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Journal articles on the topic 'England. Parliament. House of Lords'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 26 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Cox, Gary W. "The Development of a Party-Orientated Electorate in England, 1832–1918." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 2 (1986): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400003884.

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Modern British government is government by party leaders in Cabinet. It is still the ‘Crown in Parliament’ which formally takes or authorizes every legislative or administrative action, but of the three major components of the Crown in Parliament – the Commons, the Lords, and the Sovereign – the first is now virtually unchecked. The House of Lords can only minimally delay acts of the Commons, and both the Lords and the Monarch have long since lost their ability to veto (much less initiate) legislation. Since those in the Cabinet control the agenda of the House of Commons, since the Cabinet alm

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2

FORD, J. D. "Protestations to Parliament for Remeid of Law." Scottish Historical Review 88, no. 1 (2009): 57–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0036924109000584.

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The Articles of Union approved by the parliaments of Scotland and England in 1707 provided for the preservation of the private law of Scotland and for the determination of disputes arising north of the border in Scottish courts. At the same time, however, the Articles not only allowed for the amendment of the law by legislation enacted at Westminster but also left open the possibility of appeals being made to the British parliament against decisions delivered in Scottish courts. The Articles did not allow explicitly for appeals, but nor did they prohibit them, and dissatisfied litigants, by ex

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3

Marelja, Miran, and Valentino Kuzelj. "Evolucija fiskalnoga suvereniteta u Engleskoj." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no. 2 (2020): 509–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.4.

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History of parliamentary development is narrowly tied to the development of fiscal prerogatives of the legislature. This is especially pronounced in the origins and development of the English Parliament. Moreover, we can ascertain that the fight of “medieval taxpayers”, i.e. those partaking in the distribution of power in medieval feudal structures, foreshadows the very foundation of the English Parliament and its precursors – the “assemblies of King’s servants”. In that sense, medieval England’s earliest constitutional documents espouse mechanisms limiting Crown’s autocracy. Later on, the inv

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4

Dingle, Lesley, and Bradley Miller. "A summary of recent constitutional reform in the United Kingdom." International Journal of Legal Information 33, no. 1 (2005): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500004650.

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The United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland consists of four countries: England, Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. Legislative competence for the UK resides in the Westminster Parliament, but there are three legal systems (England and Wales, Northern Ireland, and Scotland) with separate courts and legal professions. These legal systems have a unified final court of appeal in the House of Lords. The Isle of Man, and the two Channel Islands (Guernsey and Jersey) are not part of the UK, but possessions of the crown. Although their citizens are subject to the British Nationality A

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5

Gill, Sean. "‘In a Peculiar Relation to Christianity’: Anglican Attitudes to Judaism in the Era of Political Emancipation, 1830-1858." Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 399–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011438.

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Between 1830 and 1858 fourteen attempts were made to remove the words ‘on the true faith of a Christian’ from the oath required of new Members and thereby to allow Jews to gain admission to Parliament. After 1833, when a bill was passed in the Commons, all proposals for reform foundered on opposition in the Lords. Speaking against Jewish emancipation in the Upper House on 1 August 1833, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr Howley, made it clear that the issue was not one on which the Church of England could remain indifferent. In contrast to other religions, he argued, Judaism stood ‘in a peculiar

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6

Grimley, Matthew. "The Fall and Rise of Church and State? Religious History, Politics and the State in Britain, 1961–2011." Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 491–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002308.

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In trying to trace the development of church-state relations in Britain since 1961, one encounters the difficulty that conceptions of both ‘church’ and ‘state’ have changed radically in the half-century since then. This is most obviously true of the state. The British state in 1961 was (outside Stormont-governed Northern Ireland) a unitary state governed from London. It still had colonies, and substantial overseas military commitments. One of its Houses of Parliament had until three years before been (a few bishops and law-lords apart) completely hereditary. The prime minister controlled all s

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7

LOFT, PHILIP. "LITIGATION, THE ANGLO-SCOTTISH UNION, AND THE HOUSE OF LORDS AS THE HIGH COURT, 1660–1875." Historical Journal 61, no. 4 (2017): 943–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x17000346.

