Journal articles on the topic 'Empire moghol'

AbstractThis essay explores the problem of imposture in the Mughal empire, through the case of Sultan Dawar Bakhsh, or Bulaqi, who ruled briefly in the late 1620s. Though official Mughal histories had it that he was executed in January 1628 along with several other princes, various persons claiming his identity surfaced, first in India and then in Iran. We examine the views of Mughal, Portuguese, Iranian and other sources on these claimants, and also explore what forms of proof were sought by different early modern agents in order to satisfy themselves of the identity of a returning prince. Cette contribution examine le problème de l'imposture dans l'Empire moghol en étudiant le cas du Sultan Dawar Bakhsh ou Bulaqi, qui a régné pendant quelques mois en 1627-28. Selon les chroniques mogholes de l'époque, Bulaqi aurait été exécuté en janvier 1628 avec plusieurs autres princes. Mais l'on sait que pendant la décennie suivante, plusieurs personnages se sont manifestés, tout d'abord en Inde et ensuite en Iran, prétendant être le sultan disparu. En croisant les informations fournies par les textes et des documents d'archives assez variés, en provenance de l'Etat portugais des Indes, de l'Empire moghol et de l'Etat safavide, l'analyse suit pas à pas le parcours de ce Martin Guerre moghol pour apprécier les preuves apportées sur son identité.

AbstractThis paper examines the intense competition between Emperor Akbar (r. 1556-1605)—the effective founder of the Mughal Empire in India—and his Kabul-based half-brother, Mirza Hakim (d. 1585). A focus on this rivalry serves to highlight the critical but historically unacknowledged role played by Mirza Hakim in shaping the trajectory of Akbar's reign and also that of the Mughal Empire in India. It is also intended to underline the continued significance of connective links between Central Asia and South Asia decades after the founding of the Mughal Empire in 1526. Cet article examine la concurrence intense entre l'empereur Akbar (règne 1556-1605)—le fondateur véritable de l'empire Moghol en Inde—et son demi-frère, basé à Kaboul, Mirza Hakim (d. 1585). L'étude de cette rivalité sert à souligner le rôle crucial mais historiquement méconnu joué par Mirza Hakim dans la définition de la trajectoire du règne d'Akbar ainsi que dans celle de l'empire Moghol en Inde. Cet exposé vise aussi à relever l'importance continue des liens entre l'Asie centrale et l'Asie du sud pendant plusieurs décennies après la fondation de l'empire Moghol en 1526.

AbstractThis paper investigates the way in which bhakti was used by upwardly mobile Rajputs in their struggle to come to terms with their role as local powerbrokers for the centralizing imperial regime. I will present the case study of the Bundelās in the mid-sixteenth century. I will study their complex relationships with the newly established Mughals and their expressions of devotion, particularly in connection with the newly (re)established pilgrimage center of Braj. The paper documents a shift from an older form of religion to bhakti under Madhukar Shāh (r. 1552-92). This change may well have functioned as a bid for local legitimacy, an assertion of regional independence vis à vis the Mughal empire, and was directed against its imperial rhetoric. However, this study also shows that although Madhukar promotes bhakti for his own purpose, the bhakti saint-advisor of the king explicitly resists such socio-political functionality of the religious insights he has to offer. Cette contribution se situe au milieu du XVIème siècle, une période qui vit le régime impérial des Moghol récemment instauré se centralisant. Elle explore la bhakti comme vecteur de l'ascension sociale des Rajput qui n'acceptèrent de sitôt de jouer le rôle de conseillers locals du pouvoir impérial. L'examen des Bundelās vise à dévoiler leurs relations complexes avec les Moghol et leur discours dévotionnel, particulièrement celui relatif au centre de pèlerinage de Braj récemment (r)établi. La contribution témoigne d une part que sous le règne de Madhukar Shāh (1552-'92) une forme plus ancienne de réligion se transforma en bhakti, ce qui soulève des interrogations sur la construction de la légitimité des ces seigneurs locals qui revendiquèrent l'indépendance régionale vis-à-vis l empire Moghol. D'autre part elle démontre que bienque Madhukar favorisât la bhakti pour ses fins propres, le saint-adviseur résista nettement de réduire bhakti à un rôle socio-économique.

AbstractThis essay explores the situation in the Deccan in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, at a time when the Mughal empire was expanding over the Ahmadnagar Sultanate and beginning to threaten both Bijapur and Goa. It does so through a close reading of two sources, the reports of the Mughal court-poet Abu'l Faiz 'Faizi,' who was sent there as a Mughal envoy in the early 1590s; and the autobiographical text of Asad Beg Qazwini, who followed Faizi some ten years later. It seeks to demonstrate the role of the Deccan as frontier zone in this period, not only between northern and southern India, but equally between Safavid Iran and Mughal India. Cet essai est consacré à l'étude de la situation politique dans le Deccan au tournant du XVIIe siècle, en s'appuyant sur deux sources peu explorées. La première est la collection des rap- ports envoyés par le poète et diplomate Abu'l Faiz 'Faizi', qui se trouvait dans le Deccan autour de 1591-92 comme représentant de l'empereur moghol Akbar. La seconde source est le récit autobiographique d'Asad Beg Qazwini, également envoyé par les Moghols au début du XVIIe siècle dans une mission auprès du Sultan de Bijapur, Ibrahim II. Nous nous efforçons de démontrer le rôle du Deccan comme région frontière, à la fois entre l'Inde du Nord et l'Inde du Sud, et entre les zones d'in fluences des Moghols et des Safavides.

