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Journal articles on the topic 'English Prisoners of war'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Tycko, Sonia. "The Legality of Prisoner of War Labour In England, 1648–1655*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 35–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz031.

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Abstract Prisoners of war formed a legally distinct category amongst the many thousands of people forcibly employed in England and the English American colonies in the mid-seventeenth century, but they have yet to be studied as such. Focusing on 1648 to 1655, this article explains how a succession of English governments sent their war captives into servitude with private masters despite the prohibition of hard labour for Christian prisoners in the customary laws of war. They instead operated under the logic of the English poor law, in which the indigent could meaningfully consent to serve a master even while under duress. The case of Scottish and Dutch prisoners of war in the Bedford Level fen drainage project shows how the Council of State and the drainage company board members conceptualized common prisoners as willing workmen. Prisoners, ambassadors, and a variety of English observers instead thought that war captives should not have to work for their subsistence or their captors' profit. Nevertheless, common prisoners continued to labour under the aegis of free contracts into the eighteenth century.

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2

Deland, Mats. "Ny rapport om finländska SS-frivilliga och övergreppen mot judar 1941–1943. A new report on Finnish SS-volunteers and atrocities against Jews 1941–3." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 30, no. 1 (May 26, 2019): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.80531.

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Review (in Swedish and in English) of Lars Westerlund's The Finnish SS-Volunteers and Atrocities against Jews, Civilians and Prisoners of War in Ukraine and the Caucasus Region 1941–1943: An Archival Study (Helsinki, National Archives of Finland, 2019).

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3

DALY, GAVIN. "NAPOLEON AND THE ‘CITY OF SMUGGLERS’, 1810–1814." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006097.

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In the final years of the Napoleonic Wars, Napoleon allowed English smugglers entry into the French ports of Dunkirk and Gravelines, encouraging them to run contraband back and forth across the Channel. Gravelines catered for up to 300 English smugglers, housed in a specially constructed compound known as the ‘city of smugglers’. Napoleon used the smugglers in the war against Britain. The smugglers arrived on the French coast with escaped French prisoners of war, gold guineas, and English newspapers; and returned to England laden with French textiles, brandy, and gin. Smuggling remains a neglected historical subject, and this episode in particular – the relationship between English smugglers and the Napoleonic state between 1810 and 1814 – has attracted little scholarly interest. Yet it provides a rich historical source, illuminating not only the history of Anglo-French Channel smuggling during the early nineteenth century, but offering insights into the economic, social, and maritime history of the Napoleonic Wars.

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4

Bragado Echevarría, Javier. "«Volver a casa»: la logística de los prisioneros de guerra en las guerras de Italia (1740-1748) = «Coming back Home»: The Logistics of Prisoners of War in the italian Wars (1740-1748)." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie IV, Historia Moderna, no. 33 (December 2, 2020): 269. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfiv.33.2020.23235.

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En este trabajo analizamos la logística desarrollada en torno a los prisioneros de guerra durante la Guerra de Sucesión Austríaca en sus campañas italianas, prestando especial atención a los años 1746, 1747 y 1748. En esos años se produjo la derrota del ejército franco-español en Piacenza (1746), y entre 1747 y 1748 tuvieron lugar los últimos intercambios de prisioneros de los ejércitos español, francés, sardo, austríaco e inglés como consecuencia de las negociaciones del Tratado de Aquisgrán. Para reconstruir este proceso se ha recurrido a estados de prisioneros, convenios de canje, correspondencia de comisarios de guerra y capitulaciones de plazas. Por lo tanto, se contextualiza una realidad social de la guerra menos conocida por la historiografía y se establece un punto de unión entre dos épocas para las que contamos con un mejor conocimiento de la cuestión: la Guerra de Sucesión y la Guerra de la Convención.AbstractIn this article we analyze the logistics developed for prisoners of war during the War of Austrian Succession in its different Italian campaigns, taking special consideration of the years 1746, 1747 and 1748: they include the defeat of the French-Spanish army in Piacenza (1746), and the last exchanges of prisoners of the Spanish, French, Sardinian, Austrian and English armies that took place between 1747 and 1748 as a result of the negotiations of the Treaty of Aachen. In order to reconstruct this historical process we have studied prisoners´ lists, their exchange agreements, war delegates´ letters and surrender agreements of military fortresses. Therefore, a social reality of war less known by historiography is contextualized in a period which connects the Spanish War of Succession and the War of the Convention, two contexts in which POWs are better known.

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5

MORIEUX, RENAUD. "FRENCH PRISONERS OF WAR, CONFLICTS OF HONOUR, AND SOCIAL INVERSIONS IN ENGLAND, 1744–1783." Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 55–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000544.

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ABSTRACTDuring the wars of the eighteenth century, French prisoners on parole in Britain were placed in a paradoxical situation of captives with privileges. Instead of studying these men as if they dwelt in a world apart, this article focuses on captivity zones as a social laboratory, where people of different status would socialize. These spaces accordingly provide a lens through which to glimpse the repercussions of international conflicts at the level of local communities. The disputes which opposed these captives to the English population, which were the object of letters of complaints sent by the French prisoners to the authorities, shed light on the normative and moral resources which were used by eighteenth-century Englishmen and Frenchmen to legitimize themselves in situations of social conflict. As a configuration characterized by shifting social relations, the parole zone brought together local, national, and international issues, intertwined primarily in the rhetoric of honour. In these incidents, there was no systematic alignment of class and national discourses and actions, while the precise standing of these Frenchmen on the social ladder was constantly challenged and debated. The resulting quarrels therefore reveal a series of social inversions: dominant groups in France were in many respects dominated in England. Rather than being a mere reflection of pre-existing social hierarchies, such micro-incidents reinvented them.

