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Journal articles on the topic 'English Puritanism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Pederson, Randall J. "Reformed Orthodoxy in Puritanism." Perichoresis 14, no. 3 (2016): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/perc-2016-0015.

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Abstract This paper explores the relationship between early modern English Puritanism and Reformed orthodoxy through a fresh examination of three ministers who have been described as Puritans: John Owen, Richard Baxter, and John Goodwin. By assessing their attitudes toward the Bible and specifically the doctrine of justification, this paper uncovers an evolving consensus of orthodox thought in the period. Their attitudes and approaches to doctrine and church tradition led to diverse interpretations and directions in the codification of their religion. Their theological interpretations reflect an inherent pattern of diversity within English Puritanism, especially in its attitudes towards the formation of orthodoxy. The relation of Reformed orthodoxy to Puritanism, then, is more complex than older modes of scholarship have allowed. For the Puritan mainstream, Reformed orthodoxy served as a theological compass and thermostat that tested ideas and was to govern both the direction and temperament of Reformed doctrine. For those outside the pale, such orthodoxy and their alleged disloyalty to the Bible and Reformed church tradition was vehemently contested.

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2

Haefeli, Evan. "America Discovers English Puritanism." Reviews in American History 31, no. 1 (2003): 24–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.2003.0006.

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3

Greene, Douglas G., and John Spurr. "English Puritanism, 1603-1689." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 31, no. 4 (1999): 647. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4053147.

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4

Spurr (book author), John, and Elizabeth Sauer (review author). "English Puritanism, 1603-1689." Renaissance and Reformation 35, no. 3 (1999): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v35i3.10752.

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5

Gunther, Karl. "The Origins of English Puritanism." History Compass 4, no. 2 (2006): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00321.x.

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6

Johnston, Alexandra F. "English Puritanism and Festive Custom." Renaissance and Reformation 27, no. 4 (2009): 289–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v27i4.11813.

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7

TYACKE, NICHOLAS. "THE PURITAN PARADIGM OF ENGLISH POLITICS, 1558–1642." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (2010): 527–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1000018x.

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ABSTRACTTraditionally puritanism has been treated as a religious phenomenon that only impinged on the world of that ‘secular’ politics to a limited extent and mainly in relation to church reform. Such an approach, however, is to employ a misleadingly narrow definition which ignores the existence of a much more all-embracing puritan political vision traceable from the mid-sixteenth century. First clearly articulated by some of the Marian exiles, this way of thinking interpreted the Bible as a manifesto against tyranny whether in church or state. Under the successive regimes of Elizabeth I, James I, and Charles I, puritans can be found who continued to judge the actions of government by the same biblical criterion, which also helps to explain among other things their prominence in opposing unparliamentary taxation. Puritan ideology itself was transmitted down the generations partly via a complex of family alliances, underpinned by teaching and preaching, and this in turn provided a basis for political organization. Moreover, the undiminished radical potential of puritanism is evident from responses to the assassination of Buckingham in 1628. Given these antecedents the subsequent resort to Civil War appears less surprising than historians often claim.

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8

Okie, Laird. "Daniel Neal and the ‘Puritan Revolution’." Church History 55, no. 4 (1986): 456–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166368.

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Daniel Neal's The History of the Puritans was a standard eighteenth-century source for modern historians and, as will be shown, prefigured nineteenth-century Whig conceptions of Puritanism. Published in four volumes between 1732 and 1738, Neal's work went through at least twenty-one editions or reprints; the last one was done in 1863. New editions were printed in London, Bath, Dublin, New York, and Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and the History was twice expanded by continuators in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century. The History of the Puritans was not a narrowly religious or sectarian study: Neal strove to elucidate the Puritan contribution to the state. A Congregationalist minister, Neal produced the closest thing we have to an official Dissenting history of England, one which glorified the role of Puritanism in fostering English liberty. To study Neal's History is to gain insight into the historical and political ideology of early eighteenth-century Dissent.