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AbstractThis article examines the role of the House of Lords as the high court from the Restoration of 1660 to the passage of the Appellate Jurisdiction Act in 1876. Throughout this period, lay peers and bishops judged appeals on civil law from the central courts of England and Wales, Ireland (aside from between 1783 and 1800), and Scotland after the Union of 1707. It has long been known that the revolution of 1688–9 transformed the ability of parliament to pass legislation, but the increased length and predictability of parliamentary sessions was of equal significance to the judicial function

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8

Christianson, Paul. "Arguments on billeting and martial law in the parliament of 1628." Historical Journal 37, no. 3 (1994): 539–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014874.

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ABSTRACTDebates over billeting and martial law arose in the parliament of 1628 in conjunction with such other grievances as the forced loan and discretionary imprisonment employed by royal servants from 1626 onward to keep alive the war effort against the monarchs of Spain and France. Both houses dealt with billeting rather quickly, the Lords by resolving a dispute among magistrates and military officers in Banbury, Oxfordshire, and the Commons by hearing general and particular complaints from civilians, expelling a member who signed an order for billeting, and petitioning the king. Attacks up

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9

Brownhill, Charlotte. "Wentworth's ‘eye of the Court’: Sir George Radcliffe's management of the Irish parliaments of Charles I's reign.^*." Parliamentary History 43, no. 3 (2024): 276–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12763.

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AbstractSir Thomas Wentworth (later earl of Strafford) has often been portrayed as an isolated figure working in Ireland, as lord deputy and then lord lieutenant, for the good of the crown. In reality, he had a tried and tested support system that developed throughout the 1620s in England and was implemented in the 1630s in Ireland. In the Irish Parliament of 1634–35, Wentworth relied heavily upon Sir George Radcliffe to generate and maintain support for governmental policy. He was an important conduit of information to Wentworth, assessing the mood of the House, acting as a controller of deba

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10

Edwards, Denis J. "The Treaty of Union: more hints of constitutionalism." Legal Studies 12, no. 1 (1992): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1992.tb00455.x.

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The Court of Session decision in Pringle, Petitioner again raises the issue of what constitutional effect, if any, is to be attributed to the Treaty of Union between Scotland and England. Specifically, is it competent for the Court of Session to find that an Act or a provision in an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament is invalid because of an inconsistency with an Article of the Treaty of Union as enacted in Scots law by the former Scottish Parliament in the Union With England Act 1707 (c 7)? This is the first case since MacCormick v Lord Advocate in which the Inner House of the Court of Sess

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Turnbull, Michael T. R. B. "Lord George Gordon: Politics, Religion and Slavery." Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 10, no. 1 (2024): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.10.1.5.

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Lord George Gordon (1751‐1793), was son of Cosmo George, third Duke of Gordon and Katherine Duchess of Gordon. His mother remarried Staats Long Morris, an American soldier and politician, who inculcated in Gordon an admiration of America, particularly during his naval service based in America and a long posting in Jamaica where he experienced the cruelty of slavery under British rule. Gordon left the navy under a cloud and entered parliament in 1774 under demeaning circumstances, voting for the Opposition where he launched a series of attacks on the government of Lord North. In 1780, he marche

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Hertzler, James R. "Who Dubbed It “The Glorious Revolution?”." Albion 19, no. 4 (1987): 579–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049475.