AbstractThe Mughal Empire is paradigmatic in many of its formulations, and it is epitomised in the persons of its first six padshahs or emperors. The Great Mughals, Grao Mogor, Grand Mogul, Großmogul or Groote Mogul, as the padshahs were known in Europe, have been considered as paragons of rulership. In critical appraisals, which were the prevailing view in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, they were the quintessential Oriental despots, held up as a warning to those rulers in Europe with similar aspirations. One thinks here especially of Francois Bernier's letters of the Mughal court to his French contacts which included Colbert, the minister of Louis XIV (r. 1643-1715). In more sympathetic (and more recent) eyes, such as those of the world-traveller, philosopher and enthusiastic inter-culturalist Count Hermann Keyserling, who was in India in 1911, they were “the grandest rulers brought forth by mankind”. Keyserling came to this conclusion because the Mughals “combined in their personalities so many divers talents: they were men of action, refined diplomats, experienced judges of the human psyche, and at the same time aesthetes and dreamers”. He felt that such a “superior human synthesis” (grossartige Menscheitsynthese) had not shown itself in any European king. Here I discuss to what extent the emperor Jahangir fulfilled Francis Bacon's ideal of the perfect ruler.

RésuméS’inspirant des perspectives récemment ouvertes par les historiens des empires occidentaux, cet article examine à nouveaux frais les rapports entre autorité centrale et élites militaro-administratives dans l’empire moghol du premier quart du XVIIe siècle – une période relativement négligée par l’historiographie dominante. La parole est, pour ce faire, donnée à une série de textes se rattachant au genre de la littérature sub-impériale et rarement convoqués dans cette optique. L’analyse de ce corpus – centrée sur les rhétoriques légitimantes et les pratiques politiques « interstitielles » qui y affleurent – permet d’éclairer la façon dont la noblesse réagit (tant du point de vue idéologique que pragmatique) à la pression croissante du modèle impérial et de réévaluer la question centre/périphérie dans sa dimension régionale.

AbstractThis paper examines the organizing ideological and infrastructural principles of the Safavid state structure and questions whether the Safavid state had the capacity and universality to qualify as an empire. Until now, the Safavid state has only been given equal status to the Ottoman and Mughal state as a “gunpowder empire”. But with this approach some other aspects tip the balance towards the cohesion and coherence that enabled the Safavid Empire to function as an empire in spite of exiguous economic resources and the limitations of ideological underpinnings. When some of these aspects lost their force, this contributed to the dissolution of the glue that kept Iranian society together and to the demise of the Safavid state in the early eighteenth century.Le cadre de cette contribution est l’État safavide et elle en explore les principes de la structure étatique au niveau de l’organisation, de l’idéologie, et de l’infrastructure pour établir si cet état a été un véritable empire au niveau de ses capacités et de son caractère universel. Jusqu’à maintenant l’État safavide s’est vu attribuer le statut ‘d’empire de poudre à canon’, pareil aux États ottoman et moghul. Mais en abordant ce thème du côté structure on aperçoit quelques aspects qui font pencher la balance vers une cohérence interne. C’est qu’en dépit de ses faibles ressources économiques et tenant compte des limites du support idéologique en général, l’Empire safavide savait remplir son rôle d’empire. À mesure que la force cohésive s’affaiblissait, la société iranienne se dissolvait de façon à sonner le glas de l’État safavide au début du dix -huitième siècle.

AbstractThe association between empires and commercial institutions is a well-known feature of pre-industrial Muslim empires, such as the Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal empires. Rulers constructed religious monuments and civic institutions that simultaneously functioned as commercial centers. The key to this symbiotic relationship is the institution of waqf, the so-called “charitable endowments” that supplied funds to support mosques, schools, baths and other religious institutions. The endowments largely drew their funds from shops, bazars or caravanserais usually built nearby. Therefore a great mosque or madrasa often became a commercial center. This situation was the conscious result of imperial commitment to stimulating the commercial exchange, which would supply and enrich these states.Que les empires islamiques de l’ère pré-industrielles se sont associés aux institutions commerçiales est bien connu. Les empires ottoman, safavide et moghol en témoignent amplement. Les monuments religieux et les institutions civiles que leurs princes ont fait construire furet en même temps des centres de commerce. Cette relation symbiotique s’explique par l’institution de waqf, autrement dit ‘un leg pieux’. Les fonds de ces legs servaient à doter les mosques, les écoles, les bains et bien d’autres institutions religieuses. Les donations pieuses, elles, furent en grande partie léguées par des boutiques, des bazars, et des caravansérails aux alentours. Ainsi la grande mosquée, ou la médresse, se trouvait être doublée d’un centre de commerce. Voilà l’effet intentionel de l’engagement impérial qui visait à encourager les échanges commerçiaux. À leur tour ces échanges fournissaient des produits à ces états et les rendaient plus prospères.

Cet article a pour objet de comparer les perspectives divergentes des Portugais, des Danois et des Anglais vis-à-vis de l’empire mughal en se fondant sur les récits de voyages britanniques du dix-septième siècle. Si les Portugais qualifiaient les autochtones d’«étrangers» barbares, les Britanniques, qui formaient la English East India Company, avide d’échanges avec l’empire, considéraient l’aristocratie mughal et les Musulmans comme des partenaires commerciaux civilisés et dotés d’une riche culture. Bien que les premiers voyageurs brossent un sombre tableau du peuple hindou, qui n’avait pas de liens directs avec la English East India Company, les auteurs des récits de voyages britanniques décrivent l’empire mughal comme un peuple hautement civilisé et faisant preuve d’une tolérance singulière à l’égard des autres religions.