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6

Macdonald, Janet. "Prisoners of War at Dartmoor: American and French soldiers and sailors in an English prison during the Napoleonic Wars and the War of 1812." Mariner's Mirror 103, no. 2 (April 3, 2017): 232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.2017.1312159.

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7

MURPHY, ELAINE. "ATROCITIES AT SEA AND THE TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR BY THE PARLIAMENTARY NAVY IN IRELAND, 1641–1649." Historical Journal 53, no. 1 (January 29, 2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990501.

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ABSTRACTIn 1643, Robert Rich, the second earl of Warwick, the parliamentary lord high admiral, issued directions for naval officers in the Irish squadron to execute any soldiers seized whilst crossing from Ireland to join royalist armies in England and Wales. An ordinance was duly promulgated by parliament in October 1644 which authorized the killing of Irishmen captured at sea or in England. Thereafter, although a number of captains implemented this policy and put to death mariners, soldiers, and passengers detained on vessels going to and from confederate and royalist ports in Ireland, the killing of maritime captives never became the norm in the war at sea. This article provides a detailed analysis of the atrocities that occurred and the treatment of prisoners taken in the seas around Ireland during the war of the three kingdoms. In particular, this article examines the effect exerted by the threat of retaliatory executions of English seamen held in towns such as Wexford and Waterford on forcing parliament and its naval commanders to moderate their actions.

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8

Peacock, John. "An Account of the Dakota-US War of 1862 as Sacred Text: Why My Dakota Elders Value Spiritual Closure over Scholarly "Balance"." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2013): 185–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.37.2.124713414180575r.

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Fluent Dakota-speaking elders Clifford Canku and Michael Simon have translated from Dakota into English fifty letters written by three-dozen Dakota prisoners of the 1862 US-Dakota War. Both translators are Dakota Presbyterian ministers as well as traditional Sun Dancers, and are descended from two of the letter writers. Many letter writers, like the translators, were Christian Dakota who still followed some of the traditional ways. Dr. Canku and Rev. Simon requested that I appear on several panels with them to put the project in historical context and speak about their translation process before audiences who were primarily non-Native. This essay presents the various historical perspectives I attempted to balance in these panel discussions, as well as my analysis of why the two elders ultimately decided to leave out this historical context and retain only my discussion of the translation process for their forthcoming book on the Dakota letters. They intend the book principally for Dakota young people and traditionalist elders.

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9

Atkins, Keletso E. "The ‘Black Atlantic Communication Network’: African American Sailors and the Cape of Good Hope Connection." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 23–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502303.

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Francis Seymour, a curly headed nigger from the land of stars and stripes, was brought up for having shown a little too much of the Yankee spirit of independence... He became refractory, refused to do any [work], demanded a sovereign from Mr. Neethling, said....that if he did not get the sovereign he would knock it out of [him]. His abuse was very unsparing, and he was only prevented from “knocking it out” by the opportune appearance of Mr. J. J. Meintjes, who procured a police officer, and the “man of independent mind” was given into custody.While on its homeward passage in 1813, the whaling ship William Penn was intercepted off the island of Trinidad in the South Atlantic by a British frigate, boarded, and informed of the existence of war; and that the American seamen were prisoners of H.M.S. Acorn. Within a half hour, the Acorn and its prize (now manned by English sailors) were underway, heading off southeast for the Cape of Good Hope. After a passage of forty days they anchored in Table Bay.

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10

DONAGAN, BARBARA. "THE WEB OF HONOUR: SOLDIERS, CHRISTIANS, AND GENTLEMEN IN THE ENGLISH CIVIL WAR." Historical Journal 44, no. 2 (June 2001): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001807.

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Contrary to stereotypes that represent it primarily as an expression of machismo or romantic chivalry, military honour in early modern England was professional, moral, utilitarian, and a force for social stability. It was pragmatic as well as idealistic. It shared attributes of civilian honour but also comprehended rules and obligations specific to soldiers. Professional honour required that the soldier should know and observe the codes and practices of his métier. To do so satisfied his internal sense of personal integrity and brought external reputation. Honour also had a broader social value. Mutuality and utility marked its operation in the English civil war. This mutuality safeguarded practices both sides found useful, such as prisoner exchanges, for the honour of each side was engaged in observance of the relevant rules. The survival of a bipartisan soldiers' honour ameliorated relations between enemies. It helped to prevent irrevocable social divisions, to sustain social order, and to enable previously warring Englishmen to live together with tolerable equanimity.

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11

Hart, Peter. "Prisoners: the Civil War letters of Ernie O’Malley. Edited by Richard English and Cormac O’Malley. Pp xii, 164. Swords: Poolbeg Press. 1991. IR£7.99." Irish Historical Studies 28, no. 111 (May 1993): 336–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011214.

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12

McGlynn, S. "Prisoners of War in the Hundred Years War: Ransom Culture in the Late Middle Ages, by Remy Ambuhl * Chivalry, Kingship and Crusade: The English Experience in the Fourteenth Century, by Timothy Guard." English Historical Review 129, no. 541 (November 18, 2014): 1472–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceu312.