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It was not very glorious at first, at least to many English people of the late seventeenth century. With a king of undoubted legitimacy squeezed out and a new, albeit related monarch installed and recognized by Parliament, the transaction shook government, nation and church alike. It left Jacobite and non-juring splinters all round. The Revolution, happening in fulfillment of ideals of exclusionist Whigs, did not entirely satisfy those partisans, who soon learned that they could not control their masterful king, William III. As for the Tories, their consciences ached due to their resistance to

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13

HAIGH, CHRISTOPHER, and ALISON WALL. "CLERGY JPs IN ENGLAND AND WALES, 1590–1640." Historical Journal 47, no. 2 (2004): 233–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04003693.

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In the 1621 parliament members of the House of Commons clashed with the king over the issue of clergy as JPs: there were suggestions that no clergyman should sit as a JP, or that only bishops and deans should be appointed. Why were there complaints at that time, and were they justified? Was the nomination of clergy as justices an element in ‘the rise of clericalism’? This analysis of clergy JPs between 1590 and 1640 shows that they had been increasing slowly in number from 1590, and more rapidly towards 1617 under Lord Chancellor Ellesmere. But the major expansion in their ranks came under his

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14

Kelly, Patrick. "Sir Richard Bolton and the authorship of ‘A declaration setting forth how, and by what means, the laws and statutes of England, from time to time came to be of force in Ireland’, 1644." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 137 (2006): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004685.

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The seventeenth-century tradition that the Irish lord chancellor, Sir Richard Bolton, was the author of the 1644 Declaration asserting the legislative independence of the Irish parliament has long been considered unreliable. Following the arguments of the Declaration’s eighteenth-century editor, Walter Harris, it has been usual to attribute the work to the Catholic lawyer Patrick Darcy, author of An argument delivered … by the express order of the House of Commons … 9. Iunii 1641 (Waterford, 1643).

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Stępkowski, Aleksander. "KSZTAŁTOWANIE SIĘ MIESZANEGO SYSTEMU SZKOCKIEGO PRAWA PRYWATNEGO W XIX I XX WIEKU." Zeszyty Prawnicze 2, no. 1 (2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2012.2.1.02.

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FORMATION OF THE MIXED SYSTEM OF SCOTTISH PRIVATE LAW DURING 19™AND 20™ CENTURIES(Summary) This paper présents development of Scots law as a mixed jurisdiction in 19th and 20th centuries. This spécifie mixture of légal cultures which is Scots law, owes most of its peculiarity to, variable in its character, relationships with England and its precedent based legal culture. English influence on Scottish private law become predominant in 19th century, as an effect of advancement of internal integration within United Kingdome.Scots law - as described in 18th century classical legal treaties - was i

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Wegemer, Gerard. "Rule of law vs. tyranny: did Thomas More and Archbishop Warham fail on May 13–16, 1532?" Moreana 62, no. 1 (2025): 1–40. https://doi.org/10.3366/more.2025.0174.

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This article invites continued reassessment of who succeeded and who failed in the confrontation between Henry VIII and the leading lawyers of Church and State—along with a reassessment of what standard of “success” historians have chosen. In a narrative review of events from 1532 to 1535, this article argues that Lord Chancellor More and Archbishop Warham opposed Henry’s illegal actions, doing all they could within the law to oppose them. Warham’s final defiance resulted in an uncompromising defense of English law that invoked his predecessor Thomas Becket twenty-eight times—continuing the re

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Lefterova-Stoycheva, Tatyana. ""“The climbing boys” and the English society in the Industrial age: public pressure and legislative changes"." Lyuboslovie 21 (November 22, 2021): 56–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.46687/teuz8225.

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The practice of the climbing boys in the business of sweeping chimneys was spread in England during the Industrial Age (18th - 19th c.). The question of boys’ exploitation is part of the problem of child labour, but it precedes and outlives the overall child exploitation in the factories and mines. This is a sphere where the English society demonstrates conservatism and reluctance to change the attitude to the children of the poor families. The needed legislation was postponed and cost several generations of miserable and deprived boys, losing their health, and often their lives in the chimney

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18

Laws, John. "A Judicial Perspective on The Sacred in Society." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 34 (2004): 317–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00005408.

