Journal articles: 'Empire hittite'

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Alparslan, Metin, and Meltem Doğan-Alparslan. "The Hittites and their Geography: Problems of Hittite Historical Geography." European Journal of Archaeology 18, no. 1 (2015): 90–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1461957114y.0000000075.

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The Hittite state was founded c. 1650 BC and developed thereafter. The Hittites were able to establish their rule in Anatolia's hostile landscape and overcome the difficulties it presented to create an empire—an objective that they achieved with the aid of their remarkable organizational skills. Despite the frequent occurrence of geographical names in the state archives, only a small number of them can be safely localized and, although Hittitology is a 100-year-old field, the regional names have only recently been determined. This article serves as a general introduction to the Hittites as well as a review of the problem of geographical names, revealing the complexity it presents.

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Dularidze, Tea. "Information Exchange and Relations between Ahhiyawa and the Hittite Empire." Studia Iuridica 80 (September 17, 2019): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4785.

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The majority of scholars identify the long-disputed term Ahhiyawa found in the Hittite texts as Achaea of the Homeric epics. According to the Hittite texts, Ahhiyawa and Hittite relations can be dated from the Middle Kingdom period. The term was first used in the records of Suppiluliuma I (1380-1346). Documents discussed (the records of Mursili II and Muwatalli II) demonstrate that Ahhiyawa was a powerful country. Its influence extended to Millawanda, which evidently reached the sea. Especially interesting is the “Tawagalawa letter” dated to the 13th century BC, in which the Hittite king makes excuses for his blunder committed at an early age. The Hittite king takes a diplomatic step towards the resolution of the conflict and starts negotiations with a party (Ahhiyawa) that could act as a mediator. We can infer from the letter that Ahhiyawa had its representatives in Millawanda, while its relations with the Land of the Hatti were managed through envoys. The powerful position of Ahhiyawa is also evident from Tudhaliya IV’s letter to the ruler of Amurru, where he refers to the kings of Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, and Ahhiyawa as to his equals. Thus, Ahhiyawa of the Hittite texts fully corresponds to Homeric Achaea. The invaders have three appellations in The Iliad: the Achaeans, the Danaans, and the Argives. The Achaeans can be found in Hittite documents, while the Danaans are mentioned in the Egyptian sources. Ahhiyawa is the land of the Achaeans, which laid the foundation for the development of the Hellenic civilization in the Aegean. It can be argued that the Greeks were actively involved in the foreign policy of the ancient Near East. The information conveyed by the Greek tradition is supported by the archeological finds confirming the rise of the Hellenes in the continental Greece from the 14th century BC. According to the tradition, the Mycenaeans went far beyond the Near East, reaching Colchis (The Argonaut legend).

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Reade, Julian. "Real and imagined “Hittite palaces” at Khorsabad and elsewhere." Iraq 70 (2008): 13–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000851.

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Between 745 and 700 BC the Assyrian empire established itself in much of the Levant, becoming a Mediterranean as well as a Mesopotamian power. People from former Syro-Hittite states and the coasts of Phoenicia and Palestine were dispersed across the empire, bringing their own social conventions, cultures and expertise in fields ranging from cookery and metallurgy to music and architecture. Many Assyrian kings in previous centuries had demonstrated their respect for these high cultures of the West; Herzfeld (1930: 186–93) was one of the earlier scholars to consider the extent of their indebtedness. Now kings who had visited the West and who had seen how people lived there, built western features into new palaces at Nimrud, Khorsabad and Nineveh.A clear allusion to this process resides in use of the phrase “like a Hittite palace”, literally tamšil ekal mat Hatti, “a replica of a palace of the land of Hatti”, i.e. the kind of palace or palatial structure familiar in the Syro-Hittite, Luwian and Levantine territories which eighth-century Assyrians still called after the Hittites. Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon and Sennacherib all recorded the construction of buildings like this, to which the term bit hilani (with minor variants) was also applied; Esarhaddon recorded building in both Hittite and Assyrian styles, and Ashurbanipal too built a bit hilani. The clearest relevant archaeological evidence consists of some remains on the western side of the main royal palace of Sargon at Khorsabad. P.-É. Botta, the first excavator of these remains, assigned them the name of Monument isolé, Monument X or Temple (henceforward simply Monument X).

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Matessi, Alvise. "The Making of Hittite Imperial Landscapes: Territoriality and Balance of Power in South-Central Anatolia during the Late Bronze Age." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 3, no. 2 (February 23, 2018): 117–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0004.

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AbstractAim of the present work is to offer an understanding of the mechanisms informing the making and reproduction of the Hittite Empire (17th-13th BCE) in its diachronic evolution. The analysis focuses on South-Central Anatolia, an area of intense core-periphery interactions within the scope of the Hittite domain and, therefore, of great informative potential about the manifold trajectories of imperial action. Through the combinatory investigation of archaeological and textual data able to account for long- to short-term variables of social change, I will show that South-Central Anatolia evolved from being a loose agglomerate of city-hinterland nuclei into a provincial system. The region thus acquired a pivotal role in the balance of power thanks to its centrality in the communication network, and it became the stage for eventful political revolutions, as well as a new core for Hittite political dynamics. The picture of Hittite imperialism emerging, thus, is that of a set of multi-causal and multi-directional processes, not predicated on the sole centrifugal hegemonic expansion of the empire.

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Uchitel, Alexander. "Land-Tenure in Mycenaean Greece and the Hittite Empire: Linear B Land-surveys from Pylos and Middle Hittite Land-Donations." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48, no. 4 (2005): 473–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852005774918787.