Este artículo se enfoca en la figura del emperador mogol Akbar (1542-1605) y en la motivación detrás de sus reformas religiosas. En él se debaten los análisis de algunos historiadores que han interpretado estas reformas como el resultado de un viraje en la identidad religiosa del monarca mogol, pero que no han tomado suficientemente en cuenta la parcialidad que caracteriza a los cronistas de su época, cuyas obras constituyen una de las fuentes principales de la historia de ese periodo. A diferencia de otros trabajos, en este artículo se acentúa el carácter político de estas reformas religiosas que facilitaron al emperador el establecimiento de alianzas estratégicas con líderes políticos no musulmanes, y que al mismo tiempo le permitieron debilitar significativamente la influencia de los líderes religiosos musulmanes en los asuntos del estado. Esta interpretación revela que el emperador mogol, lejos de ser un mero actor político o religioso, fue un estratega inteligente que logró equilibrar los asuntos religiosos y políticos en su forma de administrar el imperio.AbstractThis article focuses on the figure of the Mughal Emperor Akbar (1542-1605) and on the motivation behind his religious reforms. It brings into discussion the analysis of certain historians who have interpreted these reforms as resulting from a shift in the religious identity of the Mughal monarch. However, such analysis have not sufficiently taken into account the bias characterizing the chroniclers of the time, works of which are one of the main sources of the history of that period. Unlike other studies, this article highlights the political nature of these religious reforms that facilitated the establishment of strategic alliances with non-Muslim political leaders and, at the same time, allowed Akbar to significantly weaken the influence of Muslim religious leaders in affairs of state. This interpretation reveals that the Mughal emperor was, far from being a mere political or religious actor, a clever strategist who managed to balance religious and political issues in the way he administered the empire.

The present article seeks to discuss the prevailing ideas and practices of frontier among the Mughals. Concurrently, it considers the ways in which the Portuguese Asian Empire perceived this expanding imperial space. The Mughal emperors engaged in a strong universalistic discourse, which ultimately pointed towards the idea of an infinite Timurid India. To be sure, the Portuguese were hit by this imperial rhetoric, but they rested on intriguing mechanisms of self-legitimacy, like arguing that the Northern white neighbors of the Estado da Índia were newcomers and actually foreigners in India. Additionally, The Portuguese understood the striking difference between Mughal imperial rhetoric and the actual frontier turbulence on the ground and, since the early years of Mughal rule, they sought to identify spaces of demarcation in Gujarat, Bengal and the Deccan.

RésumésL’histoire religieuse et intellectuelle de l’islam à l’époque moderne et contemporaine est souvent réduite à un récit-maître arabo-centrique et téléologique dans lequel la modernité commencerait avec l’expédition d’Égypte ou la Nahḍa, la Renaissance arabe. Cette histoire verrait se succéder soufisme, réformisme musulman, islamisme, salafisme, soit une « généalogie de l’islamisme ». Dans une démarche d’histoire régressive, cet article éclaire la pluralité des voies possibles comme le caractère hétérogène des moments historiques, grâce à la présentation des dynamiques courantes de l’historiographie internationale sur l’histoire de l’islam entre le xve et le xxie siècle. Remontant vers l’amont, il s’agit de repérer les ruptures et les continuités, les lectures successives de tel auteur médiéval et de tel concept (comme salafiyya). L’article s’efforce de démontrer la nature construite de la vulgate historiographique du « réformisme musulman » de la fin du xixe siècle, comme celle sur « la pensée arabe à l’âge libéral ». Les débats sur le « néo-soufisme » et sur l’Aufklärung du xviiie siècle ont conduit à une meilleure connaissance de l’islam de la fin de l’époque moderne. Entre le xve et le xviie siècle, s’épanouit une soif de renouveau (tajdīd) en hadith, en droit musulman et en soufisme. Les recherches récentes des ottomanistes sur les processus de « confessionnalisation » aux xvie et xviie siècles montrent l’importance des facteurs politiques dans ces évolutions de l’islam à l’âge des trois Empires (moghol, safavide, ottoman).

AbstractThis paper addresses the evolving profile of the class of scribes or munshīs who emerged during the phase of consolidation of Mughal rule in northern India, as Mughal power waned in the course of the eighteenth century. It argues that while the social and political base of this class was expanded by opportunities provided by the empire, these munshīs in turn sought to develop their own understanding of events both past and present. In the late seventeenth century, they began to generate their own templates of history writing together with other forms of belles-lettres. In the first half of the eighteenth century, their power seemed to be on the increase as many made the transition to becoming significant political actors themselves. However, they were unable to consolidate their position in the latter decades of the century, when they emerged instead as critics of the new forms that Mughal power was taking. The essay is based on a reading of texts produced by a number of these authors, largely in Persian.Cet essai s’adresse au problème de l’évolution de la classe des scribes ou des munshīs qui avaient émergé pendant la phase de la consolidation du règne des Moghols en Inde du Nord, avec l’affaiblissement de la puissance de l’empire au cours du dix-huitième siècle. La base sociale et politique de cette classe était augmentée par des occasions fournies par l’empire, et en revanche les munshīs ont cherché à fournir leur propre interprétation des événements du passé et du présent. Vers la fin du dix-septième siècle, ils ont commencé à produire leurs propres cadres pour l’écriture d’histoire ainsi que d’autres formes de belles-lettres. Dans la première moitié du dix-huitième siècle, leur puissance semblait être en augmentation et un certain nombre d’entre eux a fait la transition entre simples témoins et acteurs politiques significatifs. Cependant, c’était une situation qu’ils ne pouvaient pas consolider dans les dernières décennies du siècle, où ils ont émergé comme critiques des nouvelles formes que la puissance des Moghols prenait. L’essai est basé sur une lecture des textes produits par un certain nombre de ces auteurs, en grande partie en persan.

