Academic literature on the topic 'Ending morpheme'

ABSTRACTThis study tested the diverging predictions of recent theories of children's learning of spelling regularities. We asked younger (Grades 1 and 2) and older (Grades 3 and 4) elementary school–aged children to choose the correct endings for words that varied in their morphological structure. We tested the impacts of semantic frequency by including three types of words ending in -er: derived and inflected forms, the first of which are far more frequent across the language, and one-morpheme control forms. Both younger and older children were more likely to choose the correct ending for derived forms over one-morpheme control words. This difference emerged for inflected forms only for the older children. We also tested the impacts of orthographic frequency by contrasting performance on the two derived allomorphs -er and -or, the first of which is far more frequent, and comparison one-morpheme forms. Both younger and older children were more likely to choose the correct spelling for the derivational -er over the same letter pattern in control words. This difference did not emerge in either group for the -or ending. The implications of these findings for current models of children's spelling development are discussed.

A phonological process in Norwegian takes morpheme-initial alveolar /t d n s/ to retroflex [ʈ ɖ ɳ ʂ] after a morpheme ending in the tap /ɾ/, a process which earlier descriptions in the literature have classified as obligatory. This paper reports on production experiments with both existing and novel words, which show that Norwegian speakers treat retroflexion of morpheme-initial /s/ as optional, and that they are more likely to apply retroflexion to a morpheme in /s-/ when the /s/ is followed by a consonant (/sC-/) than when the /s/ is followed by a vowel (/sV-/).

This study of “Morpheme Malay Riau Dialect Of Siak In The Village OfUnisow Subdistrict Sabak Auh Siak, Riau Province”. The problem in this research is how the morphemes are bound, which are in malay Riau Province? This study iams to collect, analyze, deserige and concluede morpheme bound contained in the Malay Riau dialect of Siak in the Village Of Unison Subdistrict Sabak Auh Siak Regency Of Riau Province. The main data souvees in dualitative research is the speech of informans who originated from the Malay Riau Dialect Of Siak In The Village Of Unision Subdististrict Sabak Auh Siak Regency Of Riau Province. The data obtained in this study is a morpheme gound to that contained in the utterance that is pronounced by the informant. The method that I use in the implementation of this research method descriptive. Data collection techniques this research uses observasion techniques, interviews, recordings, listen and record. From the results obtained it can be concluded that the morpheme malay Riau dialect of Siak in the village of unison Subdistrict Sabak Auh Siak regency of Riau Province consists of (1) Prefix (prefix), hit, search, split, divide, paint, crusty, hanging, gilard, forgetful, destroyer, for, will, (2) Infiks (insert), bars, cruising (3) suffixes (ending), love, reconcile, food, (4) confix (prefix and suffix), cleverness, planning, coming.

Abstract The paper focuses on new verbal formations in Slovene coined from borrowed nouns ending in -ing with the Slovenian morpheme -irati (e.g. šoping-irati) on the basis of analogous phonological and semantic structures in the language, and examines their spread in the sphere of informal language use. The word­formational potential of such verbs is further examined with the basic categories of cognitive grammar, such as morphemic transparency, schematicity of the word­formational pattern and the established status of the phonemic sequence *ingira* in the previously existing lexical units of the Slovene language.

“Stelele şi lalelele”: Essay of Micromonography of a Romanian Inflectional Class (I). This article is the first of a three-part study aimed at reconstructing the origin and the history of a sub-class of nouns that, from a Romance perspective, has been considered a distinctive feature of Romanian, as well as at bringing into discussion its current status. The object of the study is the sub-class of f nouns ending in the sg NA in stressed vowel, and with pl in -le. In this first part, the author lays out the matter, illustrating the distinctiveness of the morpheme f pl le with respect to Romance pl endings and describing the morphological traits of this class in contemporary Romanian as “radical theme” nouns, i.e. f nouns lacking a specific morpheme for sg NA (f√ ø). In preparation to the following two parts of the study, the author discusses here the Latin origin of f√ ø in Common Romanian, identifying the members of the sub-class directly inherited from Latin.