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AbstractThe article is a comparative study of Mycenaean Greek and Hittite land-tenure systems. It is based upon a systematic comparison of two groups of documents: land-registers (the so-called E-series) from Pylos and Middle Hittite land-donations. The traditional interpretation of both Mycenaean Greek and Hittite documents is challenged and alternative interpretations are offered. Thus, on the Mycenaean side, the construction with the preposition pa-ro is reinterpreted, and on the Hittite side an entirely new interpretation of a Hittite expression pir-sahhanas is offered. Both land-tenure systems are interpreted as two manifestations of compulsory labour service of small landholders attached to large agricultural estates. Cet article est une étude comparative des systèmes de tenue de la terre dans la Grèce mycénienne et l'empire hittite. Elle est fondée sur une comparaison systématique de deux groupes de documents : les registres de la terre (appelés la série E) de Pylos et les donations de terre moyenne hittite. L'interprétation traditionnelle des documents mycénien et hittite est ici remise en question et une nouvelle explication est offerte. Ainsi, du côté mycénien, la construction avec la préposition pa-ro est réinterprétée, et du côté hittite une interprétation entièrement nouvelle de l'expression pir-sahhanas est proposée. Les deux systèmes de tenue de la terre sont interprétés comme deux manifestations d'un service de travail obligatoire dus par des petits propriétaires attachés à des grandes propriétés agricoles.

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Beckman, Gary. "The Ritual of Palliya of Kizzuwatna (CTH 475)." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 13, no. 2 (2013): 113–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341248.

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Abstract An edition of the earliest ritual from Kizzuwatna to be imported into Hittite Anatolia. As such, it is the forerunner of the wave of Hurrian influence that would reshape the Hittite state cult during the empire period (14th–13th c. B.C.E.). Although the southern ruler to whom it is attributed undoubtedly carried out his worship in Hurrian, the present version is written in Hittite, but the text includes numerous Hurrian technical terms. It remains unclear why a rite centering on the Storm-god Teššup of the Kizzuwatnaean capital was still relevant in Hattusa two centuries after its composition.

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Gurney, O. R. "The Hittite Names of Kerkenes Dağ and Kuşaklı Höyük." Anatolian Studies 45 (December 1995): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642914.

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A major Hittite city-mound in the vicinity of the Kerkenes Dağ having been identified by Dr. Summers (see previous article), the question naturally arises whether their ancient Hittite names can be determined. Unfortunately this central area of the Hittite kingdom was completely distorted in The Geography of the Hittite Empire (1959) by the misplacing of Pala-Tumanna and Nerik and the places, such as Mt. Ḫaḫarwa, associated with them. Allusions to “the sea” locate these places firmly, with Zalpa, at the opposite end of the zone occupied by the Kaška folk, in the far north by the mouth of the Kızıl Irmak, and the maps in that book must be disregarded.Kuşaklı Höyük stands in the basin of the Kanak Su which rises just above the site of Alişar. This stream is a tributary of the Delice Su which flows north-westward into the Kızıl Irmak and which Forlanini has suggested might be the Hittite “Red River”, said to have “mingled its waters with the Maraššantiya”, but the Kanak Su and its tributaries have not yet been certainly identified in the Hittite texts.

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Campbell, Dennis R. M. "The introduction of Hurrian religion into the Hittite empire." Religion Compass 10, no. 12 (December 2016): 295–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12225.

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9

Richardson, Seth. "Introduction: Scholarship and Inquiry in the Ancient Near East." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 2, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2016-0007.

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AbstractThis essay introduces a four-essay issue of the journal on the subject of scholarship, knowledge arts, and scribal epistemology in the ancient cuneiform cultures of Sumer, Assyro-Babylonia, Ugarit, and the Hittite empire.

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Waal, Willemijn. "They wrote on wood. The case for a hieroglyphic scribal tradition on wooden writing boards in Hittite Anatolia." Anatolian Studies 61 (December 2011): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008760.

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AbstractThe wooden writing boards frequently mentioned in Hittite texts have given rise to much debate, mostly regarding the scale on which they were used and the type of script that was written on them (cuneiform or hieroglyphs). In this paper, the evidence for the use of wooden writing boards in Hittite Anatolia will be (re-)evaluated. It will be argued that they were used for private and economic documents, and that they were written on in Anatolian hieroglyphs. Important indications of this are the distinct terms consistently used in connection with writing on wood, which point to a separate scribal tradition. Further, the form and nature of the hieroglyphic script itself and the fact that it survived after the fall of the Hittite empire confirm that the script must have been widely employed. It is thus proposed that two parallel scribal traditions existed in Hittite Anatolia: a (lost) hieroglyphic tradition on wooden writing boards used for private and daily economic records, and a Hittite cuneiform tradition reserved for palace administration.

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Kealhofer, Lisa, Peter Grave, Ben Marsh, Sharon Steadman, Ronald L. Gorny, and Geoffrey D. Summers. "Patterns of Iron Age interaction in central Anatolia: three sites in Yozgat province." Anatolian Studies 60 (December 2010): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600001022.

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AbstractThe cultural and political changes that happened in Anatolia after the collapse of the Hittite Empire have only recently been recognised as a significant, but as yet unexplained, phenomenon. Here we present the results of analyses of ceramics from three sites south and southwest of the present-day town of Sorgun – Çadır Höyük, Kerkenes Dağ and Tilkigediği Tepe – to identity how regional groups within the Hittite core area regrouped in the aftermath of the collapse. Ceramic analyses provide a means to assess both cultural continuity and the scale and nature of interaction in a region. Results suggest some evidence of cultural continuity at Çadır Höyük from the Late Bronze Age into the Middle Iron Age, and highlight the variable local responses in the aftermath of Hittite collapse.