<p>This article studies Rudyard Kipling’s four short stories, “Wee Willie Winkie”, “The Recrudescence of Imray”, “The Story of Muhammad Din”, and “Without Benefit of Clergy”. The purposes of this research are to describe the representation of Muslims in the four short stories and to describe how the representation of Muslims in the four short stories represents British colonization in India. In this paper, I employs textual study methodology using narrative analysis, binary-opposition analysis, and metaphorical iconicity analysis. The conclusion is that the representation of Muslims in the four short stories ranges from perceiving Muslims as bed men living in hills and forest to perceiving Muslims as the slaves of the British. In all the representations, the British is not presented as an oppressor, instead as a benevolent master. It is a metaphor of Kipling’s firm belief that the British were helping to civilize and educate a previously “savage” people. It disregards the fact that British colonization over India had ruined Islamic empire in India under Mogul Court sovereignty and ruined Indian economy and society organization.</p><p>[Penelitian ini mengkaji empat cerita pendek Rudyard Kipling, “Wee Willie Winkie”, “The Recrudescence of Imray”, “The Story of Muhammad Din”, dan “Without Benefit of Clergy”. Adapun tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah mendeskripsikan representasi Muslim dalam empat cerita pendek tersebut dan mendeskripsikan bagaimana gambaran tersebut merepresentasikan kolonisasi Inggris atas India. Metode yang digunakan adalah metodologi kajian tekstual dengan analisis naratif, analisis oposisi-biner, dan analisis ikonositas metaforis. Kesimpulannya adalah bahwa representasi Muslim dalam empat cerita pendek tersebut merentang mulai dari muslim sebagai orang-orang jahat yang hidup di gunung dan hutan hingga sebagai budak orang Inggris. Dalam represestasi itu orang Inggris tidak pernah digambarkan sebagai penindas. Representasi ini merupakan metafora kepercayaan Rudyard Kipling bahwa kehadiran Inggris di India adalah untuk mengadabkan dan mendidik orang India yang semula liar. Representasi ini mengabaikan kenyataan bahwa kehadiran Inggris di India telah menghancurkan imperium Islam di India di bawah kedaulatan Istana Mogul dan meruntuhkan ekonomi dan susunan masyarakat India.]</p>

ABSTRACTYule and Burnell's 1886 Anglo-Indian dictionary still fascinates and informs today. It is not the finest of Salman Rushdie's writings, but this is the first paragraph of his essay Hobson-Jobson (italics in original):“The British Empire, many pundits now agree, descended like a juggernaut upon the barbicans of the East, in search of loot. The moguls of the raj went in palanquins, smoking cheroots, to sup toddy or sherbet on the verandahs of the gymkhana club, while the memsahibs fretted about the thugs in bandannas and dungarees who roamed the night like pariahs, plotting ghoulish deeds.” (Rushdie, 1992:81)Rushdie points out that the italicised words all appear in the celebrated dictionary Hobson-Jobson: a glossary of colloquial Anglo-Indian words and phrases, and of kindred terms, etymological, historical, geographical and discursive by Henry Yule & A.C. Burnell, first published in 1886.This gem of a dictionary gives definitions and origins of words in common use by the British in colonial India in the late nineteenth century. Some of the entries won't be a surprise to readers – we all know that raj, mogul and memsahib are Indian words. But there are many words with their origins in Hindustani, Bengali, Sanskrit or other Indian or Eastern languages, whose origin is perhaps not quite so well known.

Social media is a new platform for CEOs to build their image and create a strong personal brand to represent themselves and their company. This research examines an outstanding Malaysian fashion icon and social media–savvy businesswoman with over a million followers on Instagram, Vivy Yusof, the youngest Malaysian e-commerce mogul and an example of a successful CEO who has used personal branding to build an empire in the fashion industry. The objectives of this research are to identify the type of messages Vivy Yusof communicates to her audience through her personal Instagram posts and to identify the ways Vivy Yusof’s audience engages with her posts on Instagram. Her Instagram post content is classified using the Honeycomb framework that comprises seven functional building blocks, namely, presence, relationships, reputation, groups, identity, conversations, and sharing. In this study, the content of Vivy Yusof’s Instagram posts is categorized by how she focuses on the various functional building blocks in her posts and the implications these blocks have on how her audience interacts with the posts. Her social media presence confirms the importance of CEO personal branding because of her role and influence on the masses evidenced by the willingness of her followers to interact (through likes and comments) and engage with her posts on any subject matter, relating either to her business or personal life. The study contributes to a growing body of literature on personal branding strategies by shedding light on the association between content strategies and engagement with social media content.

XVII-XVIII centuries determined by further European inclination into the Eastern countries affair`s. Due to old custom and to enlarge European understanding of the East, a lot of travelers made their own accounts about nearly everything the saw. But usually they didn`t understand the language, didn’t realize peculiarities of social order and receive information from only one source and moreover analyzed issues they had through the prism of European-based consciousness, that had created specific and inaccurate image of the East. During the Enlightenment such descriptions were used to create a civilization theory which stated about principal distinction between East and West. In popular form this theory is known as «oriental despotism», and had been postulated by one of the most popular French philosopher – Charles Louis de Montesquieu in his works «The Spirit of Laws» and «Persian letters». This concept consists of three elements: absolute monarchy, which is not restrained by any means, law or society, ability of state to confiscate property of its own citizen and therefore absence of private property at all, and absence of codified law. In not so distant future such an ideas were implicitly rooted in the theoretical background of full-scale political and military expansion of European countries, that ruined Asian states or limited their sovereignty made them almost a colonies. Nevertheless there was one man who stood against such theories – Abraham Anquetile-Duperron (1734-1805), profound French scholar, linguist, adventurer and due to his time – participant of French-Britain rivalry in India, who is now remarkably known for efforts to translate and edit Avesta, and thereafter being totally obstructed by his fellow-scholars, and now widely recognized as one of the finding father of French oriental studies and oriental studies generally. In his not so acclaimed work «Eastern legislation» (1778) he argued that so called «oriental despotism» has never existed, its element were based on false, incomplete assumptions, mechanistic extrapolation of European realities on the improper civil situation, banal exaggerations which had been made by previous travelers. Taking Ottoman empire, Persia and India (Moghul Empire) Duperron offer his own interpretation of the same facts, which were described by others. He stated, that in each of this countries have codified laws, which regulate all kinds of social activities, there is private property, that could be bought and sold and inherited by both male and female, and could be confiscated only as a penal punishment. All economical interactions are based on written agreements and religion is not as sufficient as his predecessors described. Monarch and other officials are being restrained by the system of rules which control each their step or decision, moreover their power depends on public recognition and charisma, which means in case they lose it, they lose their position as well and society have divine right to overthrow such leaders as infidels or tyrants. In spite of this Duperron makes his conclusion of invalidity of «oriental despotism» as an immanent and established type of ruling in the East. He emphasized that so called «oriental despotism» occurs only in time of collapsing of normal social life which were described. So force Duperron insists on principal equivalency of the Eastern and Western civilization types, which have the same core elements but differs only in its realization, determinate by geography, history and society.

