Academic literature on the topic 'English Parliamentarism'
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Journal articles on the topic "English Parliamentarism"
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Pashentsev, Dmitriy A., and Lyubov B. Sitdikova. "On the First European Parliament: The Development of Estate Representative Authorities in England and Spain in the XII to the XIII Centuries." History of state and law 12 (December 3, 2020): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2020-12-55-60.
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It is almost a commonplace that the first European Parliament was the English one. England is a recognized homeland of parliamentarism, democracy, human rights and constitutionalism. These qualities are attributed to England since the adoption of the Magna Carta. But is it a true? This article provides a comparative analysis of the two European parliaments, the English and the Spanish.
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Leng, Thomas. "The Meanings of “Malignancy”: The Language of Enmity and the Construction of the Parliamentarian Cause in the English Revolution." Journal of British Studies 53, no. 4 (October 2014): 835–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2014.109.
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AbstractThis article deconstructs a character that was ubiquitous within parliamentarian pamphlet literature in the English civil war: the “malignant,” whose “party” had been identified in the Grand Remonstrance of December 1641 as conspiring to destroy parliament and the true religion. Thereafter, the existence of this party became central to parliamentarian justifications of the war effort and to the activities of radical extra-parliamentary activists. The malignant thus became bound up in contests within the parliamentarian coalition, something reflected by the issuing of new remonstrances by London's Presbyterians, Levellers, and the New Model Army, each of which hinged on the identification of a new enemy. Despite these efforts, the specter of the malignant continued to haunt parliamentarian discourse after the regicide, although its meaning became increasingly ambiguous, symptomatic of the challenges facing the post-regicidal regimes as they sought to transcend the ideological parameters of the civil war in the name of “settlement.”
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STOYLE, MARK. "THE CANNIBAL CAVALIER: SIR THOMAS LUNSFORD AND THE FASHIONING OF THE ROYALIST ARCHETYPE." Historical Journal 59, no. 2 (December 9, 2015): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x15000266.
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ABSTRACTThis article re-examines the career of Sir Thomas Lunsford, one of the most notorious royalist officers of the English Civil War. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary sources, it not only casts new light on the pre-war activities of Lunsford himself but also explores the ways in which his blood-thirsty reputation was exploited by parliamentarian polemicists on the eve of the conflict. The article argues that, following the death of the proto-royalist playwright and plotter Sir John Suckling in 1641, Lunsford inherited Suckling's mantle as the archetypal ‘cavalier’, and that it was in association with Sir Thomas's name, rather than Sir John's, that the hostile caricature of the royalist gentleman-at-arms was first introduced to the English population as a whole. The article concludes by exploring the persistent rumours of cannibalism which have swirled around Lunsford's name for the past 370 years – and by demonstrating that, while the claim that Sir Thomas possessed a taste for human flesh may well have originated in the parliamentarian camp, it was, rather surprisingly, royalist writers who subsequently did most to keep his anthropophagical reputation alive.
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Chung, Youngkwon. "Puritan Lecturers and Anglican Clergymen during the Early Years of the English Civil Wars." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 9, 2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010044.
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During the early years of the Civil Wars in England, from February 1642 to July 1643, Puritan parishioners in conjunction with the parliament in London set up approximately 150 divines as weekly preachers, or lecturers, in the city and the provinces. This was an exceptional activity surrounding lectureships including the high number of lecturer appointments made over the relatively brief space of time, especially considering the urgent necessity of making preparations for the looming war and fighting it as well. By examining a range of sources, this article seeks to demonstrate that the Puritan MPs and peers, in cooperation with their supporters from across the country, tactically employed the institutional device of weekly preaching, or lectureships, to neutralize the influence of Anglican clergymen perceived as royalists dissatisfied with the parliamentarian cause, and to bolster Puritan and pro-parliamentarian preaching during the critical years of 1642–1643. If successfully employed, the device of weekly lectureships would have significantly widened the base of support for the parliament during this crucial period when people began to take sides, prepared for war, and fought its first battles. Such a program of lectureships, no doubt, contributed to the increasing polarization of the religious and political climate of the country. More broadly, this study seeks to add to our understanding of an early phase of the conflict that eventually embroiled the entire British Isles in a decade of gruesome internecine warfare.
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Chung, Youngkwon. "Puritan Lecturers and Anglican Clergymen during the Early Years of the English Civil Wars." Religions 12, no. 1 (January 9, 2021): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12010044.