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9

Duffy, Eamon. "The Reformed Pastor in English Puritanism." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 83, no. 1 (2003): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607502x00130.

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10

COFFEY, JOHN. "PURITANISM AND LIBERTY REVISITED: THE CASE FOR TOLERATION IN THE ENGLISH REVOLUTION." Historical Journal 41, no. 4 (1998): 961–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008103.

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In recent years historians have grown sceptical about attempts to trace connections between puritanism and liberty. Puritans, we are told, sought a godly society, not a pluralistic one. The new emphasis has been salutary, but it obscures the fact that a minority of zealous Protestants argued forcefully for the toleration of heresy, blasphemy, Catholicism, non-Christian religions, and even atheism. During the English revolution, a substantial number of Baptists, radical Independents, and Levellers insisted that the New Testament paradigm required the church to be a purely voluntary, non-coercive community in the midst of a pluralistic society governed by a ‘merely civil’ state. Although their position was not without its ambiguities, it constituted a startling break with the Constantinian assumptions of magisterial Protestantism.

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11

Robison, William B., Christopher Durston, and Jacqueline Eales. "The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560-1700." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543534.

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12

Willen, Diane, Christopher Durston, and Jacqueline Eales. "The Culture of English Puritanism 1560-1700." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 651. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543535.

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13

Hall, David D., Christopher Durston, Jacqueline Eales, and Margaret Spufford. "The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560-1700." William and Mary Quarterly 57, no. 3 (2000): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674275.

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14

Hindle, Steve, Christopher Durston, and Jacqueline Eales. "The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560-1700." Economic History Review 49, no. 4 (1996): 830. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2597978.

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15

Hanft, Sheldon. "The Culture of English Puritanism, 1560–1700." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 1 (1996): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9952592.

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16

Engler, Steven. "Time, Habit, and Agency in English Puritanism." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 19, no. 3-4 (2007): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006807794757520.

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17

Engler, Steven. "Time, Habit, and Agency in English Puritanism." Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 19, no. 3-4 (2007): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006807x244934.

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AbstractThis paper attempts to fill in a dimension of discussions of religious relations between memory and the body, time and agency, habituation and social control. Analyzing the works of seventeenth-century divine Richard Rogers, I distinguish two ways of attending to time: amount of time spent well, and continuity of attention. For Rogers, lapses in memory and moment of idleness are gaps through which Satan snares the unwary; the godly must foster correct habits "at all times." The case of English Puritanism underlines the central role that time plays in the formation of correctly habituated human activity. It points to a key site at which religious ideas and practices gain leverage over human agency. It suggests further that modernity is distinguished by the more effective means of habituation fostered by highly motivated and consistent attentiveness to time. This distinction goes beyond Weber and other work on the Protestant ethic thesis and could inform further empirical work in the area.

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18

Carpenter, John B. "New England Puritans: The Grandparents of Modern Protestant Missions." Missiology: An International Review 30, no. 4 (2002): 519–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960203000406.

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New England Puritanism was decisive in preparing for the “Great Century of Missions.” Reaching the Native Americans was a leading rationale for the Puritans crossing the Atlantic in the first place. John Eliot established precedents that were looked to as models of missionary practice. David Brainerd joined Eliot as a model missionary, mostly through the writings of Jonathan Edwards, the last great Puritan. To that, Edwards added his emphasis on prayer and his theological struggles for an evangelistically minded Calvinism. His writings were key in teaching English Particular Baptists, among others, that God used means “for the conversion of the heathen.”

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19

Lamont, W. "Shorter notice. English Puritanism, 1603-1689. John Spurr." English Historical Review 114, no. 458 (1999): 984–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.458.984.

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Lamont, W. "Shorter notice. English Puritanism, 1603-1689. John Spurr." English Historical Review 114, no. 458 (1999): 984–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.458.984.

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21

Burden, Mark. "John Owen and English puritanism: experiences of defeat." Seventeenth Century 34, no. 4 (2019): 550–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0268117x.2019.1629763.