I believe that no country ever stood so much in need of a code of laws as India; and I believe also that there never was a country in which the want might so easily be supplied. I said that there were many points of analogy between the state of that country after the fall of the Mogul power, and the state of Europe after the fall of the Roman empire. In one respect the analogy is very striking.As there were in Europe then, so there are in India now, several systems of law widely differing from each other, but coexisting and coequal. The indigenous population has its own laws. Each of the successive races of conquerors has brought with it its own peculiar jurisprudence: the Mussulman his Koran and the innumerable commentators on the Koran; the Englishman his Statute Book and his Term Reports. As there were established in Italy, at one and the same time, the Roman Law, the Lombard law, the Ripuarian law, the Bavarian law, and the Salic law, so we have now in our Eastern empire Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other, varying with the person, varying with the place.–Thomas Babington MacaulayOn July 10 1833, in his lengthy and famous speech on the “Government of India” delivered to the House of Commons, Thomas Babington Macaulay offered a brief but fascinating spatial-temporal assessment of the exigencies confronting British legal reform in India. As his above-cited remarks suggest, Macaulay was well acquainted with the subcontinent's rich landscape of multiple legalities and was particularly attuned to the challenges this legal plurality posed to British rule. At the same time, his observations serve as an astute testament to law's travels. Macaulay's speech addressed a range of politically charged issues, including allegations of scandal and corruption surrounding the East India Company's administration. By the end, however, he turned from justifying and defending Company pursuits to persuading an attentive Parliament about the necessity and merits of legal codification. Given Macaulay's unwavering belief in the superiority of Britain (and Europe)—most clearly articulated in his developmentalist analogy between “Europe then” and “India now”—the most plausible itinerary of law's movements was a unidirectional one: law originated in metropolitan London and moved outward to India and elsewhere. However, in advancing his case for codification, Macaulay inadvertently exposed many other laws and their respective circuits of travel. India was difficult to govern precisely because it was a terrain of legal mobility; the residues of other people, places, and times produced a polyglot existence of “Hindoo law, Mahometan law, Parsee law, English law, perpetually mingling with each other and disturbing each other.” What India needed most, Macaulay urged, was a systematized, standardized, and codified rule of law that was to be introduced and imposed by the British: “A code is almost the only blessing, perhaps it is the only blessing, which absolute governments are better fitted to confer on a nation than popular governments.”

“A handful of foreigners have shown China what they can do against murderous thousands, and it only remains for the Powers to stamp the lesson deeper, and exact punishment for the guilty and full compensation for losses sustained.”— W. Murray Graydon, The Perils of Pekin (1904)“To find something akin in its savage barbarity you must go back to Lucknow, where a mixed multitude shut up in the Residency were holding out against fearful odds in expectation of relief by Havelock’s Highlanders, resolved to perish of starvation rather than surrender, for the fate of Cawnpore stared them in the face. “It adds point to this parallel to remember that the Tartar rulers of China are cousin german to the Great Moghul who headed the Sepoy Mutiny. “It was some excuse for the King of Delhi that he was seeking to regain his throne. No such apology can be offered for the Empress Dowager of China. She has made war not without provocation, but wholly unjustifiable, on all nations of the civilized world.”— W. A. P. Martin, The Siege in Peking (1900)THIS ESSAY REVIEWS THE LITERARY PRODUCTION — primarily adventure novels, and several of them bestsellers — centered around the events of the 1900 Boxer Rebellion, in which a Chinese “secret society,” with the collusion of certain Manchu authorities, carried out a systematic attempt to annihilate all Westerners and “native Christians” living in China.1 The Boxers, so-called because their “superstitious” practices looked like magic boxing, swept across North China from the spring of 1900, eventually throwing much of the imperial capital of Peking (Beijing) into confusion.2 Forced to hole up in the Legations and other barricaded areas, the Westerners of the region joined forces under largely British leadership and fought against incredible odds to protect themselves, holding out until an international resistance force, led by the British, rescued them fifty-five days later, and the Rebellion subsided.3 Important as a turning point in Chinese international relations and as a mark of the increasing weakness of the central authority of the Middle Kingdom, the Boxer Rebellion served an even more important function with regard to British conceptualizations of the empire in its formal and informal forms. It threw into question non-interventionist trade strategies and underscored the tenuous nature of imperial authority both in formal colonies such as India (where fledgling nationalist movements were evolving) and in areas bordering on these formal colonies and largely dominated through foreign authority. (The central Chinese government, for instance, though not dependent on imports and loans to any great degree, at this point gathered all of its significant income from the British-led Imperial Maritime Customs Service.)