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During the early years of the Civil Wars in England, from February 1642 to July 1643, Puritan parishioners in conjunction with the parliament in London set up approximately 150 divines as weekly preachers, or lecturers, in the city and the provinces. This was an exceptional activity surrounding lectureships including the high number of lecturer appointments made over the relatively brief space of time, especially considering the urgent necessity of making preparations for the looming war and fighting it as well. By examining a range of sources, this article seeks to demonstrate that the Puritan MPs and peers, in cooperation with their supporters from across the country, tactically employed the institutional device of weekly preaching, or lectureships, to neutralize the influence of Anglican clergymen perceived as royalists dissatisfied with the parliamentarian cause, and to bolster Puritan and pro-parliamentarian preaching during the critical years of 1642–1643. If successfully employed, the device of weekly lectureships would have significantly widened the base of support for the parliament during this crucial period when people began to take sides, prepared for war, and fought its first battles. Such a program of lectureships, no doubt, contributed to the increasing polarization of the religious and political climate of the country. More broadly, this study seeks to add to our understanding of an early phase of the conflict that eventually embroiled the entire British Isles in a decade of gruesome internecine warfare.
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DOWNS, JORDAN S. "THE CURSE OF MEROZ AND THE ENGLISH CIVIL WAR." Historical Journal 57, no. 2 (May 8, 2014): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000381.
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ABSTRACTThis article attempts to uncover the political significance of the Old Testament verse Judges 5:23, ‘the curse of Meroz’, during the English Civil War. Historians who have commented on the printed text of Meroz have done so primarily in reference to a single edition of the parliamentarian fast-day preacher Stephen Marshall's 1642Meroz cursedsermon. Usage of the curse, however, as shown in more than seventy unique sermons, tracts, histories, libels, and songs considered here, demonstrates that the verse was far more widespread and politically significant than has been previously assumed. Analysing Meroz in its political and polemical roles, from the outbreak of the Irish Rebellion in 1641 and through the Restoration of Charles II in the 1660s, sheds new light on the ways in which providentialism functioned during the Civil Wars, and serves, more specifically, to illustrate some of the important means by which ministers and polemicists sought to mobilize citizens and construct party identities.
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White, William. "Parliament, print and the politics of disinformation, 1642–3." Historical Research 92, no. 258 (October 9, 2019): 720–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.12289.
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Abstract This article explores the political uses of disinformation during the English civil war. It argues that forged and falsified publications formed part of a sophisticated propaganda strategy employed by the parliamentarian war party, aimed at discrediting Charles I during the first months of the conflict. It therefore offers an important corrective to traditional emphases on the anxieties that partisan print engendered. Furthermore, by showing that this strategy drew on both the practices and texts associated with early Stuart scribal opposition to Caroline rule, the article suggests an important link between pre-war manuscript culture and the print practices of the sixteen-forties.
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EDWARDS, P. R. "The Supply of Horses to the Parliamentarian and Royalist Armies in the English Civil War." Historical Research 68, no. 165 (February 1, 1995): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1995.tb01269.x.
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Hopper, Andrew. "‘The Popish Army of the North’: Anti-Catholicism and Parliamentarian Allegiance in Civil War Yorkshire, 1642–46." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (May 2000): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031964.
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By the time of the outbreak of the Civil Wars, may educated British Protestants considered Roman Catholicism to be an anti-religion; indeed, the Cambridge divine William Fulke went so far as to equate it with devil worship. Wealthy and powerful English Catholics attracted extreme hostility in moments of political crisis throughout the early modern period, but in 1642, fear of Roman Catholicism was even used to legitimate the terrible act of rebellion. Keith Lindley has emphasized the civil war neutrality of English Catholics, while many current historians, nervous of displays of religious prejudice, have portrayed the anti-Catholic fears of parliamentarians as cynical propaganda. Michael Finlayson has condemned anti-Catholicism as ‘irrational paranoia’, to be compared with anti-Semitism, which might, had it not been for the growth of liberal traditions in nineteenth-century England, have led to some sort of ‘Final Solution’.
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WOOD, ANDY. "BEYOND POST-REVISIONISM? THE CIVIL WAR ALLEGIANCES OF THE MINERS OF THE DERBYSHIRE ‘PEAK COUNTRY’." Historical Journal 40, no. 1 (March 1997): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x96006991.
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This essay challenges the established interpretation of the political allegiances of the miners of north-west Derbyshire. It shows that, far from being dominated by parliamentarian and puritan ideas in 1642, the miners were deeply divided in their response to the war. Both the king and the parliament were able to recruit troops from amongst the miners throughout the first civil war. From this, a broader critique of recent historical work on popular politics and popular allegiances before and during the English Revolution is mounted. It is argued that ‘post-revisionist’ and Marxian historians have deployed overly schematic and deterministic models of allegiance which frequently fail to reflect the complexity of popular responses to war and revolution in England in the 1640s.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "English Parliamentarism"
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Worton, Jonathan. "The Royalist and Parliamentarian war effort in Shropshire during the First and Second English Civil Wars, 1642-1648." Thesis, University of Chester, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10034/612966.
