BC, in which the Hittite king makes excuses for his blunder committed at an early age. The Hittite king takes a diplomatic step towards the resolution of the conflict and starts negotiations with a party (Ahhiyawa) that could act as a mediator. We can infer from the letter that Ahhiyawa had its representatives in Millawanda, while its relations with the Land of the Hatti were managed through envoys. The powerful position of Ahhiyawa is also evident from Tudhaliya IV’s letter to the ruler of Amurru, where he refers to the kings of Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, and Ahhiyawa as to his equals. Thus, Ahhiyawa of the Hittite texts fully corresponds to Homeric Achaea. The invaders have three appellations in The Iliad: the Achaeans, the Danaans, and the Argives. The Achaeans can be found in Hittite documents, while the Danaans are mentioned in the Egyptian sources. Ahhiyawa is the land of the Achaeans, which laid the foundation for the development of the Hellenic civilization in the Aegean. It can be argued that the Greeks were actively involved in the foreign policy of the ancient Near East. The information conveyed by the Greek tradition is supported by the archeological finds confirming the rise of the Hellenes in the continental Greece from the 14th century BC. According to the tradition, the Mycenaeans went far beyond the Near East, reaching Colchis (The Argonaut legend).
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Reade, Julian. "Real and imagined “Hittite palaces” at Khorsabad and elsewhere." Iraq 70 (2008): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000851.

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Between 745 and 700 BC the Assyrian empire established itself in much of the Levant, becoming a Mediterranean as well as a Mesopotamian power. People from former Syro-Hittite states and the coasts of Phoenicia and Palestine were dispersed across the empire, bringing their own social conventions, cultures and expertise in fields ranging from cookery and metallurgy to music and architecture. Many Assyrian kings in previous centuries had demonstrated their respect for these high cultures of the West; Herzfeld (1930: 186–93) was one of the earlier scholars to consider the extent of their indebtedness. Now kings who had visited the West and who had seen how people lived there, built western features into new palaces at Nimrud, Khorsabad and Nineveh.A clear allusion to this process resides in use of the phrase “like a Hittite palace”, literally tamšil ekal mat Hatti, “a replica of a palace of the land of Hatti”, i.e. the kind of palace or palatial structure familiar in the Syro-Hittite, Luwian and Levantine territories which eighth-century Assyrians still called after the Hittites. Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon and Sennacherib all recorded the construction of buildings like this, to which the term bit hilani (with minor variants) was also applied; Esarhaddon recorded building in both Hittite and Assyrian styles, and Ashurbanipal too built a bit hilani. The clearest relevant archaeological evidence consists of some remains on the western side of the main royal palace of Sargon at Khorsabad. P.-É. Botta, the first excavator of these remains, assigned them the name of Monument isolé, Monument X or Temple (henceforward simply Monument X).
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Matessi, Alvise. "The Making of Hittite Imperial Landscapes: Territoriality and Balance of Power in South-Central Anatolia during the Late Bronze Age." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 2 (February 23, 2018): 117–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0004.

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AbstractAim of the present work is to offer an understanding of the mechanisms informing the making and reproduction of the Hittite Empire (17th-13th BCE) in its diachronic evolution. The analysis focuses on South-Central Anatolia, an area of intense core-periphery interactions within the scope of the Hittite domain and, therefore, of great informative potential about the manifold trajectories of imperial action. Through the combinatory investigation of archaeological and textual data able to account for long- to short-term variables of social change, I will show that South-Central Anatolia evolved from being a loose agglomerate of city-hinterland nuclei into a provincial system. The region thus acquired a pivotal role in the balance of power thanks to its centrality in the communication network, and it became the stage for eventful political revolutions, as well as a new core for Hittite political dynamics. The picture of Hittite imperialism emerging, thus, is that of a set of multi-causal and multi-directional processes, not predicated on the sole centrifugal hegemonic expansion of the empire.
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Uchitel, Alexander. "Land-Tenure in Mycenaean Greece and the Hittite Empire: Linear B Land-surveys from Pylos and Middle Hittite Land-Donations." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48, no. 4 (2005): 473–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852005774918787.