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22

HARKINS, ROBERT. "ELIZABETHAN PURITANISM AND THE POLITICS OF MEMORY IN POST-MARIAN ENGLAND." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (2014): 899–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000417.

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ABSTRACTThis article presents a new perspective on Elizabethan puritanism. In particular, it examines the ways in which the memory of Marian conformity continued to influence religious and political controversy during the reign of Elizabeth I. Drawing upon extensive archival evidence, it focuses on moments when the chequered pasts of Queen Elizabeth, William Cecil, and other chief officers of English church and state were called into question by puritan critics. In contrast to the prevailing narrative of Elizabethan triumphalism, it argues that late Tudor religion and politics were shaped by lingering puritan distrust of those who had revealed a propensity for idolatry by conforming during the Marian persecution. This fraught history of religious conformity meant that, for some puritans, the Church of England had been built on unstable foundations.

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23

Yerokhin, Vladimir N. "The initial stage of ideological formation of Puritanism in the course of Reformation in England." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 1 (2021): 52–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-1-52-59.

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The article deals with the origin of ideological prerequisites of Puritanism as a trend in the Church of England which appeared in the course of Reformation. The author traces penetration of Reformation ideas to England from European continent before the beginning of King’s Reformation by Henry VIII (1509–1547) in 1534 and shows the beginnings of English religious emigration on the Continent from 1520s which was formed by Englishmen who were adherents of continental Reformed churches. The author of the article supports the opinion that the decisive factor which contributed to the rise of Puritanism in England was connected with the influence of continental Reformed churches. The ideas of European Reformation were perceived, first of all, by the English emigrants, and later on part of English clergy also supported continuation of Reformation in England in accordance with continental examples.

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24

Sprunger, Keith L. "Puritan Church Architecture and Worship in a Dutch Context." Church History 66, no. 1 (1997): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169631.

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English Puritans have only a small reputation for aesthetic contributions to architecture. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, they worshiped God without making a show of buildings or beautiful ceremonies; consequently, there are few grand Puritan architectural monuments. Nonseparating Puritans, blending into the larger church, put their emphasis on the pure preaching and practice of biblical religion, not on outward appearances. And the Separatists, the strictest of the Puritans, gathered in disguised house-churches. Because of this artistic silence it is easy to downplay the importance of architectural concerns in the early history of Puritanism. Whenever historians mention “Puritan” architecture or “nonconformist” architecture, they are likely to describe it as simple, plain, functional, humble, austere, and practical. While true as far as it goes, this description is not the whole story. An examination of Puritan discussions about architecture in early seventeenth-century Netherlands reveals the interplay of theological and practical factors in creating the “proper” church architecture.

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25

HALL, DAVID D. "Transatlantic Puritanism and American Singularities." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 68, no. 1 (2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046916000610.

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The taunting question posed in the 1820s by the English critic Sidney Smith, ‘Who reads an American book?’, has long since tumbled into the dustbin of literary history. Yet it continues to reverberate in how Americanists describe the workings of Puritanism in their own country, its presence felt in two respects. One of these is resentment at the indifference to their own work of historians of the Puritan movement in Britain. Another is the assumption among Americanists that the Puritanism of the colonists who arrived in the early seventeenth century was singular in certain respects, be it their sense of ‘errand’, their modifications of Reformed orthodoxy, or perhaps their daring experiment with a congregation-centred polity, the ‘New England Way’. Whenever historians turn to the larger project of Church and State in colonial and modern America, assertions of singularity dominate the telling of our religious history. Do these endeavours warrant returning to Sidney Smith's question and rephrasing it to ask whether Americanists are making the most of European studies of Reformed theology, Puritanism in Britain, and conformity or dissent?

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26

French, Anna. "Possession, Puritanism and Prophecy: Child Demoniacs and English Reformed Culture." Reformation 13, no. 1 (2008): 133–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/refm.v13.133.