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13

Dos Santos, M. A. "Posttraumatic Stress Disorder, Violence and War." European Psychiatry 33, S1 (March 2016): S512—S513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2016.01.1892.

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IntroductionIn a globalized world, violence, present in all forms and in all places, is a public health problem with serious early or late consequences for the mental health of those who are direct or indirect victims. Violence is avoidable and preventable and is not evenly distributed by population groups or regions being among the top 20 causes worldwide of years lost due to disability and with a projected increase by 2030 according to the World Health Organization (Mathers, Fat & Boerma, 2008).MethodologyThe search was made on ScienceDirect database, using the following keywords: posttraumatic stress disorder; violence and war. It was included documents in English published between 2004 and 2015; as well as textbooks and documents officers.DiscussionViolence is a risk factor for the disorder of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) which, in turn, is also a risk factor for perpetrating violence. The PTSD can occur when a person faces or faces an unexpected traumatic stressor, such as war, violent personal assault, have been held hostage or kidnapped confinement as a prisoner of war, torture, terrorist attack, or serious car accidents (Javidi & Yadollahie, 2012). The costs of violence are high and its routinization for a living have important effects on mental health.ConsiderationsStudies in relation to PTSD and violence are necessary for us to have a better understanding of the phenomenon and its consequences for public health, as well as to promote the mental health of all.References not available.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

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14

Stephens, Wendy. "Young Voices from the Field and Home Front: World War II as Depicted in Contemporary Children’s Literature." Children and Libraries 15, no. 3 (September 28, 2017): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/cal.15.3.28.

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Promoting support for Allied Forces was a central theme of contemporary children’s literature in the eve of and during World War II; the body of work captures a surprisingly complex and conflicted view of armed conflict and nationhood.Amid the expected imperatives that American children scavenge scrap metal for war bonds and cozy stories of English children evacuated to safety in North America, there is nostalgia for pastoral Russia and an unabashed celebration of the Soviet collective effort. In one of the most charged depictions, a pair of dachshunds forced to wear Nazi uniforms outwit their master. An Austrian refugee, the creation of a refugee writer, pointedly informs a naïve French peasant boy: “There are a great many Germans who hated the Nazis, didn’t you know that?”1 before revealing his father was a prisoner at Dachau.

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15

Green, Leslie C. "Le rôle du Canada dans le développement du droit en matière de conflit armé." Études internationales 11, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701076ar.

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This paper is concerned with examining the role Canada has played in the development of the law of armed conflict. It makes the point that, while it is generally assumed that the Canadian courts followed the practice of those in the United Kingdom, this is too simple an approach. From the early years of the nineteenth century, the Vice-Admiralty Court in Halifax was making a contribution to the law of prize and maritime war law that might be compared with that of Lord Stowell in England. Moreover, even then, it was applying principles that have only recently been generally accepted — that armed conflict is as much a question of fact as of law, and that naval officers, at least, must be taken to know the law. It is hardly believable that as long ago as 1814, Dr. Croke was upholding the immunity from capture of "the arts and sciences... as the property of mankind at large, and as belonging to the common interests of the whole species. " In addition to these early decisions in maritime war law, the Canadian courts have stood almost alone in the English-speaking world in explaining the criminal liability of escaping prisoners of war, in terms which to some extent formed the basis of what appeared in the Geneva Convention of 1949. At the same time, a Canadian war crimes tribunal made an important contribution to the exposition of the nature of a commander's liability for the offences of his subordinates, while others added to the jurisprudence concerned with the nature of the defence of superior orders. In so far as an actual innovative contribution is concerned, it must not be forgotten that the enunciation by Daniel Webster in 1842 of the concept of self-defence as understood in international law resulted from the actions of loyalists during the 1837 Rebellion. More recently, Canada played a concrete role in the drafting of the 1977 Protocols additional to the 1949 Geneva Conventions for the development of humanitarian law in armed conflict. In fact, Protocol II relating to non-international conflict is almost entirely based on a Canadian draft expressing Canada*s concern to see principles of humanitarian law observed as widely as possible, regardless of the nature of the conflict. As a result of tracing Canada 's role one is led to the conclusion that itconstitutes a record of achievement that merits wider appreciation.

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16

Shukla, Dhanwantari, Rachna Gupta, Vinod Yedalwar, Deepti Bala Sharma, Gaharwar A P S, Akash Singh Chhari, Mayank Jain, and Rishi Kumar Garg. "DISEASE PROFILE OF PRISONERS ADMITTED IN SURGICAL WARD OF A TERTIARY CARE HOSPITAL IN THE VINDHYA REGION WITH HIGHLIGHTS ON INFECTIOUS DISEASES, MALNUTRITION AND OCCULT ORGAN DYSFUNCTIONS." Journal of Evolution of Medical and Dental Sciences 5, no. 40 (May 19, 2016): 2452–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.14260/jemds/2016/572.

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17

Tausendfreund, Doris, Natalya Timofeeva, and Tatyana Evdokimova. "Forced Labor in Nazi Germany: Online Archive of Interviews and Related Educational Online Platform." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (February 2019): 183–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.1.16.