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AbstractThe article is a comparative study of Mycenaean Greek and Hittite land-tenure systems. It is based upon a systematic comparison of two groups of documents: land-registers (the so-called E-series) from Pylos and Middle Hittite land-donations. The traditional interpretation of both Mycenaean Greek and Hittite documents is challenged and alternative interpretations are offered. Thus, on the Mycenaean side, the construction with the preposition pa-ro is reinterpreted, and on the Hittite side an entirely new interpretation of a Hittite expression pir-sahhanas is offered. Both land-tenure systems are interpreted as two manifestations of compulsory labour service of small landholders attached to large agricultural estates. Cet article est une étude comparative des systèmes de tenue de la terre dans la Grèce mycénienne et l'empire hittite. Elle est fondée sur une comparaison systématique de deux groupes de documents : les registres de la terre (appelés la série E) de Pylos et les donations de terre moyenne hittite. L'interprétation traditionnelle des documents mycénien et hittite est ici remise en question et une nouvelle explication est offerte. Ainsi, du côté mycénien, la construction avec la préposition pa-ro est réinterprétée, et du côté hittite une interprétation entièrement nouvelle de l'expression pir-sahhanas est proposée. Les deux systèmes de tenue de la terre sont interprétés comme deux manifestations d'un service de travail obligatoire dus par des petits propriétaires attachés à des grandes propriétés agricoles.
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Beckman, Gary. "The Ritual of Palliya of Kizzuwatna (CTH 475)." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 13, no. 2 (2013): 113–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341248.

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Abstract An edition of the earliest ritual from Kizzuwatna to be imported into Hittite Anatolia. As such, it is the forerunner of the wave of Hurrian influence that would reshape the Hittite state cult during the empire period (14th–13th c. B.C.E.). Although the southern ruler to whom it is attributed undoubtedly carried out his worship in Hurrian, the present version is written in Hittite, but the text includes numerous Hurrian technical terms. It remains unclear why a rite centering on the Storm-god Teššup of the Kizzuwatnaean capital was still relevant in Hattusa two centuries after its composition.
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Gurney, O. R. "The Hittite Names of Kerkenes Dağ and Kuşaklı Höyük." Anatolian Studies 45 (December 1995): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642914.

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A major Hittite city-mound in the vicinity of the Kerkenes Dağ having been identified by Dr. Summers (see previous article), the question naturally arises whether their ancient Hittite names can be determined. Unfortunately this central area of the Hittite kingdom was completely distorted in The Geography of the Hittite Empire (1959) by the misplacing of Pala-Tumanna and Nerik and the places, such as Mt. Ḫaḫarwa, associated with them. Allusions to “the sea” locate these places firmly, with Zalpa, at the opposite end of the zone occupied by the Kaška folk, in the far north by the mouth of the Kızıl Irmak, and the maps in that book must be disregarded.Kuşaklı Höyük stands in the basin of the Kanak Su which rises just above the site of Alişar. This stream is a tributary of the Delice Su which flows north-westward into the Kızıl Irmak and which Forlanini has suggested might be the Hittite “Red River”, said to have “mingled its waters with the Maraššantiya”, but the Kanak Su and its tributaries have not yet been certainly identified in the Hittite texts.
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Campbell, Dennis R. M. "The introduction of Hurrian religion into the Hittite empire." Religion Compass 10, no. 12 (December 2016): 295–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12225.

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Richardson, Seth. "Introduction: Scholarship and Inquiry in the Ancient Near East." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0007.

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AbstractThis essay introduces a four-essay issue of the journal on the subject of scholarship, knowledge arts, and scribal epistemology in the ancient cuneiform cultures of Sumer, Assyro-Babylonia, Ugarit, and the Hittite empire.
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Waal, Willemijn. "They wrote on wood. The case for a hieroglyphic scribal tradition on wooden writing boards in Hittite Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 61 (December 2011): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008760.