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The primary virtue of establishment is the Church's duty under law to minister to anyone at all who may turn to it, including the ungodliest. Establishment does not imply a religious State, that is a State whose law requires subservience by the citizens to the State religion; if it did, it would be barbarous (but contrast the Black Rubric in the Book of Common Prayer). Establishment does not entail State control of the Church. The legal characteristics of establishment are as follows. (1) The law of the Church of England is part of the law of the land. (2) Bishops and some other office-holders

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Cox, Noel. "BLACK V. CHRÉTIEN AND THE CONTROL OF THE ROYAL PREROGATIVE." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 12, no. 1, 2 & 3 (2011): 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c94m3j.

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Conrad Black, a prominent publisher and businessman in both Canada and the United Kingdom, submitted his name for one of the peerages to be created for the new-model House of Lords following the House of Lords Act 1999.1 The rights and duties of peers depend entirely upon custom.2 The principal legal distinction of British peers is — or was — their right to sit and vote in Parliament.3 Not all peers however were Lords of Parliament (principally the Irish peers not also possessing another peerage entitling them to a seat), and some Lords of Parliament, the bishops, are not peers.4 Essentially,

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20

DeLuna, D. N. "Shaftesbury, Locke, and Their Revolutionary Letter? [Corrigendum]." Locke Studies 18 (December 8, 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/ls.2018.6177.

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A correction of an article originally published in vol 17 (2017). In 1675, the anonymous Letter to a Person of Quality was condemned in the House of Lords and ordered to be burned by the public hangman. A propagandistic work that has long been attributed to Anthony Ashley Cooper, 1st Earl of Shaftesbury, and less certainly to his secretary John Locke, it traduced hard-line Anglican legislation considered in Parliament that year—namely the Test Bill, proposing that office-holders and MPs swear off political militancy and indeed any efforts to reform the Church and State. Careful examinati

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21

McCulloch, Derek. "The Musical Oeuvre of Willoughby Bertie, 4th Earl of Abingdon (1740–99)." Royal Musical Association Research Chronicle 33 (2000): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14723808.2000.10540989.

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Willoughby Bertie was born in Gainsborough on January 16th 1740. Gainsborough was a family seat on his mother's side. Why his birth should have occurred there, rather than at the paternal family seat at Rycote in Oxfordshire, is not known. In November 1745 a fire destroyed the Great House at Rycote; Willoughby's elder brother James, the heir to the title and the estate, died in the fire and Willoughby became the heir to the earldom. Otherwise very little is known. He attended Westminster School, proceeding to matriculation at Magdalen College Oxford in January 1759, and by the time he had take

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22

Bradley, James E. "The Anglican Pulpit, the Social Order, and the Resurgence of Toryism during the American Revolution." Albion 21, no. 3 (1989): 361–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050086.

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“And now the new system of government came into being. For the first time since the accession of the House of Hanover, the Tory party was in the ascendant.” So wrote Lord Macaulay concerning the early years of George III's reign. In Macaulay's essay on the earl of Chatham one can find all the elements of the Whig myth of the reign of George III. Most of these ideas have been safely laid to rest by Sir Lewis Namier and modern research; we now know that there was neither a new system of government at the accession of the king nor anything resembling a Tory party. George III was not the tyrant de

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23

Meggitt, Gary. "A British Bundesrat? The Brown Commission and the Future of the House of Lords." Amicus Curiae 4, no. 3 (2023): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.14296/ac.v4i3.5614.

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Reform of the House of Lords has occupied the minds of politicians, civil servants and academics for over a century. In late 2022, the Labour Party published a proposal for the replacement of the Lords with a new, democratically elected, Assembly of the Nations and Regions. This proposed Assembly resembles, at least superficially, the German Bundesrat. The author reviews the history of Lords reform, examines Labour’s proposals, compares the envisioned Assembly with the Bundesrat and concludes that the former will be found wanting. Keywords: United Kingdom; Germany; constitutional law; Pa

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Perry, Jen, Paul Lomax, Fiona Taylor, Susan Howson, and Kathleen McCurdy. "The Parliamentary Scholar Scheme: a way to engage doctors in healthcare policy and politics." BJPsych Bulletin 44, no. 3 (2019): 103–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjb.2019.76.