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Introduction.The article deals with the problem of forced labor in Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the existence of profound scientific publications devoted to this problem in Russia and abroad, it still needs to be developed. The article emphasizes the urgency of its research in historical, anthropological and humanities perspective, because personal experience of those who survived after forced labor in Nazi Germany, must be stored in collective memory and comprehended by subsequent generations. Methods and materials. Digital Humanities based on the method of oral history allows to solve this problem. The article presents two options of practical implementation of the issue: the online archive of the interview Forced Labor in 1939-1945. Memories and history and related online platform Learning based on interviews. Forced labor in 1939-1945. The archive includes about 600 narrative biographical interviews with victims of Nazi forced labor in 26 countries. The site accompanying the archive is now available in English, German, Russian and Czech. The second project is based on six specially selected interviews from the archive. Broad source base and nationally-oriented concept of forced labor in Nazi Germany, presented on the platform, create the historical context necessary for using this resource primarily in the secondary educational system of the Russian Federation. Analysis and results. The article shows the possibility of using archive-interviews in science and education, and emphasizes that traditional and new methods of historical research can complement each other. The article emphasizes that biographical films created on the basis of interviews can make the memory of forced labor in Nazi Germany, first of all, of “eastern workers” and Soviet prisoners of war more visible in Russian cultural memory. Contribution of authors to writing an article. Characteristics of peculiarity of oral historical sources, online collections of interviews, compensation payments are given by D. Thousendfreund. Analytics of the project “Forced Labor 1939-1945. Memoirs and History “and online platform” Learning based on interviews. Forced labor 1939-1945”, as well as conclusions are prepared by N.P. Timofeev. Introduction, problem historiography and general editing of the article belong to T.V. Evdokimova.

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18

Trentham, David R. "Samuel Victor Perry. 16 July 1918 — 17 December 2009." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 57 (January 2011): 327–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2011.0009.

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Samuel Victor Perry (1918–2009) was a biochemist who was born in the Isle of Wight, moved shortly thereafter to King’s Lynn, Norfolk, and then spent the greater part of his youth in Southport, Lancashire. His undergraduate education and early research at Liverpool University were followed by army service for the duration of World War II. After his capture in North Africa he spent much of the war as a prisoner of war, during which time his several escapes became the stuff of legends. In 1946 he began research towards his PhD degree at Cambridge University on the protein chemistry of muscle, a central theme in which he was actively engaged for more than 60 years. These were his halcyon days—member of a leading research group in muscle, alongside distinguished achievements as an English rugby international. After a Cambridge University lectureship he was appointed Head of Biochemistry in Birmingham University in 1959—a post he occupied with distinction until retirement, elevating his department to one of international stature. Among his many contributions to the protein biochemistry of muscle contraction and its regulation were the discovery of skeletal muscle myosin phosphorylation, whose significance is still a field of active research, and the recognition that the presence of the cardiac protein troponin I in the bloodstream could be used as a diagnostic marker of myocardial infarction. Perry was an inveterate gardener, especially happy in his beloved Felin Werndew, a beautiful retreat in Dinas Cross, Pembrokeshire. In August 1948 he married Maureen Shaw. She and their son and two daughters survive him.

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19

Conache, Ian D. "Prisoners of war." BMJ 332, no. 7537 (February 9, 2006): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.332.7537.350.

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20

Rich, J. W. "Prisoners of War." Classical Review 55, no. 1 (March 2005): 242–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clrevj/bni133.

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21

Abu-Jamal, Mumia. "Prisoners of War." Monthly Review 53, no. 3 (July 5, 2001): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-053-03-2001-07_5.

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22

Franklin, Ann E. "Prisoners of War." Neurology Now 12, no. 3 (2016): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.nnn.0000484616.24670.57.

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23

Doyle, Robert C., Philip Towle, Margaret Kosuge, and Yoichi Kibata. "Japanese Prisoners of War." Journal of Military History 65, no. 4 (October 2001): 1147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2677691.

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24

Piafsky, Michael. "Prisoners of War (review)." Missouri Review 27, no. 2 (2004): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mis.2004.0060.

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25

Skelton, William Paul, and Nadine Khouzam Skelton. "Women as Prisoners of War." Military Medicine 160, no. 11 (November 1, 1995): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/160.11.558.

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26

Krivonozhenko, Alexander. "Use of Prisoners of War Labor in Karelia During the First World War." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 21, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 604–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2020.21(4).604-629.

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The article describes the study of using prisoners' labor in Karelia during the First World War. The scientific novelty of the study is that for the first time the angle of approach to this problem was beyond the traditional context of the issue, that usually covers the details of the Murmansk railway construction and prisoners labor service. The author analyzed the proposals which were put forward by the Zemstvos and by the governing bodies of the Olonets and Arkhangelsk provinces. They proposed to use the labor of prisoners in the implementation of several infrastructure projects, which were aimed at achieving major strategic defense objectives, as well as at solving local economic problems. The text has a special focus on the problem of using prisoners of war in the field work in Karelia. The study concluded that the labor of war prisoners was hardly used in Karelia. The only major construction project, which included prisoners labor, was the construction of the Murmansk railway. Several reasons for that were defined and presented in the article. Firstly, it was due to the reluctance of the Central authorities to spend money on major projects duplicating the railway to Murmansk, which was under construction. Secondly, it was caused by the position of the Olonets provincial administration, which resisted the additional inflow of prisoners of war to Karelia. Thirdly, it was dependent on the specificities of local peasant population and its regional economic structure.