International audience The Book of Babur (Bâbur nâme) is a classical book in the cultural area from Uzbekistan to India. It is the autobiography of Babur, born as heir of agreat Timur dynasty, fallen in an almost destitution but recovering and conquest an empire which will be known as the Moghol empire, ruling India from his time – beginning of the XVIst century – up to mid XIXst century. The article presents the hypothesis concerning the meaning of this auto-justification work, including the approach of the sufism, the mystical shape of Islam in Central Asia whose Babur was a devotee. le Livre de Babur (Bâbur nâme) est un classique dans une aire culturelle allant de l’Ouzbékistan jusqu’à l’Inde. Il s’agit de l’autobiographie du princeBabur, héritier de la grande dynastie de Tamerlan, tombé dans un quasi dénuement mais qui va se ressaisir et fonder un empire qui sera connu comme l’empire Moghol, régnant sur l’Inde depuis le milieu du xvie siècle – jusqu’au milieu du xixe. L’article présente les hypothèses concernant le sens à donner à cette entreprise d’autojustification, y compris une approche du soufisme, la forme mystique de l’Islam en Asie centrale, dont Babur était un adepte. Книга Бабурa (Bâbur nâme) является классическим в области культуры, начиная от Узбекистана до Индии. Это автобиография принцаБабур, наследник великой династии Тамерлана, который упал в почти в нищете, но кто собирается взять себя в руки и создать империю, известную как империя великих Моголов, правящaя в Индии с середины XVI века до середины XIX. В статье представлены основные допущения в отношении смыслa этого проектa самооправдания, в том числе подход суфизма, формa мистического Ислама в центральной Азии, которого Бабур был последователем.

AbstractIt is only recently that the study of Indian history since the Muslim conquest, especially the Mughal period (1526-1857), has seen a fundamental change. No longer is this period viewed in the static terms of 'oriental society,' the perennial 'village community' and the unchangeable rigidities of caste and community. Instead full attention is now given to the dynamics of Indian society. Dirk Kolff's work has significantly contributed to this change of perspective. Focussing attention on India's 'armed peasantry' in its various guises of both sedentary 'ryots' and itinerant warriors, Kolff brings out the flexibility and dynamics of the Mughal world that was known to its European contemporaries as the 'flourishing Indies.' Even though traces may still be found in modern India, the price of modernity has been the loss of the flexible dynamics of the ancien régime . Ce n'est que récemment que l'étude de l'histoire de l'Inde depuis la conquête musulmane et particulièrement durant la période de l'empire moghol (1526-1857) a été essentiellement transformée. Au lieu d'utiliser des expressions qui suggèrent des conditions inchangées comme la "société orientale", la sempiternelle "communauté de village," et l'immuable "système des castes", la recherche examine actuellement les aspects dynamiques de la société indienne. A ce changement M. Dirk Kolff a de manière incisive contribué. Focalisant son attention sur la "paysannerie armée", il met en évidence le dynamisme de l'Inde moghole que les contemporains occidentaux appelaient "les Indes florissantes". On en trouve encore des traces dans l'Inde moderne, mais le prix de la modernité a été la perte irréparable de la dynamique flexible de l' ancien régime .

Abstract There are three objectives to writing this article as follow, First is to know the background of the rise of Moghul Empire, Second to know growth and fall of the Moghul Empire, and the last several Moghul legacies such as in the aspect of politic, social, art, etc.The founding father of Moghul Empire is Kutbu’ddin Aibak (1206-1211), who was able to establish Independence Islamic Kingdom of India. There are several ruler: Sultan Akbar, Syah Jahan, dan Aurangzib. Sultan Akbar has reputation as the ruler who was able to maintain stability of the empire as well as to combine the Islamic and Hindus civilization. Meanwhile Syah Jahan inherit some relics, such as the famous Taj Mahal.Other ruler Aurangzib was to expand his empire. But the generation after Aurangzib fail to maintain unity of his empire and Moghul breakdown to several independence kingdom. The Sepoy Mutiny in 1857 is the end of Moghul Empire. British replace Moghul Empire and occupied whole India until 1947.Keywords: Moghul Empire, Moghul inheritance, India.

The music for The Crown of India was written by Edward Elgar in 1912 to accompany an ‘Imperial Masque’ with a libretto by Henry Hamilton. The impresario Sir Oswald Stoll had commissioned Elgar to compose the Masque music for the lavish celebration of the coronation of King George V as Emperor of India as part of a larger entertainment in the Coliseum Theatre in St. Martin’s Lane. The Masque was part of an ample music-hall programme, involving shows as different as mime, pantomime and music. Elgar’s ‘Imperial Masque’ was meant to be an assertion of the British Empire, bringing to the London stage the crucial political happenings behind all the pageantry of the Delhi Durbar for the crowning of George V as Emperor of India in December 1911. This event had marked the climax of the only royal tour of India undertaken by a reigning King-Emperor and had caused much public excitement in England. The Durbar ceremony itself was an adaptation of a court ritual of the Mogul Empire, an event where the ruling princes used to meet to discuss politics and legislative changes. To listen to works such as Elgar’s The Crown of India (Opus 66), it is necessary to acknowledge that at the beginning of the 20th century the British nation believed in the Empire and in its concept.