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d'Alfonso, Lorenzo. "A Hittite seal from Kavuşan Höyük." Anatolian Studies 60 (December 2010): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000983.

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AbstractA Hittite seal was found recently in a cinerary urn, as a grave-good of a child, in the Iron Age cremation cemetery at Kavuşan Höyük, in the upper Tigris region. This article attempts to read the inscription on the seal and to discuss its date and place of production. The reading of the name of the owner of the seal, written in Anatolian Hieroglyphic, remains problematic because of the uncertainty of the phonetic value of sign *177. Tentatively, one can read it Ḫatanu. On the basis of some parallels, the author suggests that the seal could have been produced locally in the southern region of the Hittite Empire, and that, therefore, on the basis of historic considerations, it should date to the second half of the 14th century BC.

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Lanaro, Anna. "A goddess among Storm-gods. The stele of Tavşantepe and the landscape monuments of southern Cappadocia." Anatolian Studies 65 (2015): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154615000071.

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AbstractLittle is known about the geo-political landscape of central Anatolia after the collapse of the Hittite Empire. In particular, almost no archaeological evidence for stone monumental art dating to the post-Hittite period north of the Taurus mountains has survived. Now, the stele of Tavşantepe sheds new light on the history of southern Cappadocia during the so-called ‘dark age’ and offers us a unique insight into the artistic production of this region at the beginning of the first millennium BC. Moreover, its location along one of the most important routes connecting southern Cappadocia with central Anatolia, the Altunhisar valley, helps us reconstruct the socio-religious developments in this area in the period predating the emergence of the Neo-Hittite Kingdom of Tuwana in the eighth century BC.

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Uçan, Osman N., and A. Muhittin Albora. "Markov random field image processing applications on ruins of the Hittite Empire." Near Surface Geophysics 7, no. 2 (January 1, 2008): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.3997/1873-0604.2009001.

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Yigit, Turgut. "The Political and Cultural Meanings of the Hittite Empire Period Rock Monuments." ATHENS JOURNAL OF HISTORY 2, no. 1 (December 31, 2015): 59–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajhis.2-1-4.

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Yakar, Jak. "Anatolian Civilization Following the Disintegration of the Hittite Empire: An Archaeological Appraisal." Tel Aviv 20, no. 1 (March 1993): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/tav.1993.1993.1.3.

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WEEDEN, MARK. "AFTER THE HITTITES: THE KINGDOMS OF KARKAMISH AND PALISTIN IN NORTHERN SYRIA." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00055.x.

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Abstract The disappearance and weakening of the Late Bronze Age territorial empires in the Eastern Mediterranean shortly after 1200 BC is traditionally held to be followed by a so-called Dark Age of around 300 years, characterized by a lack of written sources. However, new sources are appearing, mainly in the medium of Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, which help us to understand events and, more importantly, political and geographical power constellations during the period. The new sources are briefly situated within the framework of the current debates, with special regard given to the territories of Karkamish and Palistin. Emphasis is laid on the apparent continuation of local idioms for the articulation of power, largely persisting from the Hittite Empire, in spite of any changes in population, social structure, or political institutions that may have occurred.

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Wittenberg, Hartmut, and Andreas Schachner. "The ponds of Hattuša – early groundwater management in the Hittite kingdom." Water Supply 13, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 692–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2013.025.

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From about 1650 until 1200 BC Hattuša (pronounced Hattusha) was the capital of the Hittite Empire in central Asia Minor. On the steep terrain of today's ruined city lived and worked thousands of people whose homes, cattle, tools and places of worship had to be supplied with water. The question arose regarding how water was conveyed into the large-scale ponds in the urban area. The silted East Ponds (36,000 m3) and South Ponds (20,000 m3) have been excavated since the 1980s. A supply of the large volumes of water by a long pipeline from outside the city was repeatedly discussed. Due to the topographic, hydraulic and geo-hydrological conditions however, a long distance supply would have been uneconomic and also unnecessary. Still today, many willow fountains in the region are fed by artesian groundwater. It was therefore assumed that the ponds were cut into the slope aquifers and filled during the wet season. To verify this hypothesis, groundwater monitoring stations were installed in the autumn of 2009 directly uphill of the pond banks. Observed groundwater levels 2009–2011 are low in summer but rise above the former pond surfaces during winter. The Hittites used exfiltrating groundwater also in other reservoirs avoiding hefty and strongly varying surface inflows.

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Gurney, O. R. "The Treaty with Ulmi-Tešub." Anatolian Studies 43 (December 1993): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642962.

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The treaty of a Hittite king, whose name is lost, with Ulmi-Tešub, king of Tarhuntassa (KBo. IV 10 + KUB XL 69 + 1548/u, CTH 106) is a complex and problematic document. Published as a hand-copy by Forrer in 1920, no modern edition of the text has yet appeared in print. It contains an unusually full description of the boundaries of Ulmi-Tešub's vassal kingdom, and in order to provide a sound basis for the reconstruction of Hittite political geography I contributed a translation of the boundary description and of most of the other clauses to John Garstang's book The Geography of the Hittite Empire in 1959. J. Lorenz, a student of Marburg University, prepared an edition in 1986 as a dissertation, but this has remained unpublished. The same is true of a similar edition prepared in 1989 for the University of Amsterdam by T. van den Hout, though this is understood to have gone to press. Dr. van den Hout, however, has published his views on this treaty in some detail in an article “A Chronology of the Tarhuntassa Treaties” in JCS 41 (1989), 100–14, where he introduces the text in his first sentence as “KBo 4 10 (CTH 106), the treaty between Tudhaliya IV and Ulmi-Tešub, king of Tarhuntassa”.