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27

Mullen, J. G. "An Extract from ‘My Experience in Cameroons during the War’." Africa 78, no. 3 (August 2008): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e0001972008000247.

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It was on the night of the 11th August 1914, when news of a great war in Europe reached us at Mbua2 (a town in the South Cameroons, about nine weeks or more from Duala,3 (or Kribbi) and that preparations were being made between the allied forces of the British and French for a war with the Germans in the Cameroons. Being a native of Cape Coast and a British subject employed in an English factory,4 it occurred to me that I would fare badly at the hands of either the German soldiers or the natives should this news be authentic. The inevitable trend of events was evident if war really broke out, the natives being mostly cannibals, would attack all aliens, irrespective of race or colour and eat their flesh before any assistance from the German Government could be obtained. My agent was stationed at Njassi,5 four days from Mbua, and until I heard from him, my sole duty was to remain at my place. There was hardly any signs of agitation noticeable in Mbua between the 12th and 14th August, but on the 15th August, but on the 15th the natives could be seen running hither and thither, with spears in their hands, removing their belongings to the bush, mysteriously disappearing and returning in a similar manner, with a seeming stern resolve to finally eradicate all foreigners. These wild ignorant people had long waited for this with wariness, and nothing could afford them a better chance than such an event. In a short time the whole country was thrown into a state of commotion so that by the 18th instant no woman or child could be seen in the town of Mbua except the men who appear and disappear concocting dangerous schemes, with surprising secrecy. Besides myself in Mbua there were the following clerks: two Kwitta6 clerks with 26 yard boys, five Cameroon native clerks with 30 yard boys and two Gabon clerks with 6 yard boys. I had ten yard boys. All these people were concerned with the safety of their stores and preparing some means of defence, should the natives attack us. On the 20th August I received a note from my boss intimating that he had been arrested by the German authorities, and his stores commandeered and, that sooner or later, a similar treatment would be meted out to me, so I closed up my accounts, and gave up myself to contemplation of the future. The natives in the meantime, were blackmailing and marauding traders in the outlying villages, but hesitated to take any other important steps. The reason assigned to this, apparently was they were waiting till the German forces had passed to meet the French troops, who were proceeding from Molando Nola7 etc. News reached us of the doings of the natives at Ndelele,8 Bisom, Deligoni9 etc, and it made the heart quail to see thousands of loads of goods, stores, etc and several traders passing down to Dume10 station to seek refuge. One by one my boys deserted me, until by the 23rd August only three remained with me, ultimately even these three boys would not remain in the yard, and I was left alone with the arduous task of looking after the factory which contained goods to the amount of over £2000. Grim despair stared me in the face, and I lost my equilibrium for want of sleep. During the day, I took snatches of sleep, and at nights I kept watch and took precaution to safe guard myself against an attack from the natives. Several petty stores in Mbua were plundered by the natives; on the 26th August the German troops passed. An appeal for protection was made by all the traders to the German officers, but they were told to take care of themselves. The natives fled to the bush on the arrival of the German troops, and the German officers incensed at this action, ordered their houses to be burnt down, and their cattle seized. Next day the troops proceeded on their way. Nothing of importance happened to break the tension that ensued between the 26th and 28th but on the 30th but on the 30th on a dark and chilly night, I was awakened from a reverie by a slight noise at the back of the store. Being prepared for any emergency of the kind I took a large cudgel and cautiously walked to the back of the house whence the sound proceeded. As I anticipated, a man was strenuously working to force an entrance into the store. Near him lay a battle axe and other dangerous implements, and at the sight of me, he rose and taking a heavy stone flung it at me. It hit me forcibly on the knee, and inflicted a most excruciating pain, suppressing a groan I sprang at him, and dealt him a heavy blow with my cudgel. He staggered back but closed up with me again. I threw away the cudgel and in a moment we were engaged in a deadly contest. Nothing could be more horrible than the deadly means with which he sought to overcome me. He was a heavy man but by no means a good fighter. He hit out viciously, desperately but aimlessly, while I concentrated every effort to bring him to the ground. We swayed together, to and fro, locked in a tight embrace, but with an ability, which I afterwards failed to conceive, I wrenched myself from him and dealt him a blow right above the abdomen. With a loud yell he turned and fled. Pursuit was useless, so gathering up his tools, I took them to the house and repaired the damage which he had done to my store. Since then I was wont to be more vigilant than ever. Friends far and near, urged upon me to escape, giving as their reasons, that I was a British subject and working for an English firm. At first, I seriously considered their advice, but on maturer consideration, I deemed it imprudent to go away and leave the store unguarded. So I determined to stay through thick and thin. I may here cite one remarkable letter which I received in connection with this matter. It ran thus:- ‘Don’t be a silly ass and say your sense of duty forces you to stay and protect your store. You know how unreasonable the Germans are, and what would be your fate, should you fall into their hands. Your only chance lies in escaping, and I believe the greatest crime one can commit against nature is to be obstinate and refuse a chance in the face of a disaster. You are committing that offence now, and your guardian angel may be looking down upon you with pity and contempt for your act of folly. For goodness sake go, and may luck attend you.' To this and other subsequent letters I briefly replied thanking the writers for their advice and stating that I considered it injudicious to act upon them. One by one all the traders removed from Mbua, so that by the end of August only three important stores remained, including mine. About the 11th September, I received another note from my boss intimating that he was being sent down to Ajoa,11th September, I received another note from my boss intimating that he was being sent down to Ajoa,11 as a prisoner of war, by the Germans, and that I should follow at once. I dare not go, without the sanction of the German Government and I wrote to say so. On the 22nd September, however, a German official with three soldiers arrived to commandeer my store. This official first asked for the key of the safe which I handed to him. When I called his attention to the goods in the store, he said the best thing he could think of was to set fire to the goods, and put me inside to burn with them. ‘Dem be shit cargo, and I no get no time for count dem!’ he said, and then with a vehemence which alarmed me, this great German cursed me, the English, and everything connected with the English, and emphasised his words by kicking the breakable articles in the store. This caused me to giggle, but unfortunately he looked up and saw me in this act, and after that he administered heavy blows and kicks to me, he ordered the soldiers to bind me up, and keep me in custody. I soon found myself in the hands of these unscrupulous soldiers, whose cruelty was proverbial throughout South Cameroons. All day they goaded me to pain and anger. They were indeed painfully jocular; they tickled me, pelted at me with stones, ordered me to lick the dirty soles of their boots, and to do all sorts of un-nameable things. The officer stood by in calm indifference to my sufferings; my mute anger grew till I felt I must choke; an innocent person kept in captivity for the populace to stare at, might feel as I felt. These torments continued all day and the least reluctance on my part to comply with their requests was rewarded with whips and kicks. In addition to this, the cord with which I was bound gnawed into my flesh and inflicted a pain beyond description. I cried aloud in my agony for forbearance and the louder I cried out the more the soldiers jeered at me. Gradually I lost consciousness, and then all became still blackness. When I recovered consciousness, the German officer was bending over me, and I was unbound. My hands were very much swollen; this officer, after a short reproof full of venomous invectives handed me a passport to Ajoa, and ordered me to provision myself for the journey, I made up two loads and that very night I left Mbua with my boys.12 Great was my thankfulness to God for my wonderful deliverance from a torturing death, and from the hands of these wicked people, and as I repeated the ‘magnificat’ the only song of thankfulness that I could think of at the moment I said my last farewell to Mbua.