The curtain rose. The howling of desert wind filled the performance hall in the Shanghai Grand Theatre. Into the center stage, where a scenic construction of a mountain cliff and a desert landscape was dimly lit, entered the character of the Daoist priest Wang Yuanlu (1849–1931), performed by Chen Yizong. Dressed in a worn and dusty outfit of dark blue cotton, characteristic of Daoist priests, Wang began to sweep the floor. After a few moments, he discovered a hidden chambre sealed inside one of the rock sanctuaries carved into the cliff.Signaled by the quick, crystalline, stirring wave of sound from the chimes, a melodious Chinese ocarina solo joined in slowly from the background. Astonished by thousands of Buddhist sūtra scrolls, wall paintings, and sculptures he had just accidentally discovered in the caves, Priest Wang set his broom aside and began to examine these treasures. Dawn had not yet arrived, and the desert sky was pitch-black. Priest Wang held his oil lamp high, strode rhythmically in excitement, sat crossed-legged in a meditative pose, and unfolded a scroll. The sound of the ocarina became fuller and richer and the texture of the music more complex, as several other instruments joined in.Below is the opening scene of the award-winning, theatrical dance-drama Dunhuang, My Dreamland, created by China’s state-sponsored Lanzhou Song and Dance Theatre in 2000. Figure 1a: Poster Side A of Dunhuang, My Dreamland Figure 1b: Poster Side B of Dunhuang, My DreamlandThe scene locates the dance-drama in the rock sanctuaries that today are known as the Dunhuang Mogao Caves, housing Buddhist art accumulated over a period of a thousand years, one of the best well-known UNESCO heritages on the Silk Road. Historically a frontier metropolis, Dunhuang was a strategic site along the Silk Road in northwestern China, a crossroads of trade, and a locus for religious, cultural, and intellectual influences since the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.). Travellers, especially Buddhist monks from India and central Asia, passing through Dunhuang on their way to Chang’an (present day Xi’an), China’s ancient capital, would stop to meditate in the Mogao Caves and consult manuscripts in the monastery's library. At the same time, Chinese pilgrims would travel by foot from China through central Asia to Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, playing a key role in the exchanges between ancient China and the outside world. Travellers from China would stop to acquire provisions at Dunhuang before crossing the Gobi Desert to continue on their long journey abroad. Figure 2: Dunhuang Mogao CavesThis article approaches the idea of “abroad” by examining the present-day imagination of journeys along the Silk Road—specifically, staged performances of the various Silk Road journey-themed dance-dramas sponsored by the Chinese state for enhancing its cultural and foreign policies since the 1970s (Kuang).As ethnomusicologists have demonstrated, musicians, choreographers, and playwrights often utilise historical materials in their performances to construct connections between the past and the present (Bohlman; Herzfeld; Lam; Rees; Shelemay; Tuohy; Wade; Yung: Rawski; Watson). The ancient Silk Road, which linked the Mediterranean coast with central China and beyond, via oasis towns such as Samarkand, has long been associated with the concept of “journeying abroad.” Journeys to distant, foreign lands and encounters of unknown, mysterious cultures along the Silk Road have been documented in historical records, such as A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Faxian) and The Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Xuanzang), and illustrated in classical literature, such as The Travels of Marco Polo (Polo) and the 16th century Chinese novel Journey to the West (Wu). These journeys—coming and going from multiple directions and to different destinations—have inspired contemporary staged performance for audiences around the globe.Home and Abroad: Dunhuang and the Silk RoadDunhuang, My Dreamland (2000), the contemporary dance-drama, staged the journey of a young pilgrim painter travelling from Chang’an to a land of the unfamiliar and beyond borders, in search for the arts that have inspired him. Figure 3: A scene from Dunhuang, My Dreamland showing the young pilgrim painter in the Gobi Desert on the ancient Silk RoadFar from his home, he ended his journey in Dunhuang, historically considered the northwestern periphery of China, well beyond Yangguan and Yumenguan, the bordering passes that separate China and foreign lands. Later scenes in Dunhuang, My Dreamland, portrayed through multiethnic music and dances, the dynamic interactions among merchants, cultural and religious envoys, warriors, and politicians that were making their own journey from abroad to China. The theatrical dance-drama presents a historically inspired, re-imagined vision of both “home” and “abroad” to its audiences as they watch the young painter travel along the Silk Road, across the Gobi Desert, arriving at his own ideal, artistic “homeland”, the Dunhuang Mogao Caves. Since his journey is ultimately a spiritual one, the conceptualisation of travelling “abroad” could also be perceived as “a journey home.”Staged more than four hundred times since it premiered in Beijing in April 2000, Dunhuang, My Dreamland is one of the top ten titles in China’s National Stage Project and one of the most successful theatrical dance-dramas ever produced in China. With revenue of more than thirty million renminbi (RMB), it ranks as the most profitable theatrical dance-drama ever produced in China, with a preproduction cost of six million RMB. The production team receives financial support from China’s Ministry of Culture for its “distinctive ethnic features,” and its “aim to promote traditional Chinese culture,” according to Xu Rong, an official in the Cultural Industry Department of the Ministry. Labeled an outstanding dance-drama of the Chinese nation, it aims to present domestic and international audiences with a vision of China as a historically multifaceted and cosmopolitan nation that has been in close contact with the outside world through the ancient Silk Road. Its production company has been on tour in selected cities throughout China and in countries abroad, including Austria, Spain, and France, literarily making the young pilgrim painter’s “journey along the Silk Road” a new journey abroad, off stage and in reality.Dunhuang, My Dreamland was not the first, nor is it the last, staged performances that portrays the Chinese re-imagination of “journeying abroad” along the ancient Silk Road. It was created as one of many versions of Dunhuang bihua yuewu, a genre of music, dance, and dramatic performances created in the early twentieth century and based primarily on artifacts excavated from the Mogao Caves (Kuang). “The Mogao Caves are the greatest repository of early Chinese art,” states Mimi Gates, who works to increase public awareness of the UNESCO site and raise funds toward its conservation. “Located on the Chinese end of the Silk Road, it also is the place where many cultures of the world intersected with one another, so you have Greek and Roman, Persian and Middle Eastern, Indian and Chinese cultures, all interacting. Given the nature of our world today, it is all very relevant” (Pollack). As an expressive art form, this genre has been thriving since the late 1970s contributing to the global imagination of China’s “Silk Road journeys abroad” long before Dunhuang, My Dreamland achieved its domestic and international fame. For instance, in 2004, The Thousand-Handed and Thousand-Eyed Avalokiteśvara—one of the most representative (and well-known) Dunhuang bihua yuewu programs—was staged as a part of the cultural program during the Paralympic Games in Athens, Greece. This performance, as well as other Dunhuang bihua yuewu dance