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Taracha, Piotr. "The Iconographic Program of the Sculptures of Alacahöyük." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 11, no. 2 (2011): 132–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921211x603922.

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Abstract The iconographic program of the sculptured friezes flanking the Sphinx Gate of Alacahöyük is analyzed based on numerous representations in Hittite art that may contribute to the understanding of the context and meaning of these carvings. It is argued that the cult and hunting scenes reflect the concept of the main triad of the Hittite state pantheon—Sun-goddess, Storm-god and Tutelary God, combining it with the new ideology of kingship of the later phase of the Empire period, which stresses the special ties between the king and the Tutelary God of the Countryside. Simultaneously, the lower frieze on the West Tower depicts the royal couple officiating at a cult ceremony presumably during a real local festival. Concerning the identification of Alacahöyük with one of Hittite holy towns, Arinna appears the best candidate. In fact, texts relating to the cult from Arinna enable us to interpret the Alacahöyük sculptures. These sculptures might represent the celebrations during the Great Festival in Arinna, which—as we know from the texts—was attended by the royal couple. There are historical and cultural arguments for dating the Sphinx Gate complex with its sculptures to the second half of the 13th century BC.

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Cho, Hyunjin. "A Study on the Costumes Carved in Yazilikaya Relief of the Ancient Hittite Empire." Journal of the Korean Society of Costume 69, no. 5 (August 31, 2019): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7233/jksc.2019.69.5.035.

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Karauğuz, Güngör, Özşen Çorumluoğlu, İbrahim Kalaycı, and İbrahim Asri. "3D Photogrammetric model of Eflatunpinar monument at the age of Hittite empire in Anatolia." Journal of Cultural Heritage 10, no. 2 (April 2009): 269–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.culher.2008.08.013.

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Kealhofer, Lisa, Peter Grave, and Mary M. Voigt. "Dating Gordion: the Timing and Tempo of Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Political Transformation." Radiocarbon 61, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 495–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2018.152.

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ABSTRACTGordion has long served as an archaeological type site for Iron Age central Anatolia and provided pioneering radiocarbon (14C) determinations as reported in the first issue ofRadiocarbon(1959). Absolute dating of key events at Gordion continue to reshape our understanding of regional development and interaction in the Iron Age, with a major conflagration in the late 9th BCE century at this site the most recent focus of attention (DeVries et al. 2003). Here we present the latest series of14C determinations for Gordion from Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age contexts. Fifteen absolute dates provide a critical new framework for establishing the timing and tempo of cultural transformation from the collapse of the Hittite Empire through to the subsequent formation of the Phrygian polity that dominated central Anatolia from the 9th to the 7th c. BCE. This chronometric revision transforms our perspective on the LBA/EIA transition at this site: from disengagement from Hittite hegemony in the 12th c. BCE, to the precocious emergence of the Phrygian capital in the early 9th c. BCE.

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Postgate, J. N. "The ceramics of centralisation and dissolution: a case study from Rough Cilicia." Anatolian Studies 57 (December 2007): 141–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008565.

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AbstractStarting from Kilise Tepe in the Göksu valley north of Silifke two phenomena in pre-Classical Anatolian ceramics are examined. One is the appearance at the end of the Bronze Age, or beginning of the Iron Age, of hand-made, often crude, wares decorated with red painted patterns. This is also attested in different forms at Boğazköy, and as far east as Tille on the Euphrates. In both cases it has been suggested that it may reflect the re-assertion of earlier traditions, and other instances of re-emergent ceramic styles are found at the end of the Bronze Age, both elsewhere in Anatolia and in Thessaly. The other phenomenon is the occurrence of ceramic repertoires which seem to coincide precisely with the frontiers of a polity. In Anatolia this is best recognised in the case of the later Hittite Empire. The salient characteristics of ‘Hittite’ shapes are standardised, from Boğazköy at the centre to Gordion in the west and Korucu Tepe in the east. This is often tacitly associated with Hittite political control, but how and why some kind of standardisation prevails has not often been addressed explicitly. Yet this is a recurring phenomenon, and in first millennium Anatolia similar standardised wares have been associated with both the Phrygian and the Urartian kingdoms. This paper suggests that we should associate it directly with the administrative practices of the regimes in question.

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Sevin, Veli. "The Early Iron Age in the Elaziǧ Region and the Problem of the Mushkians." Anatolian Studies 41 (December 1991): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642931.

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The salvage excavations and related surveys carried out both in the Keban and in the Karakaya reservoir areas during the last twenty years have made the Elazıǧ region one of the most thoroughly examined areas of Anatolia. Our archaeological information about this region, which previously was extremely limited, has now reached a significantly high level. Surveys conducted by the present writer during 1985–87, especially in the outlying areas of the reservoir regions, have resulted in the establishment of an archaeological sequence for almost the whole of the area. In spite of all this, it cannot be said that the history of the region is yet fully understood. For example, the two questions, when did the Early Iron Age begin in the region and what were the reasons behind its beginnings, are still far from being answered.In written documents relating to the Hittite ruler Shuppiluliuma I, the region is referred to as a kingdom, while in the time of Tudhalia IV it is clearly understood that the area, known as Ishuwa, had become a vassal kingdom of the Hittite empire, where people of Hurrian origin were living.

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Durnford, S. P. B. "How old was the Ankara Silver Bowl when its inscriptions were added?" Anatolian Studies 60 (January 2010): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600001010.