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SummaryThe Royal College of Psychiatrists’ Parliamentary Scholar Scheme gives higher trainees in psychiatry the opportunity to spend 1 day a week in the House of Lords working alongside a peer with an interest in health. This article describes the work of the House of Lords and Parliament using examples from the experiences of 2017–2018 scholars and outlines ways doctors can get more involved in policy and politics.

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Stone, Ian R. "The Franklin search in Parliament." Polar Record 32, no. 182 (1996): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400025109.

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ABSTRACTThe record of Parliamentary proceedings relating to the Franklin search covers the period 1848–1863. The main subject of discussion was the need for the government to mount search expeditions, while topics such as rewards for successful expeditions and the question of the provision of monuments to Sir John Franklin also occupied Parliamentary time. Interest in the matter among Members of Parliament crossed party boundaries. Most of the activity was in the House of Commons rather than in the House of Lords, because the former House had control of expenditure. A further reason was that t

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Ramsbottom, John, William B. Bidwell, and Maija Jansson. "Proceedings in Parliament 1626, Vol. 1: House of Lords." Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 3 (1992): 612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542529.

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27

Jaeschke, Andrzej. "Brytyjska Izba Lordów na przełomie XIX i XX wieku... Ewolucja pozycji w systemie politycznym." Annales Universitatis Paedagogicae Cracoviensis. Studia Politologica 24, no. 324 (2021): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/20813333.24.9.

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The paper concerns the evolution of the political position of the House of Lords until the end of the 19thcentury. The author presents the time of stabilisation of the relations of the two parliamentary chambers andidentifies its causes. He also discusses the increasing disruption of relations between the two chambers ofthe British Parliament following from electoral reforms and, consequently, the decomposition of the hithertounified conservative political environment and the emergence of liberal forces. This resulted in increasinglystrong ideological and political rivalry between the conserva

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Holt, T. Geoffrey. "‘A College of Jesuits’ at Holbeck in Nottinghamshire." Recusant History 19, no. 4 (1989): 484–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020434.

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‘Upon information given to this House that at Holbeck in Nottinghamshire is a settled College of Jesuits and a library of Books belonging to them worth about a Thousand Pounds, which is not fit to remain there: It is Ordered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament assembled that the Lords with White Staves do attend His Majesty humbly to desire him from this House “that His Majesty will be pleased to give Orders that One or more of the Messengers … may be sent to seize and bring away the said Books to be disposed of as His Majesty shall think fit”! (Die Jovis, 27 die Martii, 1679, 31

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29

Hayter, P. D. G. "The Parliamentary Monitoring of Science and Technology in Britain." Government and Opposition 26, no. 2 (1991): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01130.x.

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THROUGHOUT THE TWENTIETH CENTURY THE HOUSE OF Lords has been looking for a role. It lost its original power base with the decline in influence of the landed aristocracy and the growth of the party system. At the same time the composition of the House became increasingly difficult to justify; membership based on the accidents of birth no longer seemed an adequate justification for the right to legislate or to overrule the people's elected representatives.The Parliament Act 1911, which took away the Lords' absolute right to veto legislation, promised reform. But nothing happened. In 1968 the Lab

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Schonhardt-Bailey, Cheryl. "Nonverbal contention and contempt in U.K. parliamentary oversight hearings on fiscal and monetary policy." Politics and the Life Sciences 36, no. 1 (2017): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pls.2017.7.