programs was the perfect embodiment of a foreign religion that arrived in China from abroad and became Sinicized (Kuang). Figure 4: Mural from Dunhuang Mogao Cave No. 45A Brief History of Staging the Silk Road JourneysThe staging of the Silk Road journeys abroad began in the late 1970s. Historically, the Silk Road signifies a multiethnic, cosmopolitan frontier, which underwent incessant conflicts between Chinese sovereigns and nomadic peoples (as well as between other groups), but was strongly imbued with the customs and institutions of central China (Duan, Mair, Shi, Sima). In the twentieth century, when China was no longer an empire, but had become what the early 20th-century reformer Liang Qichao (1873–1929) called “a nation among nations,” the long history of the Silk Road and the colourful, legendary journeys abroad became instrumental in the formation of a modern Chinese nation of unified diversity rooted in an ancient cosmopolitan past. The staged Silk Road theme dance-dramas thus participate in this formation of the Chinese imagination of “nation” and “abroad,” as they aestheticise Chinese history and geography. History and geography—aspects commonly considered constituents of a nation as well as our conceptualisations of “abroad”—are “invariably aestheticized to a certain degree” (Bakhtin 208). Diverse historical and cultural elements from along the Silk Road come together in this performance genre, which can be considered the most representative of various possible stagings of the history and culture of the Silk Road journeys.In 1979, the Chinese state officials in Gansu Province commissioned the benchmark dance-drama Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, a spectacular theatrical dance-drama praising the pure and noble friendship which existed between the peoples of China and other countries in the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.). While its plot also revolves around the Dunhuang Caves and the life of a painter, staged at one of the most critical turning points in modern Chinese history, the work as a whole aims to present the state’s intention of re-establishing diplomatic ties with the outside world after the Cultural Revolution. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, it presents a nation’s journey abroad and home. To accomplish this goal, Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road introduces the fictional character Yunus, a wealthy Persian merchant who provides the audiences a vision of the historical figure of Peroz III, the last Sassanian prince, who after the Arab conquest of Iran in 651 C.E., found refuge in China. By incorporating scenes of ethnic and folk dances, the drama then stages the journey of painter Zhang’s daughter Yingniang to Persia (present-day Iran) and later, Yunus’s journey abroad to the Tang dynasty imperial court as the Persian Empire’s envoy.Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, since its debut at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People on the first of October 1979 and shortly after at the Theatre La Scala in Milan, has been staged in more than twenty countries and districts, including France, Italy, Japan, Thailand, Russia, Latvia, Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and recently, in 2013, at the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts in New York.“The Road”: Staging the Journey TodayWithin the contemporary context of global interdependencies, performing arts have been used as strategic devices for social mobilisation and as a means to represent and perform modern national histories and foreign policies (Davis, Rees, Tian, Tuohy, Wong, David Y. H. Wu). The Silk Road has been chosen as the basis for these state-sponsored, extravagantly produced, and internationally staged contemporary dance programs. In 2008, the welcoming ceremony and artistic presentation at the Olympic Games in Beijing featured twenty apsara dancers and a Dunhuang bihua yuewu dancer with long ribbons, whose body was suspended in mid-air on a rectangular LED extension held by hundreds of performers; on the giant LED screen was a depiction of the ancient Silk Road.In March 2013, Chinese president Xi Jinping introduced the initiatives “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his journeys abroad in Kazakhstan and Indonesia. These initiatives are now referred to as “One Belt, One Road.” The State Council lists in details the policies and implementation plans for this initiative on its official web page, www.gov.cn. In April 2013, the China Institute in New York launched a yearlong celebration, starting with "Dunhuang: Buddhist Art and the Gateway of the Silk Road" with a re-creation of one of the caves and a selection of artifacts from the site. In March 2015, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s top economic planning agency, released a new action plan outlining key details of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. Xi Jinping has made the program a centrepiece of both his foreign and domestic economic policies. One of the central economic strategies is to promote cultural industry that could enhance trades along the Silk Road.Encouraged by the “One Belt, One Road” policies, in March 2016, The Silk Princess premiered in Xi’an and was staged at the National Centre for the Performing Arts in Beijing the following July. While Dunhuang, My Dreamland and Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road were inspired by the Buddhist art found in Dunhuang, The Silk Princess, based on a story about a princess bringing silk and silkworm-breeding skills to the western regions of China in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) has a different historical origin. The princess's story was portrayed in a woodblock from the Tang Dynasty discovered by Sir Marc Aurel Stein, a British archaeologist during his expedition to Xinjiang (now Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region) in the early 19th century, and in a temple mural discovered during a 2002 Chinese-Japanese expedition in the Dandanwulike region. Figure 5: Poster of The Silk PrincessIn January 2016, the Shannxi Provincial Song and Dance Troupe staged The Silk Road, a new theatrical dance-drama. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, the newly staged dance-drama “centers around the ‘road’ and the deepening relationship merchants and travellers developed with it as they traveled along its course,” said Director Yang Wei during an interview with the author. According to her, the show uses seven archetypes—a traveler, a guard, a messenger, and so on—to present the stories that took place along this historic route. Unbounded by specific space or time, each of these archetypes embodies the foreign-travel experience of a different group of individuals, in a manner that may well be related to the social actors of globalised culture and of transnationalism today. Figure 6: Poster of The Silk RoadConclusionAs seen in Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road and Dunhuang, My Dreamland, staging the processes of Silk Road journeys has become a way of connecting the Chinese imagination of “home” with the Chinese imagination of “abroad.” Staging a nation’s heritage abroad on contemporary stages invites a new imagination of homeland, borders, and transnationalism. Once aestheticised through staged performances, such as that of the Dunhuang bihua yuewu, the historical and topological landscape of Dunhuang becomes a performed narrative, embodying the national heritage.The staging of Silk Road journeys continues, and is being developed into various forms, from theatrical dance-drama to digital exhibitions such as the Smithsonian’s Pure Land: Inside the Mogao Grottes at Dunhuang (Stromberg) and the Getty’s Cave Temples of Dunhuang: Buddhist Art on China's Silk Road (Sivak and Hood). 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