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AbstractThe artefact known as the Ankara Silver Bowl bears two short Hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions, each in a different ‘handwriting’. They tell us about the origin of the bowl in the year that Tudhaliya labarna conquered Tara/i-wa/i-zi/a. Unparalleled phrasing and tantalising historical allusions make dating and interpretation problematic. The conquest mentioned is widely held to be that of Taruisa in the Troad by the 14th-century bce Hittite king Tudhaliya I/II, but epigraphy points to a Karkamiš origin for the inscriptions and probably to a post-Empire date. Treating the text as contemporary with the conquest requires either that the bowl be classed as an exceptional Empire document or that a later Tudhaliya is intended. This paper offers a new approach. It accepts a late date, offers an amended translation and proposes that the narrative be viewed as literature alluding to the past and not as contemporary chronicle. The bowl's possible status as a relic prompts questions about the transmission of history, motives for alluding to the past and the words chosen for the purpose. An interpretation of sign *273 is ventured within a speculative scenario that encompasses the bowl's various oddities.

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Manuelli, Federico, Cristiano Vignola, Fabio Marzaioli, Isabella Passariello, and Filippo Terrasi. "THE BEGINNING OF THE IRON AGE AT ARSLANTEPE: A 14C PERSPECTIVE." Radiocarbon 63, no. 3 (April 21, 2021): 885–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2021.19.

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ABSTRACTThe Iron Age chronology at Arslantepe is the result of the interpretation of Luwian hieroglyphic inscriptions and archaeological data coming from the site and its surrounding region. A new round of investigations of the Iron Age levels has been conducted at the site over the last 10 years. Preliminary results allowed the combination of the archaeological sequence with the historical events that extended from the collapse of the Late Bronze Age empires to the formation and development of the new Iron Age kingdoms. The integration into this picture of a new set of radiocarbon (14C) dates is aimed at establishing a more solid local chronology. High precision 14C dating by accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) and its correlation with archaeobotanical analysis and stratigraphic data are presented here with the purpose of improving our knowledge of the site’s history and to build a reliable absolute chronology of the Iron Age. The results show that the earliest level of the sequence dates to ca. the mid-13th century BC, implying that the site started developing a new set of relationships with the Levant already before the breakdown of the Hittite empire, entailing important historical implications for the Syro-Anatolian region at the end of the 2nd millennium BC.

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Gurney, O. R. "The Annals of Hattusilis III." Anatolian Studies 47 (December 1997): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642903.

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The Hittite kings were the first to record the events of their reigns in annalistic form, beginning, it seems, with the first king of the Empire, Tudhaliyas I/II. His successors continued the practice, and annals are preserved for Arnuwandas I, Suppiluliumas I (composed by his son), and above all for Mursilis II. There is no reason to think that the following kings were any less proud of their achievements, but Muwatallis II's archives have not yet been discovered, nor has any continuous text been found for the reign of Hattusilis III. For the reigns of Tudhaliyas IV and Suppiluliumas II (nothing is known of Arnuwandas III) it seems that with the development of the “hieroglyphic” script and the Luwian language these kings adopted the practice of inscribing their “deeds” (LÙ-natar “manliness”) in a new form beginning “I am …” on monumental inscriptions or commemorative statues.

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Postgate, J. N. "The debris of government: Reconstructing the Middle Assyrian state apparatus from tablets and potsherds." Iraq 72 (2010): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000577.

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While a good deal of attention has been given by prehistorians to the process of “state formation” in the ancient Near East, less effort has been devoted to exploring the nature of historical states through their archaeology. This article endeavours to redress the balance a little, by looking at some of the documentary evidence for the process of government in Assyria in the late second millennium BC, in particular at its level of intervention in local economies, and by placing it alongside the archaeological evidence for the presence of Assyrian administration, as reflected in the ceramic repertoires of Tell Sheikh Hamad on the Habur and Sabi Abyad on the Balikh. Both the literate administration and the material evidence for craft production display a degree of conformity which would seem to reflect an ethos of centralized control. This invites comparison with the material evidence for other Late Bronze Age palace regimes, whether archives of Mycenaean clay tablets or the ceramic repertoire of the Hittite empire. Here too written instruments and material markers of state control could be taken to reflect a concept of the “state” (as opposed to “empire”) which does not agree well with some analyses of social evolution in this region, and prompts some concluding thoughts on the relationship between the material record and the ethos of government in state-run societies.

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Ross, Jennifer C., Sharon R. Steadman, Gregory McMahon, Sarah E. Adcock, and Joshua W. Cannon. "When the Giant Falls: Endurance and Adaptation at Çadır Höyük in the Context of the Hittite Empire and Its Collapse." Journal of Field Archaeology 44, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00934690.2018.1558906.

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Konstantopoulos, Gina. "The Disciplines of Geography: Constructing Space in the Ancient World." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 4, no. 1-2 (June 26, 2018): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2017-0012.

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AbstractThis article serves as introduction to a special double issue of the journal, comprised of seven articles that center on the theme of space and place in the ancient world. The essays examine the ways in which borders, frontiers, and the lands beyond them were created, defined, and maintained in the ancient world. They consider such themes within the context of the Old Assyrian period, the Hittite empire, and the Neo-Assyrian empire, as well as within the broader scope of Biblical texts and the Graeco-Roman world. As we only see evidence of a documented, physical, and thus fixed map in the later stages of Mesopotamian history, the ancient world primarily conceived of space through mental maps rather than physical ones. Thus, while the societies of the ancient Near East integrated knowledge gained by actual contact with distant lands into their world view, it was also informed by the literary conceptions of those same spaces. These mental maps were unsurprisingly prone to shifting over time, changing as the social conceptions of the world itself, its border and frontiers, the lands that lay beyond them and how those places might be defined, also changed. These papers question the intersection of concrete and fantastical, or real and imagined, that existed in both the ancient and pre-modern world, where distant locations become elaborately embroidered by fantastical constructions, despite the concrete connections of travel, trade, and even military enterprise.