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In parliamentary committee oversight hearings on fiscal policy, monetary policy, and financial stability, where verbal deliberation is the focus, nonverbal communication may be crucial in the acceptance or rejection of arguments proffered by policymakers. Systematic qualitative coding of these hearings in the 2010–15 U.K. Parliament finds the following: (1) facial expressions, particularly in the form of anger and contempt, are more prevalent in fiscal policy hearings, where backbench parliamentarians hold frontbench parliamentarians to account, than in monetary policy or financial stability h

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31

Shenton, Caroline. "The Historic Records of the Judicial Function of the UK Parliament." Legal Information Management 11, no. 1 (2011): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669610000964.

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AbstractThis article by Caroline Shenton, Clerk of the Records at the Parliamentary Archives, describes the rich legacy of records relating to the judicial function of the House of Lords from the sixteenth century to 2009, when the new Supreme Court was established.

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Bochel, Hugh, and Andrew Defty. "Power without Representation? The House of Lords and Social Policy." Social Policy and Society 9, no. 3 (2010): 367–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746410000084.

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In the past the House of Lords has generally, and arguably for good reasons, been ignored in discussions of the making and scrutiny of welfare. However, it has always played some role in this field, particularly in the scrutiny and passage of legislation, and since the removal of the bulk of hereditary Peers in 1999, some writers have argued that the House has become more assertive. This article examines the attitudes of Peers, including a comparison with the views of Members of Parliament, and draws a number of conclusions about the role of the upper House in relation to social policy.

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Susloparova, Elena Alekseevna. "DEBATE “ON SOCIALISM” IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM IN 1935." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL, no. 2023, №1 (June 5, 2023): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-1-89-108.

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Th e author focuses on a one-of-a-kind debate “On Socialism”, which took place in the House of Lords of the British Parliament in the spring of 1935. For a long time, the upper chamber served as a barrier to the implementa-tion of bold social and political legislation. Until the beginning of the 20th century socialists had never been represented in the Parliament. As the Labor Party came into political spotlight and gradually strengthened its positions in the 1920s–1930s, the House of Lords was forced to adapt its composition to changing reali-ties. In 1924, the Labor faction was formed here f

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Hare, Christopher. "FORUM-SHOPPING: FROM RUSSIA WITH LOVE." Cambridge Law Journal 59, no. 3 (2000): 421–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000819730034020x.

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RECENT years have witnessed considerable controversy over the principles that determine when a court has jurisdiction to hear claims against foreign publishers who circulate defamatory material in several jurisdictions, including England. This is the situation that arose in the recent decision of the House of Lords in Berezovsky v. Michaels [2000] 1 W.L.R. 1004. In 1996 Forbes Magazine, a company incorporated in the United States, published an article about certain activities in Russia of two prominent businessmen, Mr. Berezovsky and Mr. Glouchkov, who were resident in Russia. The magazine con

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Lawrence QC, Sir Ivan. "PUNISHMENT WITHOUT LAW: HOW ENDS JUSTIFY THE MEANS IN MARITAL RAPE." Denning Law Journal 18, no. 1 (2012): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v18i1.306.

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In marital rape cases, the appellate courts have either ignored or dismissed established principles of law: that Parliament is sovereign and alone can make new laws, and that the House of Lords cannot change laws in contradiction to the clear intention of Parliament. Now, the courts are developing a test of forseeability, that not only defeats the rule against retrospectivity but goes further to defy common-sense, thus proving, in this area of the law that, ends justify the means.

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Mullen, Tom. "Reflections on Jackson v Attorney General: questioning sovereignty." Legal Studies 27, no. 1 (2007): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.2006.00038.x.

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This paper, which is based on a paper given at a seminar held at the University of Glasgow in November 2005, discusses the sovereignty of Parliament in the light of the decision of the House of Lords in Attorney General v Jackson, which considered the question of whether the Parliament Act 1949 and the Hunting Act 2004 were valid Acts of Parliament. The paper begins by explaining the background to the litigation, before going on to summarise the decision. Next, it briefly analyses the preliminary issues of standing and jurisdiction involved in the case, before going on to consider how the poli

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HARRIS, FRANCES. "Parliament and Blenheim Palace: The House of Lords Appeal of 1721*." Parliamentary History 8, no. 1 (2008): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1750-0206.1989.tb00421.x.