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27

Gunther, Karl. "Teaching & Learning Guide for: The Origins of English Puritanism." History Compass 5, no. 4 (2007): 1443–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00385.x.

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28

Sommerville, C. John. "Interpreting Seventeenth-Century English Religion as Movements." Church History 69, no. 4 (2000): 749–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169330.

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A number of historians have indicated, perhaps unconsciously, that the concept of religious movement would be useful in reference to seventeenth-century English religious history. But while some have used the term “movement” in describing some religious initiatives, no one has explored the implications of that concept for understanding either religious life or the England of that day. Rather, we continue to force things into the terms of “church” and “sect,” with apologies for a loose fit. And yet a disestablished Catholicism, as well as Puritanism, Quakerism, and an emerging ideological “Anglicanism,” are transformed when understood as movements.

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29

Smith, Nigel. "To Network or Not to Network." Church History and Religious Culture 101, no. 2-3 (2021): 376–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10022.

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Abstract This article contrasts hostility toward visual and literary art in English radical Puritanism before the late seventeenth century with the central role of art for Dutch Mennonites, many involved in the commercial prosperity of Amsterdam. Both 1620s Mennonites and 1650s–1660s Quakers debated the relationship between literal truth of the Bible and claims for the power of a personally felt Holy Spirit. This was the intra-Mennonite “Two-Word Dispute,” and for Quakers an opportunity to attack Puritans who argued that the Bible was literally the Word of God, not the “light within.” Mennonites like Jan Theunisz and Quakers like Samuel Fisher made extensive use of learning, festive subversion and poetry. Texts from the earlier dispute were republished in order to traduce the Quakers when they came to Amsterdam in the 1650s and discovered openness to conversation but not conversion.

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Frontain, Raymond-Jean, and John Stachniewski. "The Persecutory Imagination: English Puritanism and the Literature of Religious Despair." Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 4 (1992): 819. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541747.

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31

Almasy, Rudolph P., and Lawrence A. Sasek. "Images of English Puritanism: A Collection of Contemporary Sources 1589-1646." Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 1 (1992): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542096.

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32

Muller, Richard A., and Joel R. Beeke. "Assurance of Faith: Calvin, English Puritanism, and the Dutch Second Reformation." Sixteenth Century Journal 24, no. 3 (1993): 745. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542157.

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33

Wiggins, Martin, and John Stachniewski. "The Persecutory Imagination: English Puritanism and the Literature of Religious Despair." Modern Language Review 88, no. 4 (1993): 946. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3734442.

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34

Fornecker, Samuel. "John Owen and English Puritanism: Experiences of Defeat, by Crawford Gribben." English Historical Review 133, no. 560 (2017): 177–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cex383.

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35

von Friedeburg, Robert. "Reformation of Manners and the Social Composition of Offenders in an East Anglian Cloth Village: Earls Colne, Essex, 1531–1642." Journal of British Studies 29, no. 4 (1990): 347–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385965.

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The relationship between population growth and growing social differentiation and the appeal of Puritanism to—and its effect on— parts of English society has been the subject of much debate ever since the publication of Christopher Hill's Society and Puritanism. The problem was reformulated and elaborated by Keith Wrightson and David Levine, whose studies focused on the village level. They described in detail the effect of Puritan preaching on local society and what parts of local society were particularly attracted by Puritan preachings, taking as an example the village of Terling, Essex. From the late sixteenth century on, Puritanism proved to be a means to enforce public discipline. Keith Wrightson pointed out the concern for order in Puritan preachings. Puritan preachers reminded assize juries of their responsibility to enforce morals and to restore order. Thus they provided a mental framework for the local “better sort,” who wished to readjust their relations to the growing number of local poor. The enforcement of morals was carried out by wealthy local officeholders by means of sweeps of the alehouses, for example, and served as such an adjustment in the village of Terling. Religion, then, ceased to be a vertical bond tying local society together but added instead a cultural dimension to the already existing differences in property and income.In recent years both Margaret Spufford and Martin Ingram have questioned this connection of Puritanism and the growing difference between rich and poor in many villages. Spufford claims that, despite growing social differentiation, religion still worked as a common bond for poor and wealthy villagers alike.