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Matessi, Alvise. "The ways of an empire: Continuity and change of route landscapes across the Taurus during the Hittite Period (ca. 1650–1200 BCE)." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 62 (June 2021): 101293. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2021.101293.

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Alexander, Robert L. "A Great Queen on the Sphinx Piers at Alaca Hüyük." Anatolian Studies 39 (December 1989): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642819.

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Since the first European visited Alaca Hüyük 150 years ago the site has been noted for its gateway dating from the Hittite empire, fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. Within a few decades of the discovery, excavations revealed a large number of sculptured orthostats flanking the entry, but the piers with sphinx protomes have always been above ground and have given the entrance its name, the Sphinx Gate. Nineteenth-century travellers noted on the inner face of the eastern sphinx pier the fragmentary representation of a figure above a two-headed eagle clutching two rabbits (Pl. XXXIX, a). The relief is visible to everyone entering the city through this gateway. The parallel figure on the other pier, the subject of this report, has rarely been mentioned.The late morning sun highlights remnants of a female figure on the inner face of the western sphinx pier (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXVIII, a, b). The upper part, from a point below the waist, and the whole front are destroyed, but there is no doubt of the back contour of the long robe, its surface covered by a series of striations sweeping down and back into the train.

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Hawkins, J. D. "Kuzi-Tešub and the “Great Kings” of Karkamiš." Anatolian Studies 38 (December 1988): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3642845.

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The recent discovery of a hitherto unknown king of Karkamiš of the Hittite Empire period is an event of some significance. This is the son of Talmi-Tešub (hitherto the last known king of the dynasty installed by Suppiluliumas I), Kuzi-Tešub by name, who is now attested on two impressions of his seal on bullae excavated at Lidar Höyük on the east bank of the Euphrates above Samsat.The seal has a fine Storm-God figure standing on two mountain-men in the centre, and the rest of this area, apart from filling motifs of a rosette and an animal, is occupied by an inscription in Hieroglyphic. Around the outer circle, only partially preserved in both exemplars, is a Cuneiform legend. The Hieroglyphs divide into four groups: (1) the name of the Storm-God written above his outstretched left hand; (2) in front of the Storm-God a group reading “Kuzi-Tešub, King of the land of Karkamiš”; (3) behind him a group “Talmi-Tešub, King of the land of Karkamiš”. This was all clearly read by Sürenhagen, who for the fourth group, below the Talmi-Tešub group, proposed a reading “Kunitimuwas the King's Son”.

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Levinson, Bernard M. "Strategies for the reinterpretation of normative texts within the Hebrew Bible." International Journal of Legal Discourse 3, no. 1 (August 28, 2018): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijld-2018-2001.

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Abstract Contemporary constitutional theory remains divided between competing approaches to the interpretation of normative texts: between originalism or original intent, on the one hand, and living constitution approaches, on the other. The purpose of this article is to complicate that problematic dichotomy by showing how cultures having a tradition of prestigious or authoritative texts addressed the problem of literary and legal innovation in antiquity. The study begins with cuneiform law from Mesopotamia and the Hittite Empire, and then shows how ancient Israel’s development of the idea of divine revelation of law creates a cluster of constraints that would be expected to impede legal revision or amendment. The well-known Decalogue, or Ten Commandments, provides a valuable test-case, with its normative statement that God punishes sinners across generations (vicariously extending the punishment due them to three or four generations of their progeny). A series of inner-biblical and post-biblical responses to that rule demonstrates, however, that later writers were able to criticize, challenge, reject, and replace it with the alternative notion of individual accountability. The article will provide a series of close readings of the texts involved, drawing attention to their legal language and hermeneutical strategies. The conclusions stress the remarkable freedom to modify ostensibly normative statements available to ancient judicial interpreters, despite the expected constraints of a formative religious canon attributed to divine revelation.

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Belmonte, Juan Antonio, and A. César González-García. "The Pillars of the Earth and the Sky." Journal of Skyscape Archaeology 1, no. 1 (July 10, 2015): 9–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jsa.v1i1.26952.

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Some cities were built with the idea of establishing cosmic order. The sky used to be a very important component of the landscape that has been lost completely in our modern, overcrowded, and excessively illuminated, cities. However, this was not the case in the past. Astronomy actually played a most relevant role in urban planning, particularly in the organization of sacred spaces which were later surrounded by extensive civil urban areas. Today, archaeoastronomy approaches the minds of our ancestors by studying the skyscape and how it is printed in the terrain by the visualization and the orientation of sacred buildings. The Sun was indeed the most conspicuous component of that skyscape and was the primary focus within a large set of very unique cultures of great historical significance. In particular, in this review paper, we will study and compare the case of four ‘solstitial’ cities: Thebes, Hattusha, Carthago Nova, and Petra, capitals of Egypt in the Middle and New Kingdoms, the Hittite Empire, the Carthaginian dominions in the Iberian Peninsula and the Nabataean Kingdom, respectively. We will briefly analyse solar aspects of the religions of these cultures and will scrutinize their capital cities, showing how their strategic geographical position and orography were of key importance. We will also look at how solar benchmarks, and related hierophanies, played a most relevant role in the orientation and/or location of some of their most significant monuments. We will finally incorporate a frame of analysis for these data in order to come to our conclusion that different Mediterranean societies where solar cults or symbolism are strongly substantiated display common characteristics in the orientation and location of these cities connecting them with solstitial orientations.