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Donnelly, Lois Catrin. "Beetroot soup in the House of Lords: My fellowship at Parliament." Psych-Talk 1, no. 94 (2019): 8–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpstalk.2019.1.94.8.

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Howarth, David. "Negligence After Murphy: Time to Re-Think." Cambridge Law Journal 50, no. 1 (1991): 58–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197300099499.

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After a decade of adventure, Anns v. Merton Borough Council has been killed off. The case that seemed to many to be the most important statement of the law of negligence in England since Donoghue v. Stevenson has been finally done to death by a specially augmented House of Lords in Murphy v. Brentwood District Council?For the House of Lords openly to overrule one of its own previous decisions is itself an event rare enough to deserve comment. But when the Law Lords, by 7–0, declare unsound a case that has been cited in 189 English cases in only 13 years (and until recently mostly with approval

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Masood, Ali S., and Monica E. Lineberger. "United Kingdom, United Courts? Hierarchical Interactions and Attention to Precedent in the British Judiciary." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 3 (2019): 714–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919853368.

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Most empirical examinations of hierarchical interactions among the courts are limited to a single judiciary, the American courts. A significant puzzle that remains is the extent to which lower courts in comparative environments follow the legal pronouncements of their court of last resort. We confront this shortcoming by examining lower court adherence to the precedents of the House of Lords in the United Kingdom. As the Law Lords in the United Kingdom primarily oversee a single lower court, the Court of Appeal of England and Wales, this design provides a unique opportunity to assess the facto

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Yildizeli, Fahriye Begum. "THE TURKISH WAR OF INDEPENDENCE IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES (1918-1922)." Avrasya Uluslararası Araştırmalar Dergisi 13, no. 42 (2025): 481–99. https://doi.org/10.33692/avrasyad.1618957.

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In the British political system, the Parliament, consisting of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, has always been a leading legal authority in both the administration of the country and the determination of foreign policy. Since the nineteenth century, when the British Empire was experiencing its golden age, the Ottoman Empire has had a large place in British politics, which has been shaped by imperialist interests and orientalist discourses. In the early years of the twentieth century, Turkish-British relations, which entered a process of rupture due to developments in the Balkans a

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Kelsey, Sean. "The Ordinance for the trial of Charles I." Historical Research 76, no. 193 (2003): 310–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00178.

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Abstract During the English civil wars, parliament passed legislation in the form of ordinances – statute laws not requiring the king's assent. In late December 1648 a rump house of commons drafted an Ordinance for the trial of Charles I. Its rejection by the house of lords prompted the Commons to assume the power to legislate alone. The abortive Ordinance and the more famous Act for the trial of the king differ in ways which lend minor additional insights into the struggles at Westminster which complicated the task of bringing Charles I to justice.

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Thomson, Murdoch. "PARLIAMENTARY PRIVILEGE IN R V WHITE (LORD HANNINGFIELD) 2016 ALL EQUAL BEFORE THE LAW?" Denning Law Journal 29, no. 1 (2017): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v29i1.1406.

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Enshrined within the Bill of Rights of 1689, parliamentary privilege continues to act as a guarantor of democracy and parliamentary supremacy, by providing a shield from unwarranted interference from the executive, the courts and others. Central to the constitutional arrangement of the United Kingdom, the functions and works of Parliament is of paramount importance. Parliamentarians, including Members of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, when conducting public duties must be safeguarded to ensure the discharge of such parliamentary business is conducted to the highest possible stand

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Franks, C. E. S. "Reforming Parliamentary Democracy." Canadian Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (2004): 1019–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423904210216.