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36

Hudson, Elizabeth K. "The Plaine Mans Pastor: Arthur Dent and the Cultivation of Popular Piety in Early Seventeenth-Century England." Albion 25, no. 1 (1993): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051038.

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With the collapse of presbyterian efforts to effect structural change in the Church of England in the 1590s, reformers were forced to realize that only widespread and sustained popular support could bring about further reform of the church. It is in this last decade of Elizabeth's reign that Christopher Hill sees the emergence of what he calls a “new Puritanism” designed to nurture such a broad base of support for further reform. This “new Puritanism,” which emphasized preaching and the cultivation of an individual piety rather than ecclesiastical reorganization, “with the household as its essential unit rather than the parish,” could also be described as a return to earlier values that had characterized Puritanism before the rise of the presbyterian party. Whether one chooses to interpret the trends of the late 1590s as “new” or “old,” what is important is that reformers by 1600 were making extensive use of both pulpit and press as instruments for influencing the hearts and minds of the English laity. An examination of the more frequently reprinted works of practical divinity in the first generation of the seventeenth century (which included much sermon literature) ought to reveal the themes that reformers hoped would strike a responsive chord with English readers.Surveying such publications from the 1580s into the early 1600s, we may be surprised to find that two of the most popular works were Protestantized versions of Catholic works: Thomas Rogers's translation of De imitatione Christi (1580) and Edmund Bunny's A Booke of Christian exercise, appertaining to Resolution (1584), adapted from Robert Parsons's First Book of the Christian exercise (1582).

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37

Robison, William B., and Stephen Foster. "The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture." Sixteenth Century Journal 23, no. 4 (1992): 854. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541772.

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38

Hill, Christopher. "Review: The Persecutory Imagination: English Puritanism and the Literature of Religious Despair." Literature & History 2, no. 2 (1993): 96–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030619739300200218.

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39

Raath, Andries, and Shaun de Freitas. "From Heinrich Bullinger to puritanism: John Hooper's theology and the office of magistracy." Scottish Journal of Theology 56, no. 2 (2003): 208–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930603001042.

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The sixteenth-century English Reformer John Hooper's views on the biblical idea of magisterial office and the application of God's law to the whole of the Christian community had a profound influence in England and Scotland. It is also clear that Hooper assimilated much of the German Reformer Heinrich Bullinger's theologico-political federalism, and played an important role in the reception of Bullinger's thought in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Britain. Bullinger, via Hooper, also influenced English and Scottish theories of political resistance in diverse ways.

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40

Collmer, Robert G. "Book Review: Images of English Puritanism: A Collection of Contemporary Sources, 1589–1646." Christianity & Literature 40, no. 1 (1990): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833319004000114.

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Desmond, John F. "Book Review: The Persecutory Imagination: English Puritanism and the Literature of Religious Despair." Christianity & Literature 41, no. 2 (1992): 215–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833319204100218.

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42

Tóth, Zsombor. "Understanding Long Reformation in Eastern Europe: The Case of Hungarian Puritanism Revisited." Journal of Early Modern Christianity 7, no. 2 (2020): 319–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2020-2028.

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AbstractWith the focus on Calvinist Reformation I propose a case study on Hungarian Puritanism that will allow further extrapolations, projections, and some general remarks regarding the entire process of the Hungarian Reformation. This paper draws on the findings of my research examining the reception of English Puritanism in early modern Royal Hungary and Transylvania. I intend to unearth the problematic aspects of cultural and intellectual transfers in an attempt to decipher the intricacies of how Puritan-Calvinist ideas were accepted and incorporated in the religious culture of Hungarian Calvinists. My concern is primarily related to the receiving Hungarian context and its historical evolution. For both the Hungarian Reformation and Hungarian Puritanism appear to have been newly emerging religious cultures resulting from a mixed tradition consisting of transferred ideas and native components. My contention is that the process of transfers and translations are not mechanical takeovers, borrowings or replacements, but a rather complex hermeneutical process of understanding, explaining and applying ideas to the needs of the receivers. One of the major findings of my article is that the application of the concept of long Reformation to the Hungarian case, in line with the latest developments of the field, will not only provide a more suitable historical framework, but it will put to use a repertoire of methodological novelties nurturing the understanding of the entire process of the Reformation based on the transfers of ideas and their consequent reception.