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Yamada, Masamichi. "The Dynastic Seal and Ninurta's Seal: preliminary remarks on sealing by the local authorities of Emar." Iraq 56 (1994): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900002813.

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It has been argued that the city elders constituted a certain institution of urban authorities in the Syro-Palestinian kingdoms in the Late Bronze Age, such as Alalaḫ, Ugarit and the Canaanite city-kingdoms of the Amarna period. While subordinate to the royal palace, as representatives of a city-community they were frequently involved in political, economic and legal affairs in the state administration. Now new sources on this issue have been provided from the eastern part of this region, i.e. Emar (Meskene-Qadime) on the Middle Euphrates.The recently published texts from Emar and its vicinity reveal that it was a kingdom under vassalage of the Hittite empire from the 13th to the early 12th century B.C. The Emar dynasty in this period has been reconstructed as having the following five reigning kings for four generations: Iasi-Dagan,dIM(Ba'lu/Adad)-kabar, Zū-Aštarti, Pilsu-Dagan and Elli. Besides the kings, the city elders of Emar were also involved in real estate sales, legal agreements and religious ceremonies.Their close association with the city god Ninurta in real estate sales is particularly noteworthy. They frequently sell houses, fields, etc., under their joint ownership. For example,EmarVI 126: 8–14 reads: “From Ninurta and the elders of Emar (dNIN.URTAùLÙ.MEŠ.ši-bu-utURU.e-mar.KI), the owners of the house, Ḫimaši-Dagan, son of Ilu-malik, has bought the house for 1,000 (shekels) of silver, the full price”. According to the stipulation concerning the payment of fines, one who should lay claim to the house is to pay 1,000 shekels of silver to “Ninurta” (1. 19) and the “city (URU.KI)” (1. 20), respectively. This suggests that the terms “elders” and “city” are interchangeable and thus it has been assumed that the elders were representatives of the city-community of Emar. On the other hand, it is interesting to note that, though only once, “Ninurta” is also paraphrased by the city of “Emar”.

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Schafer, Charles T. "Perspective on warm climate intervals and their history: How might coastal Canada adapt to an ocean-related and potentially negative impact of predicted warmer conditions?" Proceedings of the Nova Scotian Institute of Science (NSIS) 49, no. 2 (March 10, 2018): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/pnsis.v49i2.8160.

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Past warm intervals lasting from decades to centuries can be observed throughout the late Holocene geologic record using various proxy physical, chemical and fossil indices, in conjunction with seasonal information such as the timing of the first flowers of the spring season, or by the dates of first freezing and thaws of fresh water bodies, that have been recorded in various journals. Three important warm intervals that have been identified over the past 3500 years include the Late Bronze Age Optimum (BAO)(~1350 to ~1200 BC), the Iron/Roman Age Optimum (I/RAO)(~250 BC to ~400 AD) and the Medieval Warm Period (MWP)(~950 to ~1250 AD). The early phase of the BAO featured maximum development of the Hittite Empire and the evolution of the palace economy. The timing and duration of the later I/RAO show considerable variation from place to place in the Northern Hemisphere. MWP proxy records from several regions indicate that, like the I/RAO pattern, peak warmth occurred at different times in different places included in the Period’s overall footprint. Paleo-temperatures, both slightly cooler and warmer than present, have been reported. The WMP occurred during the Middle Ages at a time of the expansion of major commercial routes along the Mediterranean Sea coast and during an interval when Vikings explored and settled in some areas of the North Atlantic region.Sea level rise is among the suite of important ocean-related negative impacts that are often associated with contemporary global warming scenarios. Both early and modern societies have developed effective adaptation strategies and mitigation techniques to resist rising sea levels and flooding. Many of these have utility for Canada in both inland and especially in coastal areas of the Maritime Provinces. Early sea level rise and tidal flow mitigation measures include the construction of dykes around low-lying areas, sand dune stabilization and shoreline armoring using large boulders in concert with breakwaters and groynes. Today, there is also opportunity for the application of beach nourishment and artificial dune construction to resist erosion by storm waves and alongshore currents but these typically require annual maintenance to remain effective. Last resort mechanisms range from stilt home construction to abandonment (managed retreat) of previously impacted coastal areas. It is very likely that, when needed, Canadians will be able to apply a broad range of modern and ancient effective technologies and to engage engineering expertise to develop new (e.g., hybrid) approaches for combating specific negative coastal impacts than were available to BAO, I/RAO and MWP societies.

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Ross, McMahon, Heffron, Adcock, Steadman, Arbuckle, Smith, and von Baeyer. "Anatolian Empires: Local Experiences from Hittites to Phrygians at Çadır Höyük." Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology & Heritage Studies 7, no. 3 (2019): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jeasmedarcherstu.7.3.0299.

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Taggar-Cohen, Ada. "The Kingdom of the Hittites: The Least Known Empire of the Second Millennium B.C.E." Hebrew Studies 52, no. 1 (2011): 379–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.2011.0002.

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AKIN, GALİP, and ESRA BALIKÇI. "Anadolu nun Gizemli İmparatorluğu Hititlerde Beslenme ve Mutfak Kültürü (The Nutrition and Culinary Culture in the Mysterious Empire of Anatolian Hittites)." Journal of Tourism and Gastronomy Studies 6, no. 3 (July 31, 2018): 275–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.21325/jotags.2018.254.

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Borodina, Elena Vasil'evna. "Regulation and control of duty hours of the record clerks in Russia during 1725-1734 (on the example of Middle Ural)." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2020): 96–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.5.31271.