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Chowdhury, Rowshan Jahan. "Can Coetzees Michael K be called a Gandhian hero?" Stamford Journal of English 6 (February 22, 2013): 90–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/sje.v6i0.13905.

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Coetzees Life and Times of Michael K can be viewed as a novel of resistance. The title character Michael K, born with a physical deformity, refuses to submit to the situation he is subjected to. He withdraws himself from the world torn with an incomprehensible war. With a quest for a place free from bomb blasts, economic recession, colonized politics, and chaotic city life, Michael starts his journey for refuge. He finds it impossible because of intruding authority. Being tracked down and locked up with the rural guerrillas, he starts to live a life of invisible existence. Becoming a camp prisoner he refuses to take any kind of food. His refusal to eat reflects a kind of resistance. His resistance to the situation is not active, rather he resists in a very passive way. He does not offer any violent attempt and his resistance appears as non-violent and passive. Michaels passive resistance reminds one of Gandhis famous doctrine of passive resistance - Satyagraha. Gandhi preaches the philosophy of non-violent passive resistance, the concept of Satyagraha, as a forceful means of achieving socio-political goals without using violence. Michael K, living amid all, creates his own world, listens to the voice inside, and becomes the symbol of suffering. This paper explores whether Michael in any way embodies the principle of non-violent passive resistance against the authority. Stamford Journal of English; Volume 6; Page 90-102 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/sje.v6i0.13905

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29

Twomey, Christina. "Prisoners of war of the Japanese: War and memory in Australia." Memory Studies 6, no. 3 (June 28, 2013): 321–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698013482649.

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This article reflects on the place of prisoners of war of the Japanese in Australian memory of World War II. It examines the return to prominence of prisoners of war memory in the 1980s and places this phenomenon in the context of the memory boom and the attention accorded to difficult or traumatic memories. By exploring the relationship between Australian war memories and debates about Indigenous suffering, it suggests that cosmopolitan memory cultures form an important conceptual link between them. Recognising prisoners of war memory as an example of traumatic memory allows us to move beyond an analysis bounded by the nation state, and to argue that instead of seeing it as emerging in competition with other contemporary memories focused on the suffering of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, it shares some elements in common with them.

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30

Carlson, Paul H., and Brad D. Lookingbill. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Journal of Southern History 73, no. 3 (August 1, 2007): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649526.

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31

Nachtigal, Reinhard. "Prisoners of War in Russia during World War I." Quaestio Rossica, no. 1 (2014): 142–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/qr.2014.1.028.

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Ahern, W. H. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Journal of American History 93, no. 4 (March 1, 2007): 1255. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25094673.

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Grady, Tim. "British prisoners of war in First World War Germany." First World War Studies 10, no. 2-3 (September 2, 2019): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2020.1774123.

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Wylie, Neville. "Prisoners of War in the Era of Total War." War in History 13, no. 2 (April 2006): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0968344506wh337ra.

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Stockel, H. Henrietta. "War Dance at Fort Marion: Plains Indian War Prisoners." Western Historical Quarterly 38, no. 2 (May 2007): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/38.2.230.