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AbstractThe wooden writing boards frequently mentioned in Hittite texts have given rise to much debate, mostly regarding the scale on which they were used and the type of script that was written on them (cuneiform or hieroglyphs). In this paper, the evidence for the use of wooden writing boards in Hittite Anatolia will be (re-)evaluated. It will be argued that they were used for private and economic documents, and that they were written on in Anatolian hieroglyphs. Important indications of this are the distinct terms consistently used in connection with writing on wood, which point to a separate scribal tradition. Further, the form and nature of the hieroglyphic script itself and the fact that it survived after the fall of the Hittite empire confirm that the script must have been widely employed. It is thus proposed that two parallel scribal traditions existed in Hittite Anatolia: a (lost) hieroglyphic tradition on wooden writing boards used for private and daily economic records, and a Hittite cuneiform tradition reserved for palace administration.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Empire hittite"

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Demanuelli, Matthieu. "La montagne, la vigne et la justice : images et langages des pouvoirs en Cappadoce à l’âge du fer (début du XIIème – fin du VIIème siècle avant Jésus Christ) : entre permanences et mutations, entre Orient et Occident." Thesis, Paris, EPHE, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015EPHE5077/document.

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Ce travail se propose d’analyser les images et les langages des pouvoirs en Cappadoce à l’âge du fer. Il vise à démontrer que l’idéologie, les pratiques et les propagandes des pouvoirs peuvent s’analyser et se comprendre entre de fortes permanences par rapport au passé hittite impérial d’une part, et d’autre part d’importantes mutations. L’étude procède selon six parties. La première étudie les sources externes (bibliques, urartéennes et assyriennes) et fait le point sur la géographie historique et la géopolitique. La deuxième présente les sources épigraphiques et iconographiques internes, proposant quelques nouvelles datations. La troisième section dresse un panorama qui se veut exhaustif de la société, de l’urbanisation, de la religion et des différents dirigeants de notre espace. La quatrième montre que les images (iconographie politique et religieuse, figures de styles) et les langages (topiques, anthroponymie « royale », formules annalistiques) des pouvoirs reposent sur un triptyque constitué de la montagne et du rocher d’abord, de la vigne et des céréales ensuite, et enfin de la justice et du « bon gouvernement ». Enfin et après une cinquième partie étudiant sur un temps long l’iconographie, les sanctuaires rupestres et l’archéologie des paysages en Cappadoce, la sixième et dernière section replace l’espace d’étude dans différentes koiné, en tant qu’espace-carrefour entre Orient et Occident qui produit, intègre ou diffuse divers éléments (produits commerciaux, symboles, titres et anthroponymes politiques, figures religieuses) entre l’Est (Assyrie, mondes néo-hittite, araméen, urartéen et phénicien) et l’Ouest (Phrygie, Lycie mondes grec et lydien surtout)
The aim of this study is to analyse the images, the representations and idiom of those in power in Cappadocia at the time of the iron age. We hope to demonstrate that the ideology, practices and propaganda of these rulers can be examined and fully understood in a context characterized by both strong permanences from the hittite imperial past and important changes. The study is divided into six parts. The first one deals with the external sources (biblical, Urartian and Assyrian) and reviews the situation in terms of historical geography and geopolitics. The second presents the internal epigraphic and iconographic sources while proposing several new datations. The third section is devoted to a panorama, which we hope to be complete, of the society, the urbanization, the religion and the various rulers of our area. The fourth shows that the images (political and religious iconography) and the phraseology (topical, « royal» anthroponymy, annalistic formulas) used by those in power revolve around three elements : mountain and rock, vine and cereals, fair justice and « good government ». After a fifth part that centers on an examination over a long period of the iconography, the open air rock sanctuaries and the archeology of the cappadocian landscapes, the last section contextualizes our research in different koiné, seen as a meeting point between east and west, producing and absorbing various elements (commercial products, symbols, politcal titles and anthroponyms) and spreading them over the East (Assyria and the neo-hittite, Aramaic, Urartians and Phoenicians) and the West (Phrygia, Lycia, and the Greek and Lydian worlds)
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Santos, Maria Leonor Figueira. "O Império Hitita: vestígios arqueológicos e documentais na Síria setentrional." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/29901.