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QUESTIER, MICHAEL. "ARMINIANISM, CATHOLICISM, AND PURITANISM IN ENGLAND DURING THE 1630S." Historical Journal 49, no. 1 (2006): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05005054.

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The relationship between Arminianism and Roman Catholicism in the early Stuart period has long been a source of historiographical controversy. Many contemporaries were in no doubt that such an affinity did exist and that it was politically significant. This article will consider how far there was ideological sympathy and even rhetorical collaboration between Caroline Catholics and those members of the Church of England whom both contemporaries and modern scholars have tended to describe as Arminians and Laudians. It will suggest that certain members of the English Catholic community actively tried to use the changes which they claimed to observe in the government of the Church of England in order to establish a rapport with the Caroline regime. In particular they enthused about what they perceived as a strongly anti-puritan trend in royal policy. Some of them argued that a similar style of governance should be exercised by a bishop over Catholics in England. This was something which they believed would correct the factional divisions within their community and align it more effectively with the Stuart dynasty.

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44

Lake, Peter. "William Bradshaw, Antichrist and the Community of the Godly." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 4 (1985): 570–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900044006.

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Hatred of popery was hardly a puritan monopoly in late sixteenthand early seventeenth-century England. The conviction that the pope was Antichrist was something of a commonplace amongst Protestant Englishmen. Considerable attention has recently been paid to the terms in which the identification was established and asserted. The supposed link between such concerns and a ‘millenarian’ radicalism has quite rightly been challenged, most notably by Dr Bauckham. It remains true, of course, that sensitivity towards the extent and nature of the popish threat was a hallmark of puritanism. The consequences of this, however, were ambiguous. The conviction of the reality and pervasiveness of the popish threat undoubtedly prompted much of the puritan critique of the established Church. Certainly, the rhetoric of Antichrist played a crucial role in puritan denunciations of the corruptions of the English Church. But such denunciations drew much of their polemical force from the fact that the premise on which they were based – the antichristian nature of popery – was generally accepted by English Protestants. For the whole strength of the puritans’ case rested on their ability to present their position as but the logical extension to the area of church polity and ceremony of positions readily accepted in the realm of doctrine. Even the most committed Presbyterians accepted that the doctrine of the established Church was unequivocally Protestant. For the immediate polemical purposes of Presbyterians this provided a powerful argument for a parallel and equally thorough reformation of church polity and discipline. Taking a longer perspective and in the face of the threat from Rome, such considerations served to underline the ties of common interest and identity that bound puritans to the national Church.

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45

Bozeman, Theodore Dwight, and Stephen Foster. "The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570-1700." Journal of American History 78, no. 4 (1992): 1410. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079360.

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Delbanco, Andrew, and Stephen Foster. "The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570-1700." American Historical Review 97, no. 2 (1992): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165857.

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McSwain, James B. "The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570–1700." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 1 (1993): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9950799.

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Beaver, Dan. "Politics and Religion, Community and Modernity: David Underdown in the Historiography of English Puritanism." History Compass 11, no. 5 (2013): 363–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hic3.12053.

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Cohen, Charles L., and Stephen Foster. "The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570-1700." William and Mary Quarterly 49, no. 3 (1992): 524. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2947111.

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Pettit, Norman, and Stephen Foster. "The Long Argument: English Puritanism and the Shaping of New England Culture, 1570-1700." New England Quarterly 64, no. 4 (1991): 688. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/366202.

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