Much research suggests that words comprising more than one morpheme are decomposed into morphemes in the early stages of visual word recognition. In the present masked primed lexical decision study, we investigated whether or not decomposition occurs for both prefixed and suffixed nonwords and for nonwords which comprise a stem and a non-morphemic ending. Prime–target relatedness was manipulated in three ways: (1) primes shared a semantically transparent morphological relationship with the target (e.g., subcheap-CHEAP, cheapize-CHEAP); (2) primes comprised targets and non-affixal letter strings (e.g., blacheap-CHEAP, cheapstry-CHEAP); and (3) primes were real, complex words unrelated to the target (e.g., miscall-CHEAP, idealism-CHEAP). Both affixed and non-affixed nonwords significantly facilitated the recognition of their stem targets, suggesting that embedded stems are activated independently of whether they are accompanied by a real affix or a non-affix. There was no difference in priming between stems being embedded in initial and final string positions, indicating that embedded stem activation is position-independent. Finally, more priming was observed in the semantically interpretable affixed condition than in the non-affixed condition, which points to a semantic licensing mechanism during complex novel word processing.

Summary The purpose of this paper is to present a new interpretation of Dionysios Thrax’s original definition of diáthesis. Diáthesis was regarded as one of seven morphological categories of the (finite) verb of which there were two and only two formal variants, i.e., enérgeia “performance” and páthos “experience” (generally referred to as the active and middle sets of personal endings respectively). Diáthesis was manifested in the personal ending of the verb, whose function was to represent various properties of the ‘subject’, i.e., its person and number as well as its diáthesis “disposition” – or general thematic relation – to the verb. The morpheme for the diáthesis enérgeia “performance” exhibited the active set of personal endings as its ‘form’ and expressed the person and number of the subject as well as the fact that it ‘performed’ the predication as its ‘schematic’ meaning; the morpheme for the diáthesis páthos “experience” exhibited the middle set of personal endings as its ‘form’ and expressed the person and number of the subject as well as the fact that it ‘experienced’ the predication as its ‘schematic’ meaning. Moreover, just as the other Greek (and Roman) grammarians, so too was Dionysios Thrax well aware of instances in which there was a discrepancy between ‘form’ and ‘meaning’. Accordingly, he incorporated such ‘anomalies’ into his definition by mentioning four concrete examples and labeling them with his technical term mesótēs “middle”: the first two examples were active forms which exhibited the meaning of páthos, whereas the second two examples were middle forms which exhibited the meaning of enérgeia.

Polskie terminy tematyczny i atematyczny stosowane są do opisu fleksji nominalnej i werbalnej języka praindoeuropejskiego oraz starszych faz poszczególnych języków indoeuropejskich. W rozumieniu pierwszym termin atematyczny oznacza formacje, których morfem tematyczny jest morfemem zerowym, tzn. takie, w których po części leksykalnej następuje bezpośrednio końcówka fleksyjna, a termin tematyczny oznacza formacje, w których morfem tematyczny jest różny od zera. W rozumieniu drugim termin tematyczny oznacza formacje, które tuż przed końcówką mają samogłoskę tematyczną, którą rozumie się zazwyczaj jako pie. *-e/o- (niekiedy także jako *-ā-), a termin atematyczny oznacza formacje, które nie mają tej samogłoski. Część formacji jest atematyczna w obu rozumieniach (np. pie. *dóm(H)-Ø-s ‘dom’), część jednak jest atematyczna tylko w rozumieniu drugim, ale już nie w pierwszym (np. pie. *dóm(H)-u-s ‘dom’). Uzasadnienia rozumienia pierwszego szukać można w praindoeuropejskiej fleksji werbalnej, w której istnieje niewiele formacji mających morfem tematyczny inny niż *-e/o-. Uzasadnieniem rozumienia drugiego są różnice we fleksji formacji z morfemem *e/o- i bez niego. Dwuznaczność w rozumieniu terminów tematyczny i atematyczny możne być pośrednio spowodowana faktem, że oba terminy, z którymi się je wiąże – morfem tematyczny i samogłoska tematyczna – pochodzą od tego samego terminu temat; dwuznaczność jest mniejsza na przykład w języku angielskim, w którym analogiczne terminy pochodzą od dwóch różnych terminów podstawowych: stem (stąd ang. stem suffix) i theme (stąd ang. thematic vowel). Ambiguity of the terms thematic and athematic in Indo-European linguistics. Summary: The Polish terms tematyczny (‘thematic’) and atematyczny (‘athematic’) are used to describe nominal and verbal inflection of the Proto-Indo-European language and of the older phases of some individual Indo-European languages. In the first sense, the term atematyczny is used for formations whose stem morpheme is zero – that is, in which the lexical part is followed directly by the inflectional ending, while the term tematyczny is used for formations in which the stem morpheme is different from zero. In the second sense, the term tematyczny is used for formations that just before the ending have a thematic vowel, which is usually understood as PIE. *-e/o- (sometimes also as *-ā-), while the term atematyczny is used for formations that do not have this vowel. Some formations are thematic or athematic in both meanings (e.g. PIE. *dóm(H)-Ø-s ‘house’), and some are labelled as athematic only in the second meaning, but not in the first one (e.g. PIE. *dóm(H)-u-s ‘house’). Justifications for the first meaning can be found in Proto-Indo-European verbal inflection, in which there are few formations with a stem morpheme other than * -e/o-. Justifications for the second meaning are some differences in the inflection of formations with the *-e/o- morpheme and without it. The ambiguity in the understanding of the terms tematyczny and atematyczny in Polish may be indirectly due to the fact that both terms with which they are associated – morfem tematyczny (‘thematic morpheme’) and samogłoska tematyczna (‘thematic vowel’) – come from the same term temat ‘theme’; the ambiguity is less e.g. in English, where analogous terms come from two different basic terms: stem (hence stem suffix or stem morpheme) and theme (hence thematic vowel). Keywords: thematic, athematic, Proto-Indo-European, thematic vowel, stem morpheme