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Addressing the military organisation of both Royalists and Parliamentarians, the subject of this thesis is an examination of war effort during the mid-seventeenth century English Civil Wars by taking the example of Shropshire. The county was contested during the First Civil War of 1642-6 and also saw armed conflict on a smaller scale during the Second Civil War of 1648. This detailed study provides a comprehensive bipartisan analysis of military endeavour, in terms of organisation and of the engagements fought. Drawing on numerous primary sources, it explores: leadership and administration; recruitment and the armed forces; military finance; supply and logistics; and the nature and conduct of the fighting. The extent of military activity in Shropshire is explained for the first time, informing the history of the conflict there while reflecting on the nature of warfare across Civil War England. It shows how local Royalist and Parliamentarian activists and 'outsider' leaders provided direction, while the populace widely was involved in the administrative and material tasks of war effort. The war in Shropshire was mainly fought between the opposing county-based forces, but with considerable external military support. Similarly, fiscal and military assets were obtained locally and from much further afield. Attritional war in Shropshire from 1643 to 1646 involved the occupying Royalists engaging Parliamentarian inroads, in fighting the garrison warfare characteristic of the period. Although the outcome of both wars in Shropshire was determined by wider national events, in 1646 and again in 1648 the defeat of the county Royalists was due largely to their local Parliamentarian adversaries. Broadening this study to 1648 has provided insight into Parliamentarian county administration during the short interwar period.
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Fernandes, João Jorge Capelo Sottomayor Spínola. "O Legado Político-Jurídico de Simon de Montfort segundo os seus Conterrâneos Vitorianos." Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/58222.
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Simon de Montfort é visto popularmente como o fundador da Câmara dos
Comuns. No entanto, escassas são as obras que discutem as interpretações que os
vitorianos efectuaram do seu legado político, numa época rica em reformas
parlamentares.
Na presente tese, recorremos a obras de diferentes séculos para traçar
minuciosamente a avaliação dos objectivos e da conduta de Montfort, desde o século
XIII até ao Reform Act de 1867, a fim de descobrir uma possível evolução. Pelo mesmo
motivo, discutimos também a História da Câmara dos Comuns durante o mesmo
período.
A nossa investigação levou-nos a concluir que, não obstante as críticas ferozes
efectuadas a Montfort desde o século XVII até finais do século XVIII, o conde de
Leicester foi glorificado pelos vitorianos como um símbolo da instituição parlamentar.
Aliás, a ideia de que Montfort fora comandante de Robin dos Bosques atribuiu à figura
do conde de Leicester um carácter quase mítico. Isto foi um resultado da historiografia
Whig, adoptada pela vasta maioria dos autores vitorianos, que considerava que
Montfort tinha lutado pela restauração dos direitos anglo-saxónicos, abolidos após a
conquista de Guilherme I.Simon de Montfort is popularly regarded as the founder of the House of Commons. However, few are the works discussing the interpretations the Victorians made of his political legacy, during a time rich in parliamentary reforms. In the present thesis, I shall make use of works from different centuries to trace thoroughly the evaluation made of Montfort's goals and conduct, from the thirteenth century to the approval of the Reform Act of 1867, in order to discover a possible evolution. For the same reason, I shall also discuss the History of the House of Commons during the same period. My research led me to conclude that, despite the criticism directed at Montfort from the sixteenth century to the end of the eighteenth, the earl of Leicester was glorified by the Victorians as a symbol of parliamentary representation. In fact, the idea that Montfort was commander to Robin Hood provided the figure of the earl of Leicester an almost mythical quality. This was due to the adoption of Whig historiography by the vast majority of Victorian authors, who argued that Montfort had fought for Anglo-Saxon rights, which were abolished after William I's conquest.
Book chapters on the topic "English Parliamentarism"
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Allen, J. W. "Parliamentarian Writings in General." In English Political Thought 1603–1644, 456–81. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429278112-60.
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Allen, J. W. "Royalist Criticism of the Parliamentarian Case." In English Political Thought 1603–1644, 498–508. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429278112-64.
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Peacey, Jason. "‘That memorable parliament’: medieval history in parliamentarian polemic, 1641–42." In Writing the history of parliament in Tudor and early Stuart England, 194–210. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099588.003.0009.