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Com a ascensão ao trono de Šuppiluliuma I (c. 1350 a.C.), o reino de Ḫatti tornou-se numa das grandes potências do Próximo Oriente no Bronze Final. Ao destruir o reino de Mitani, o seu rival na Mesopotâmia setentrional, o monarca hitita absorveu a maioria dos seus territórios do norte da Síria, estendendo o seu domínio desde a margem oeste do Eufrates até à costa mediterrânea. A presença hitita nesse território está patente não apenas nas tabuinhas cuneiformes que relatam os aspectos político-militares, como na cultura material encontrada no registo arqueológico. Na corrente dissertação pretende-se correlacionar as fontes históricas com os achados arqueológicos de modo a compreender o impacto da presença hitita nos reinos vassalos sírios e as suas repercussões nas esferas administrativa, religiosa, arquitectónica e artística. Tenciona-se igualmente analisar a natureza do imperialismo hitita e as diferentes adaptações ao seu domínio nos vários reinos vassalos. Este estudo serve como contribuição para a compreensão dos diversos mecanismos do poder imperial adoptados por Ḫatti numa das regiões integrantes do seu império.
With the ascension of Šuppiluliuma I (c. 1350 B.C.E.) to the throne, the kingdom of Ḫatti became one of the most powerful realms of the Ancient Near East in the Late Bronze Age. By destroying their enemy’s reign Mitanni in northern Mesopotamia, the hittite monarch incorporated most of their territories of northern Syria, expanding his domain from the Euphrates river in the west to the mediterranean coast in the east. The hittite presence in this territory is not only perceptible in the cuneiform tablets, which reports the political-military aspects, but also in the material culture found in the archaeological record. This dissertation seeks to correlate the historical sources with the archaeological findings in order to comprehend the impact of the hittite presence in the syrian vassal kingdoms and their repercussions in the administrative, religious, architectural and artistic spheres. It also intendeds to analyze the nature of the hittite imperialism and the different adaptations of the various vassal kingdoms to its domain. This study is a contribution to the comprehension of the numerous mechanisms of the imperial power endorsed by Ḫatti in one of the regions integrated in its empire.
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Books on the topic "Empire hittite"

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Woudhuizen, Fred. Luwian hieroglyphic monumental rock and stone inscriptions from the Hittite Empire period. Innsbruck: Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Kulturwissenschaft, 2004.

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Doğan-Alparslan, Meltem, and Metin Alparslan. Hititler: Bir Anadolu imparatorluğu = Hittites : an Anatolian empire. İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2013.

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Ceram, C. W. The Secret of the Hittites: The Discovery of an Ancient Empire. London: Phoenix Press, 2001.

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Singer, Itamar. The Calm Before the Storm: Selected Writings of Itamar Singer on the Late Bronze Age in Anatolia and the Levant. Leiden: Society of Biblical Literature, 2011.

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Martino, Stefano De. Handbook Hittite Empire: Power Structures. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2021.

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Martino, Stefano De. Handbook Hittite Empire: Power Structures. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2021.

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Martino, Stefano De. Handbook Hittite Empire: Power Structures. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2021.

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den Hout, Theo van. The Hittite Empire from Textual Evidence. Edited by Gregory McMahon and Sharon Steadman. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195376142.013.0041.

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The Hittite written legacy is unique in the ancient Near East in that it allows us to sketch the development of a major power over the course of its almost 500 years of history from a state of basic illiteracy through incipient literacy to a booming administrative apparatus which has earned it the reputation of a true bureaucracy. It was a state with two scripts: the cuneiform used for its inner administrative workings in the widest sense of the word, with the Hittite language as its official medium, and the Anatolian hieroglyphs for the state's face to the outside. This article presents a review of the Hittite texts, describing the contradictory information that is sometimes provided by multiple texts on the same subjects. It also draws out the nuanced understanding that scholars may gain regarding, for instance, royal intentions and goals, the pomp and circumstance of ritual, or the intricacy of ancient law through their close readings of the some 30,000 extant Hittite texts.
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Mielke, Dirk Paul. Key Sites Of The Hittite Empire. Edited by Gregory McMahon and Sharon Steadman. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195376142.013.0048.

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This article discusses findings from excavations of key Hittite sites: Bo ğ azköy–Hattu ša, Ortaköy– Š apinuwa, Alaca Höyük, Kuşakli–Šarişşa, and Maşat Höyük–Tapikka. These sites shed light on both the characteristic features and diversity of Hittite urban forms.
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Auerbach, Patrick. Hittites: The True and Surprising History Of The Ancient Hittite Empire. CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Empire hittite"

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Bryce, Trevor. "The Hittite Empire." In A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East, 722–39. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444360790.ch38.