När en infödd talare av spanska med hög behärskningsnivå i svenska samtalar med en annan individ med liknande språkbakgrund är det inte sällan fraser som ”¿me pasarías la blåbärssylt?” (”kan du skicka blåbärssylten, tack?”) uppstår. Lexikaliskt inskott (eng. noun insertion), d.v.s. att skjuta in substantiv från andraspråket i för övrigt förstaspråksdominerat tal, är ett vanligt förekommande fenomen hos tvåspråkiga. Men vad händer när de två samspelande språken har asymmetriska genussystem som spanskans och svenskans? Vilket spanskt grammatiskt genus ska man då tillskriva de inskjutna svenska enheterna som ”blåbärssylt” i rubriken? Och vad är det som styr dessa val? Två hypoteser ställs upp för att försöka få svar på dessa frågor: genusvalet styrs i större utsträckning av det inskjutna substantivets ändelsemorfem, eller så styrs det i större utsträckning av dess översättningsmotsvarighet. För att testa dessa två hypoteser genomfördes ett experiment med 30 infödda spansktalare med svenska som andraspråk där de ombads attribuera ett spanskt grammatiskt genus, maskulinum eller femininum, till en del svenska substantiv i två olika uppgifter, en lucktext och en ordlista. Resultaten visade att både de olika stimuliordens ändelsemorfem och översättningsmotsvarighet spelade en signifikativ roll för val av grammatiskt genus, och att översättningsmotsvarighet hade en relativt större påverkan på genusvalet jämfört med ändelsemorfem. Detta kan eventuellt peka på att genus hos infödda spansktalare upplevs som en inherent egenskap hos själva referenten, med påtagliga konsekvenser för hur de ser på och tänker kring omvärlden.

In this chapter, I discuss the first graders’ spellings of inflected and derived words. The children in this study often misspelled inflected words (Chapter 2). One type of error that has already been documented is the omission of inflectional endings like the /s/ of books (Chapter 8). This chapter considers the children’s spellings of inflected and derived words in more detail. Before beginning the discussion, some definitions and examples are in order. In English, inflections are added to the ends of words to mark such things as tense and number. For example, helped contains the verb stem help plus the past tense inflectional suffix. I refer to the past tense suffix as -D. Helped contains two morphemes or units of meaning, help and -D. The inflected word books also contains two morphemes, the stem book and the plural suffix -Z. As these examples show, the addition of an inflectional suffix does not change a word’s part of speech. Derivations differ in several ways from inflections. For one thing, English derivational morphemes may be either prefixes or suffixes. One derivational prefix is re-, which may be added to the verb read to form reread. Derivational suffixes include -ion and -ly. Unlike inflections, derivations may change a word’s part of speech. For example, the noun vacation is derived from the verb vacate by the addition of-ion; the adjective facial is derived from the noun face by the addition of -ial. The relation in meaning between a stem and a derived form is often less transparent than the relation in meaning between a stem and an inflected form. For instance, one cannot predict the full meaning of vacation from the meaning of its parts. As discussed in Chapter 1, the spellings of inflected and derived words in English often represent the words’ morphemic forms rather than their phonemic forms. For example, the past tense suffix is /t/ in words like helped, whose stem ends with a voiceless consonant, but /d/ in words like cleaned, whose stem ends with a voiced consonant. The phonemic forms of stems, too, sometimes change when inflectional or derivational morphemes are added.