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Reforming Parliamentary Democracy, F. Leslie Seidle and David C. Docherty, eds., Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003, pp. vii, 246This book derives from a conference held by the Canadian Study of Parliament Group at which distinguished persons discussed the efforts for reform in Westminster style parliamentary democracies. Topics covered include: second chambers (the British House of Lords, South Africa); proportional representation (New Zealand); the role of the Crown (Australia); political rights and representation of aboriginal peoples (New Zealand and Canada); an

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Knights, Mark. "The History of Parliament: The House of Lords, 1660–1715, ed. Ruth Paley." English Historical Review 134, no. 566 (2018): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey368.

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Cranmer, Frank. "Parliamentary Report." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 13, no. 3 (2011): 344–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x11000457.

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The long-awaited proposals for the final (?) reform of the House of Lords were published on 15 May. Though the draft Bill envisages a House with 240 elected members and 60 appointed members nominated by a statutory Appointments Commission and recommended for appointment by the Prime Minister, the White Paper states explicitly that ‘it is a draft and we will consider options including a wholly elected House’. Probably the key proposal for readers of this Journal is that a maximum of 12 Church of England bishops would sit ex officiis in the reformed House, in addition to the 60 appointed members

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Bunting, Kristin. "Estoppel by Convention and Pre-Contractual Understandings: The Position and Practical Consequences." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 42, no. 3 (2011): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v42i3.5120.

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Recently, the House of Lords held in Chartbrook Ltd v Persimmon Homes Ltd that an understanding or common assumption reached by contracting parties in the course of their pre-contractual negotiations, including "an assumption that certain words will bear a certain meaning" can provide the basis for an estoppel by convention claim. This was reaffirmed by the New Zealand Supreme Court in Vector Gas Ltd v Bay of Plenty Energy Ltd. Both the House of Lords and the Supreme Court assumed that this was well established. Given that the issue was unsettled in England and with two divergent lines of auth

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Kevers, Laetitia. "Re-establishing Class Privilege: The Ideological Uses of Middle and Working-Class Female Characters in Downton Abbey." Anglica. An International Journal of English Studies, no. 26/1 (September 11, 2017): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/0860-5734.26.1.14.

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This paper argues that the British period drama Downton Abbey, which aired between 2010 and 2015 and encountered worldwide success, uses working class and middle-class female characters to promote the aristocracy and conservative ideas, while hiding behind historical accuracy and seemingly progressive patterns of behaviour. Through a close reading of four female characters, I will demonstrate how the series’ author, Julian Fellowes, uses the show to endorse his own political agenda, as a Conservative member of the House of Lords in the British Parliament.

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Lufi, Simon, and Marsel Nilaj. "The Kosovo War In The British Parliament Talks In 1999." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 17 (2016): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n17p24.

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The Kosovo War in the 1990s was one among a series of wars in the former Yugoslav federation. It was the final war that ended the dissolution which had started with Slovenia from1990 to 1991, Croatia and Bosnia - Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995 and the Kosovo War from 1998 to 1999. However, the Kosovo war happened during a different situation and period. It was at a time and in a position to cause the domino effect in the Balkans and an outbreak of wars in a large part of the Balkans. This fight could include Albania and Macedonia as nations with an ethnic Albanian population. It could also have

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Loft, Philip. "Involving the Public: Parliament, Petitioning, and the Language of Interest, 1688–1720." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 1 (2016): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.176.

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AbstractThis article examines the nature of petitioning to the Westminster Parliament from the beginnings of the “rage of party” to the establishment of the whig oligarchy. It uses the largely unused archive of the House of Lords, which survived the parliamentary fire in 1834, to provide systematic evidence of public subscription to petitions produced in response to legislation. A total of 330 “large responsive petitions,” signed by fifty-six thousand people, were presented to the Lords between 1688 and 1720. This enabled a wide range of social and geographical groups to lobby Parliament. Parl

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