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Norrie, Philip. "How Disease Affected the History of the Hittite Empire." In A History of Disease in Ancient Times, 37–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28937-3_4.

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"The Hittite empire." In The Ancient Near East, 327–48. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315879895-29.

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"Late Empire Period Scribal Circles and Their “Scriptoria”." In Hittite Scribal Circles, 147–240. Harrassowitz, O, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvc76zpc.13.

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Balza, M. E., and C. Mora. "Memory and Tradition of the Hittite Empire in the post-Hittite Period." In Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East, 427–38. Penn State University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/j.ctv1bxgx2w.40.

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Balza, M. E., and C. Mora. "Memory and Tradition of the Hittite Empire in the post-Hittite Period." In Tradition and Innovation in the Ancient Near East, 427–38. Penn State University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781575063584-038.

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Roller, Duane W. "Pontos." In Empire of the Black Sea, 9–24. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190887841.003.0002.

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The territory of Pontos was the northern coastal regions of Asia Minor, a rugged region that was a mixture of coastal Greek cities, Hittite and Assyrian outposts, and an indigenous population, noted for the unusual phenomenon of elaborate temple states. The region had long been known to the Greeks: Jason and the Argonauts were said to have passed along its coast. Its economy was primarily agricultural. It was also famous in Greek myth as the home of the Amazons. It was here that the Mithridatic kingdom has its origins, eventually coming to dominate the territory and its people.
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"THE EGYPTO-HITTITE ENTENTE AND THE PEOPLES OF THE NORTH AND OF THE SEA." In From Tribe to Empire, 332–84. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315005263-17.

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"2. New Evidence on the End of the Hittite Empire." In The Sea Peoples and Their World, 21–34. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9781934536438.21.

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Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell G. Reddish. "The Hittites: Hattusa and Yazïlïkaya." In A Guide to Biblical Sites in Greece and Turkey. Oxford University Press, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195139174.003.0034.

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In many ways the ancient Hittite sites of Hattusa and Yazïlïkaya are among the most distinctive sites related to the Bible in the entire Mediterranean region. Unlike the majority of ancient cities of the Bible in both Turkey and Greece, these sites are not related to the Apostle Paul and the New Testament. In fact, they are only marginally related to the Old Testament. Nevertheless, the identification of this city in 1906 by the German archaeologist Hugo Winckler created a sensation in archaeological and biblical studies. Since 1986 the site of Hattusa has been included on the World Heritage List of UNESCO (the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization). Prior to the 19th century, the Hittites were entirely unknown to the world except for their mention in the Bible. The biblical references to such a powerful kingdom, for which no other evidence existed, were met by skepticism and even outright disbelief. Scholars did not believe that so dominant an empire could disappear without a trace. Following the discovery in 1799 of the Rosetta Stone in Egypt by Napoleon’s soldiers, however, which unlocked the key to reading hieroglyphics, reference to the Hittites was also discovered in Egyptian sources. Most notable among these citations are references to a great battle between the Egyptians, led by Ramses II (likely the pharaoh of the Exodus tradition), and the Hittites at Kadesh (Syria). Also mentioned was a subsequent treaty, a nonaggression pact, wherein both nations pledged mutual support and agreed to establish Syria as the southern boundary of the Hittites’ power and the northern boundary of the Egyptians’ power. Modern discovery of the Hittites began in 1834, when Charles Texier located the ruins of the capital city of the Hittites, Hattusa, which he believed to be a city of the Medes. Correct identification of the city was not made until 1906, when the discovery of 2,500 fragments of cuneiform tablets allowed Hugo Winckler to recognize that the extensive ruins were in fact the Hittite capital city. Since that time excavations by the German Archaeological Institute and others have continued.
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Conference papers on the topic "Empire hittite"

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Kadioglu, Selma, Yusuf Kagan Kadioglu, and Ali Akin Akyol. "Imaging The Hittite cemetery site with 3D half bird's eye view of GPR data set in Sapinuva ancient city of the Hittite Empire (Corum-Turkey)." In 15th International Conference on Ground-Penetrating Radar (GPR) 2014. IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icgpr.2014.6970387.

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