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Natalia, Shabelnik. "Work of Foreign Powers of War During the Restoration of the Central Chernozemye Industry in the Years the Great Patriotic War." TECHNOLOGOS, no. 2 (2021): 91–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2021.2.08.

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The study of aspect prisoners of war in the restoration of the USSR industry during the Great Patriotic War arouses scientific interest of native historiography. Contradictory opinions and assessment of foreign prisoners of war contribution to the restoration of the USSR industrial facilities accentuate the relevance of the topic. The study of this issue at the regional level arouses great interest. The practical significance of the topic lies in the fact that, firstly, it is the material for further study of the problem of foreign prisoners of war on the territory of the Central Chernozemye Region, and secondly, it can be used as the material for the examination of a number of topics on the history of prisoners of war during the Great Patriotic War at government level. During the Great Patriotic War the front line passed through the territory of the Central Chernozemye Region (summer 1942 – winter 1943). Kursk and a part of Voronezh region were occupied by Nazi troops. In the second half of 1942 the first production camps for foreign prisoners of war were established in the Central Chernozemye Region. The increase in the number of camps, the number of prisoners of war and their involvement in production began in 1943. The main reason for the use of prisoners of war labor was, first of all, associated with a sharp increase in the number of prisoners of war after the Battle of Stalingrad; and secondly, with a shortage of manpower. In the first months of the camps operation the involvement of prisoners of war in the work remained low. But in the second half of 1944 it began the massive use of prisoners of war labor. Their labor included restoration work in all industries of the Central Chernozemye Region. By the end of the war prisoners of war had been recruited to work according to their civil specialties. Despite the active use of prisoners of war labor as a part of the complex of restoration measures in the Central Chernozemye Region their contribution was insignificant in comparison with the material damage caused. The article, based on the analysis of archival materials and historical literature, as well as on the historical-comparative, systemic, statistical and other methods of scientific research, shows the contribution of foreign prisoners of war to the restoration of industrial facilities in the Central Chernozyom region during the Great Patriotic War.

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Chapaeva, Anna M. "The Content and Treatment of Prisoners of war During the First World War (on the example of the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces)." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 15, no. 2 (June 11, 2021): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2021-2-184-193.

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This article is devoted to the content of prisoners of war in the Kostroma and Yaroslavl provinces during the First World War. The international and Russian legal framework for the detention of prisoners of war is indicated, which prescribes the conditions for providing medical care, the use of labor and the treatment of officers and lower ranks. Examples of the content of prisoners of war and the attitude of the local population to military prisoners are given. The approximate expenses for the maintenance of prisoners of war in the specified provinces are shown. The generaliter information concerning equipment with medical and disinfection equipment is given. The analysis of archival documents and publications concerning the maintenance of prisoners of war is carried out.

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Stanbury, W. T., and John D. Todd. "Landlords as Economic Prisoners of War." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 16, no. 4 (December 1990): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3550855.

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Brass, Lawrence M., and William F. Page. "Stroke in former prisoners of war." Journal of Stroke and Cerebrovascular Diseases 6, no. 2 (November 1996): 72–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1052-3057(96)80006-1.

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40

Hingorani, R. C. "Who are the Prisoners of War?" Australian Year Book of International Law Online 9, no. 1 (1985): 276–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26660229-009-01-900000019.

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Solomon, Zahava, Sharon Avidor, and Hila Givon Mantin. "Guilt Among Ex-Prisoners of War." Journal of Aggression, Maltreatment & Trauma 24, no. 7 (August 9, 2015): 721–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10926771.2015.1079284.

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Hyden, John. "Soviet attitudes to prisoners of war." RUSI Journal 130, no. 3 (September 1985): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071848508522681.

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43

Powell, Allan Kent, and Arnold Krammer. "Nazi Prisoners of War in America." Journal of Military History 62, no. 2 (April 1998): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120770.

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Phillips, Celeste R., and Joan E. Haase. "Like Prisoners in a War Camp." Cancer Nursing 43, no. 1 (2020): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/ncc.0000000000000653.

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45

Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners. "Ulster Volunteer Force Prisoners of War." Journal of Prisoners on Prisons 7, no. 2 (December 1, 1997): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.18192/jpp.v7i2.5753.

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46

OGOT, BETHWELL A. "BRITAIN'S GULAG Histories of the Hanged: Britain's Dirty War in Kenya and the End of Empire. By DAVID ANDERSON. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 2005. Pp. viii+406 (ISBN 0-297-84719-8). Britain's Gulag: The Brutal End of Empire in Kenya. By CAROLINE ELKINS (London: Jonathan Cape, 2005). Pp. xiv+475. £20 (ISBN 0-224-07363-X)." Journal of African History 46, no. 3 (November 2005): 493–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853705000939.

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GULAG is the Russian acronym for the Chief Administration of Corrective Labour Camps made famous and permanently inscribed into the English vocabulary through the genius of Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his classic, The Gulag Archipelago 1918–1956: An Experiment in Literary Investigation, published in 1974. The author used the testimony of 227 survivors as well as recollections of his own 11 years of labour camps and exiles. The Archipelago of Solzhenitsyn's work is that system of secret police installations, camp prisons, transit centers, communication facilities, transport systems and espionage organizations which, in his view, was a state within a state holding about 15 million people. The book shows how ordinary people, who are referred to by their own names, can be turned into planners and executives of oppression, brutality and torture.