This chapter explains that Romaniote hymnography in south-eastern Europe reveals a three-stage development that is similar to the Italian experience. The early poets in Balkan Byzantium — Benjamin b. Samuel (11th c.) and his contemporaries, Isaac b. Judah, Benjamin b. Zeraḥ, and Samuel Ha-Kohen Memeli — imitated Solomon Ha-Bavli’s neo-classical revival practices. Like the Italian master, they generally built their hymns in a consistent word metre and with two-morpheme rhyme endings. They also favoured the Qilliric-style neologisms and allusions to rabbinic sources. The chapter then assesses the role of the rabbi-poet in Balkan Byzantium. It is likely that the Romaniote poet served as the congregational cantor. The chapter also discusses the role of Romaniote mysticism and folk practices in Romaniote hymnography.

This chapter creates an academically grounded argument for ‘misogynistic terrorism.’ It traces out a historical trajectory for this idea. It builds upon a much older legacy of ‘patriarchal terrorism,’ which examines a particular type of domestic abuse, one that is enduring, controlling, and dependent upon patriarchal structures. Overtime, different scholars have morphed the term and definition from patriarchal to intimate to everyday terrorism. With each turn, the idea of this form of terrorism broadened to include other forms of gender-based violence. Nevertheless, all of these violence were still dependent upon patriarchal structures and misogynist ideology. Misogynist terrorism goes even further by including the mass shootings in the US, where women are the disproportionate victims, and the rise of Incel violence.

Pain is described as being whatever the experiencing person says it is, and their perception of pain is determined by their mood and morale and the meaning of the pain for them. Cancer pain is common, and prevalence is related to the stage of the illness: 59% in patients undergoing treatment, and 64% in those with advanced disease. Pain is multi-causal and multidimensional, and a holistic, interdisciplinary approach to assessment is necessary, encompassing physical, psychological, social, and spiritual aspects of pain (together are ‘total pain’). A narrative approach to pain assessment is helpful, keeping the focus on the patient and their experience. Pain assessment tools can also be used to identify where pain is and how much it hurts. These include: pain body map, visual analogue scales (VAS), verbal rating scales (VRS), numerical rating scales (NRS), and Brief Pain Inventory (BPI). Classifications of pain include acute and chronic pain, nociceptive pain caused by the stimulation of nerve endings, and neuropathic pain caused by nerve dysfunction or compression. Analgesic drugs may be given according to the World Health Organization's pain relief ladder: step 1, non-opioid analgesics such as paracetamol and non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs; step 2, mild opioids like codeine with or without non-opioid analgesics; and step 3, strong opioids like morphine with or without non-opioid analgesics. Non-pharmacological interventions for pain management include transcutaneous electrical nerve stimulation (TENS), massage, distraction, relaxation, breathing exercises, comfort measures, and presence of the nurse. Effective communication at all stages of management is essential.

The city is humanity’s most enduring symbol of power. States and empires rise and fall, armies conquer and collapse, ideologies come and go, but the world’s great cities endure. If there is a force that can vanquish a city, it is natural, not artificial. Ancient cities that anchored early states in Southwest, South, and East Asia fell victim to climate change as deserts encroached on their hinterlands. Modern cities on low ground at the water’s edge would not survive the sea-level rise that could accompany sustained global warming. But no political upheaval or economic breakdown would end the life of a major city—not even destruction by atomic bombs. Hiroshima and Nagasaki were rebuilt because the advantages and opportunities offered by their sites and situations were unaltered by the catastrophes that struck them. Silk route terminal Chang’an morphed into Xian and Tenochtitlan became Mexico City because their locational benefits, sites, and regional networks outlasted their violent transitions. Not for nothing is Rome known as the Eternal City. With the maturation of the modern state came the notion of the “capital” city, focus of its administrative system and emblematic of its power. Cities had always dominated their hinterlands, but now their power radiated far afield. From Athens to Amsterdam and from Madrid to Moscow, these national capitals became imperial headquarters that launched colonial campaigns near and far. London was synonymous with this early wave of globalization, but Paris also lay at the heart of a global network of power and influence. In these capitals, cityscapes substantiated national achievements through elaborate palaces, columned government buildings, decorative triumphal arches, spacious parade routes, and commemorative statuary. Museums bulging with treasure attested further to the primacy of the culture, leading one observer, long ago but memorably, to designate such centers as “primate” cities (Jefferson, 1939). The trappings of this primacy reappeared in the architecture of colonial headquarters from Dakar to Delhi and from Luanda to Lima, incongruous Greco- Roman-Victorian-Iberian imprints on administrative offices, railroad stations, post offices, even prisons half a world away from Europe. More than ever before, the city in the global periphery was the locus of authority and transculturation.