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This essay examines how England’s medieval parliamentary history – from Henry III to Henry IV – was deployed for polemical purposes in the months surrounding the outbreak of the Civil Wars. In particular, the aim is to both acknowledge and move beyond the ‘baronial context’ of the English Civil Wars, in which reflections on medieval history were used to justify a form of ‘parliamentarian’ rhetoric that afforded the peerage a decisive role. By examining a range of neglected popular pamphlets that appeared in print during the months leading up to conflict, the essay demonstrates instead how evidence relating to the fourteenth century began to be used to reflect on parliamentary power and on the House of Commons, and to discuss the possibility of deposing and executing ‘unprofitable’ kings and of electing and binding their successors. Attention is drawn to an important shift in parliamentarian rhetoric regarding the king and parliament. It is argued that the treatment of medieval parliaments reveals incipient political radicalism in the opening weeks and months of the Civil Wars.
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Capern, Amanda L. "Visions of monarchy and magistracy in women’s political writing, 1640–80." In From Republic to Restoration. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719089688.003.0006.
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This chapter analyses early-modern English women writers and the number and patterns of their publication of religious and secular texts between 1640 and 1680. The chapter’s focus is on the impact of the English Civil War and Cromwellian Republic on women’s political thought, particularly their ideas about temporal monarchy and the highest magistrate, or God. The women writers featured include the puritan and parliamentarian writers Eleanor Davies, Mary Pope, Katherine Chidley and Mary Cary, and the Catholic, Anglican and royalist writers Helen More, Elizabeth Major, Dorothy Pakington and Rachel Jevon. Quakers examined include Margaret Fell, Dorothy Burch and Priscilla Cotton. Margaret Cavendish’s work is classified as uniquely secular at a time when women’s political thinking was almost entirely shaped by religion.
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"The English Civil War and the politics of economic statecraft." In Commerce, finance and statecraft, edited by Ben Dew, 83–101. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992965.003.0005.
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Edmund Howes Richard Baker immigration manufacture trading companiesChapter four explores the influence of the English Civil War on approaches to economic history. From the 1640s onwards, the monarchical management of commerce and, even more importantly, finance became highly politicised and divisive issues, which received detailed commentary from historians. The main body of the chapter looks at how these ideas were dealt with by the Parliamentarian historians Anthony Weldon and Arthur Wilson, and the Royalist, William Sanderson. Despite their political differences, each of these writers, it will be shown, employed a moralistic analysis of James' financial management rooted in Livian ideas of exemplary virtue and honour. The final section of the discussion investigates how these ideas were developed in the 1690s by the historian and political economist Roger Coke.
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Mann, Joseph Arthur. "Orthodoxy and Cultural Identity through Music in the English Interregnum." In Printed Musical Propaganda in Early Modern England, 75–138. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781949979237.003.0003.
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After the Parliamentarian faction defeated, captured, and executed Charles I in the last years of the 1640s, their quest for political power shifted to establishing and maintaining a new cultural orthodoxy based in Calvinist morality and to solidifying their new-found political power. At the same time, the recently defeated and oppressed Royalist faction sought to maintain their own culture in the face of this new Calvinist orthodoxy. Chapter two examines and exposes how both of these groups made use of musical propaganda to support these conflicting agendas. Parliamentarians hired propagandists or otherwise sanctioned and promoted publications that endorsed psalm-singing (an integral part of the new orthodoxy) and defended it from the even more radical religious beliefs of the Quakers, who were even against psalm-singing in worship services. Royalists, on the other hand, kept the court culture of wine, pastoral imagery, and (now covert) support for the monarchy alive while also reliving their glorious antebellum period through the publication of old antebellum songs and masque libretti and the publication of new songs that comment on the current state of their community, urging perseverance and unity in the face of oppression.
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"Whig history: Paul de Rapin de Thoyras’s Histoire." In Commerce, finance and statecraft, edited by Ben Dew, 102–16. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781784992965.003.0006.
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Chapter five is concerned with Paul de Rapin de Thoyras’ Histoire d’Angleterre (1724–27), a work which drew on Parliamentarian and Whig ideas to provide a complete history of England from the Roman Invasion to the Glorious Revolution. The discussion opens by exploring the historiographical background to Rapin’s writing in Huguenot thought before moving on to look at his analysis of Tudor and Stuart history. Rapin, it is argued, adapted and developed earlier accounts in order to emphasise that a moderate form of Whig constitutionalism had a greater capacity to promote commerce and sound financial management than any absolutist alternative. The chapter concludes by examining Nicholas Tindal’s English translation of the Histoire, a rendering of the text which both popularised Rapin’s work and, through the use of paratextual material, questioned some of the historiographical assumptions on which it was based.