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47

Ippolitov, Sergey. "The Russian Prisoners of War in World War I as a Humanitarian Issue." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2(50) (July 2, 2020): 174–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-50-2-174-188.

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The tragedy occurred to the prisoners of war in World War I had the scale of a humanitarian disaster. Millions of people belonged to different nationalities lived under the hardest physical and psychological living conditions. The study devoted to this page of world history methodologically comprises an intersection of disciplines: it is necessary to study and comprehend mental, legal, economic, cultural aspects of the humanitarian crisis which had significant effect on the course of political processes in Europe. The article studies activities of government and public organizations involved in humanitarian assistance to the Russian prisoners of war who were in the European camps. In this case a special role was played by a spiritual and cultural support of the compatriots in captivity. Acute «cultural hunger» in the prisoners of war camps was intended to be filled by the Russian book, which became a significant factor that impeded the prisoners’ marginalization and denationalization. The growth of nationalism in a public discourse of different countries around the world which were involved in isolation and marginalization of ethnic minorities and diasporas, their loss of national and cultural identity, customs and language make the study of the historical analogies connected with the fate of prisoners of war in World War I appropriate and of current interest. The history of preservation by the Russian people in captivity and exile their own cultural identity allows the author to predict the course of these processes at the present stage, as well as to develop state policy of support provided to compatriots abroad.

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48

Lobko, N. V. "Rights and obligations of prisoners of war in the World War I and their observance in Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province." Legal horizons, no. 21 (2020): 7–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2020.i21.p7.

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History of World War I that due to its global consequences started a new stage of development of European civilization still draws attention of many researchers. One of the most interesting topics for researchers is the topic of war imprisonment during the World War I. Stay of prisoners of war in the territory of Ukraine is a scantily studied issue. The objects of this study are prisoners of war who were in Lebedyn district of Kharkiv province during the World War I (1914–1918). The subject of the research is the legal status of prisoners of war, the protection of their rights and the observance of their duties. The author analyzed norms of international law and Russian legislation for regulation conditions of war imprisonment during the period of war. Using materials of Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province, being deposited in the archives of Sumy Region, the author examines the legal status of prisoners of war, the protection of their rights and the observance of their duties. The position of prisoners of war during the World War I on Ukrainian lands as part of the Russian Empire was determined by the norms of international law and Russian legislation for regulation conditions of war imprisonment during the period of war. Using the archival sources kept in funds of the State Archives of Sumy Region, it was found that the rights of prisoners of war were generally ensured on the territory of the Lebedyn District of Kharkiv Province. However, there were not a few cases when Austrian and German prisoners suffered from hunger, domestic inconvenience and abuse by employers. There were also repeated violations of their duties by prisoners of war. The most common violations were refusal to work, leaving the workplace.

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Карабін, О. Ю. "Issue of taking prisoners, placement and registration of German and Austro- Hungarian prisoners of war in Ukrainian territories during the First World War." Grani 22, no. 9-10 (December 13, 2019): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171987.

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In this article, the author studied the issue of taking prisoners of war by the Russian army payingspecial attention to international agreements regulating this process signed by the Government of theRussian Empire and regulatory documents in the form of regulations and instructions, which did not alwayscomply with these international agreements. The author also emphasizes the fact that the process of takingGerman and Austrian-Hungarian prisoners of war by soldiers of the Russian Empire did not always complywith these instructions and provisions.For example, according to international agreements signed by thegovernment of the Russian Empire, a prisoner of war had to state only his name and rank. However,according to the regulatory documents regulating the prisoners of war interrogation issue, approved by thesame government, he had to answer a number of questions relating the information on his military unit,the state of the enemy army, and the information the enemy was aware of on the Russian army. In addition,the author gives an example of certain military units, which did not even try to comply with regulatorydocuments, treated the prisoners of war very cruelly, and sometimes even executed them.The author considers the issue of placement of prisoners of war in the territory of the Russian Empire,which highlights the plans of the Government of the Russian Empire regarding this issue, and gives a numberof objective reasons preventing the implementation of these plans. Taking into account the regulatorydocuments and recollections of eyewitnesses, he analyzes the procedure for the transfer of prisoners of warfrom the moment of their capture to the places of their detention.On the ground of the provisions on prisonersof war, he characterizes the standards of their living arrangements and describes the way these were put intolife, focusing his attention on their stay in Ukrainian territories. The author comes to the conclusion thatprisoners’ of war living arrangements did not always meet the established norms. They were very differentdepending on where the prisoners of war were.Their living conditions in the military units differed fromthe living conditions in the prisoners’ camps or the places of their labor exploitation.Also, sometimestheir living arrangements varied depending on which nationality a prisoner of war was. Therefore, livingarrangements were better for the Slavic prisoners of war than for the Germans or the Hungarians. A part ofthe prisoners of war was transferred to the private parties for assistance in housekeeping. There were evencases when such prisoners of war, getting to the widows’ households, started living together as spouses.The author examines the structure of the institutions and organizations of the Russian Empire, whichwere supposed to keep records of prisoners of war, and gives reasons why these records were not aseffective as it was expected and dozens of thousands of prisoners of war were lost in the expanses of theRussian Empire.

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Fortun, Aleksei A. "Saratov Zemstvo and Prisoners of War During World War I." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 19, no. 3 (2019): 375–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2019-19-3-375-381.

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