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This article is dedicated to examination of the history of establishment of the institution of duty hours at the time of Russian Empire after the death of Peter the Great. Namely the years of the rule of the first Russian emperor mark the emergence of the paramount of normative legal acts, which determined the fundamentals for regulation of state administration. The subject of this research is the analysis of discipline and control practices of the work of record clerks in the decade after the death of Peter the Great. The goal consists in determination of peculiarities in regulation of duty hours of the clerks during 1725-1734. The method of historiographical analysis allowed examining the internal criticism of the structure and content of legislative acts and documental materials. The author also applied the chronological method, mathematical analysis, and method of comparative-legal studies. The scientific novelty lies in comparison of the legislation and regulation practice of duty hours of the clerks in a particular region of the Russian Empire. Despite the sufficient knowledge on the history of mining administration in the Ural Region, the question of regulation of duty hours of the clerks of Siberian Oberbergamt did not receive due attention on the pages of monographs and articles. The comparison of legislative acts and specificity of orderliness of activity of the clerks of Siberian Oberbergamt and subordinate establishments allowed determining that the regulations on duty hours recorded in General Regulation required constant reinforcement by the local normative acts. Along with the monetary fines set by the Regulation, the record clerks were punished by confinements, demotion to a lower appointment, as well as hitting by cudgels. The increase in document flow created conditions for strengthening control over the work of clerks.

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Gilan, Amir. "The End of God-Napping and the Religious Foundations of the New Hittite Empire." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie 104, no. 2 (January 30, 2014). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2014-0016.

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Abstract:The practice of god-napping is richly attested in Old Hittite historiography but disappears almost completely in later, Empire Period sources. It will be suggested that this silence is not coincidental, but rather reflects a deep change in Hittite policy towards Hurro-Syrian deities. Furthermore, it will be suggested that this new imperial policy was founded on the experience of the political and religious integration of Kizzuwatna by the founders of the New Hittite Empire. This new policy, which provides for the maintenance of local cults rather than for their spoliation, will prove to be more successful than the Old Hittite destructive mode of action.

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Woudhuizen, Fred C. "The Geography of the Hittite Empire and the Distribution of Luwian Hieroglyphic Seals." Klio 97, no. 1 (January 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2015-0001.

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SummaryThe work on the reconstruction of the geography of the Hittite Empire, in particular that of its western province, has recently received a more solid footing than before owing to the combined efforts of a number of scholars in the field. The framework presently applied, in the eyes of the author, only needs to be refined with respect to some minor details. Of some help in this undertaking is the fact that the extension of the Hittite Empire happens to be neatly reflected in the distribution zone of Luwian hieroglyphic Late Bronze Age seals or sealings. Some of these Luwian hieroglyphic seals or sealings, however, are of no use in this latter context as they antedate the Hittite Empire and belong to the Middle Bronze Age. Now, as a kind of by-product of our improved knowledge about the geography of western Anatolia it seems that also the answer to the vexed problem of the origins of the Luwian hieroglyphic script comes within reach if we look at the distribution pattern and in this undertaking differentiate seals from sealings.

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Singer, Itamar. "The Battle of Niḫriya and the End of the Hittite Empire." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und Vorderasiatische Archäologie 75, no. 1 (1985). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zava.1985.75.1.100.

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Stavi, Boaz. "The Treatment of Troublesome Regions." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 1 (January 16, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2016.15.

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It is quite clear that after the Old Hittite Kingdom had been established, the Hittites focused their attention on gaining control of Syria. At the same time, they also tried to expand to western Anatolia but soon learned that too great an involvement in the west left them vulnerable to attacks. From that time on, the kings of Hatti sought to keep their military involvement in western Anatolia to a minimum, while thwarting the emergence of any hostile coalitions there.I find this subject fascinating—namely, how an empire that was founded on an ideology of expansion came to realize its natural boundaries and adjusted its ideology and practical strategy to extricate itself from a problematic region that could not be annexed or conquered. This specific case has been discussed only in part by Bryce (1986), so I decided to research it again in my dissertation.

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de Martino, Stefano. "Some Questions on the Political History and Chronology of the Early Hittite Empire." Altorientalische Forschungen 37, no. 2 (January 2010). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/aofo.2010.0016.

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Floreano, Elisabetta. "The Role of Silver in the Domestic Economic System of the Hittite Empire." Altorientalische Forschungen 28, no. 2 (January 2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/aofo.2001.28.2.209.

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As, Abraham Van, and Loe Jacobs. "The Work of the Potter in Ancient Mesopotamia During the Second Millennium B.C." MRS Proceedings 267 (1992). http://dx.doi.org/10.1557/proc-267-529.

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ABSTRACTIn the beginning of the second millennium B.C. Babylon became the centre of power in Mesopotamia. Hammurapi (1792-1750 B.C.) was one of the most important kings of the First Dynasty of Babylon. He is above all known for his law code (Codex Hammurapi). At the height of his power the Old Babylonian Empire extended as far as Sumer in the south and to Nineveh in the north. After the Old Babylonian times a dark period followed in the history of Mesopotamia. The conquest of Babylon in 1595 B.C. by the Hittite king Mursilis I ended the First Dynasty of Babylon. His allies, the Kassites from the Zagros Mountains, occupied Babylon without breaking the Babylonian traditions. Dur Kurigalzu became their capital. In 1157 B.C. the Kassite Dynasty was attacked from Elam (southwestern Iran) and came to an end.

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Uchitel, Alexander. "Assignment of Personnel to Cultic Households in Mycenaean Greece and the Hittite Empire (PY Tn 316 and KBo XVI.65)." Kadmos 44, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kadm.2005.009.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Empire hittite'

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