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Journal articles on the topic 'English recusants'
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1
Rogers, David. "The English Recusants: Some Mediaeval Literary Links." Recusant History 23, no. 4 (October 1997): 483–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002338.
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[This article by the late David Rogers was written in 1982. He later read it as a paper at the English Benedictine Congregation History Symposium at Worth Abbey in 1990 and it was subsequently reproduced in typescript as part of the proceedings. The article demands a wider audience and permission to publish it in ‘Recusant History’ has been kindly granted by Dom Gregory Scott O.S.B. and by the Friends of the Bodleian, who hold the copyright in David Rogers's work. A section of the article was elaborated and published as ‘Anthony Batt: A Forgotten Benedictine Translator’ in G.A.M. Janssens & F.G.A.M. Aarts (eds.): ‘Studies in Seventeenth Century English Literature, History and Bibliography’, Amsterdam, 1984]:
2
Conlan, J. P. "Shakespeare's Edward III: A Consolation for English Recusants." Comparative Drama 35, no. 2 (2001): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cdr.2001.0024.
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Davenport, Anne. "Baroque Fire (A Note on Early-Modern Angelology)." Early Science and Medicine 14, no. 1-3 (2009): 369–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157338209x425623.
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AbstractBetween Galileo's discovery of the moons of Jupiter (1610) and the publication of Newton's Principia (1687), uncertainty regarding the structure of the heavens combined with a lyrical fascination for extraterrestrial life inspired a distinctly Baroque outpouring of speculation in which angels played a key part. English Catholic "recusants," haunted by a feeling of lost unity, vividly illustrate the imaginative character of Baroque speculation.
4
Rex, Richard. "Thomas Vavasour M.D." Recusant History 20, no. 4 (October 1991): 436–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005549.
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The names of Dr. Thomas Vavasour and of his wife Dorothy are not uncommon in the chronicles of English Catholic recusancy and in related studies. The poignancy of their story—of a husband and wife practising their religion in the face of persecution and ending their lives in different prisons after a long period of enforced separation—and the relative richness of the relevant sources have together assured them at least a passing mention in such diverse works as Aveling’s studies of Yorkshire recusancy, Cliffe’s account of the Yorkshire gentry, and Claire Cross’ biography of Henry Hastings, third earl of Huntingdon. Although Thomas Vavasour has been described as ‘a very shadowy figure’, he and his wife are in fact among the best documented of the early lay recusants. It is all the more surprising, then, that no attempt has previously been made to bring together the disparate sources to give a reasonably full and coherent account of Thomas Vavasour’s career and family. This article aims to fill that gap. Its attempt to do so is greatly facilitated by the availability in print of much of the basic documentation.
5
Jenkins, Gary W. "Between the Sacraments and Treason: Aspects of the Politicgal Thought of the English Recusants in the First Decade of Elizabeth I's Reign." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 85, no. 1 (2005): 301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607505x00182.
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AbstractThis essay treats how English Roman Catholics, deprived of place and standing in their native church, addressed the two essential elements underlying the Protestant political economy of the Elizabethan Settlement. After a brief précis of how other studies have looked at political thought, the Protestant axioms of a lay supremacy and a unilateral national prerogative in the government of the church shall be delineated. The two main sections shall then treat the Catholic critique of the English national church and its lay supremacy respectively. The conclusion shall address the dilemma of conscience that these principles inflicted on Roman Catholics in Elizabethan England. Having been both summarily deprived of ecclesiastical standing and alienated from their native polity by their refusal to acknowledge the demands of the Elizabethan Settlement, England's Catholics found themselves justifying their actions and assailing the new ecclesio-political arrangements. Specifically the Recusants took aim at the notion of the laity exercising authority over the church whether from the throne or in parliament, and at the concept that England apart from the rest of the Church at all times and in all places could order its rites, liturgies, sacraments, and creed. This second item became more pronounced in that the Oath of Supremacy specifically mentioned the renunciation of all bishops unless they were English. For the Recusants these two elements created an insurmountable barrier for any sincere Catholic conscience.
6
Muldoon, Andrew R. "Recusants, Church-Papists, and "Comfortable" Missionaries: Assessing the Post-Reformation English Catholic Community." Catholic Historical Review 86, no. 2 (2000): 242–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0188.
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Allison, A. F. "Did Creswell Write the Answer to the Proclamation of 1610? A Note on A&R 265." Recusant History 17, no. 3 (May 1985): 348–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001163.
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A work commonly attributed in bibliographies to Joseph Creswell S.J. (1556–1623) is a reply, written under the pseudonym B. D. de Clerimond, to King James I’s proclamation of 2 June 1610 ‘for the due execution of all former laws against Recusants’. The reply, published in 1611, is A&R 265: A proclamation published vnder the name of lames King of Great Britanny. With a brief & moderate answere therunto. Whereto are added the penall statutes, made in the same kingdome, against Catholikes. Togeather with a letter which sheweth the said Catholikes piety: and diuers aduertisements also, for better vnderstanding of the whole matter. Translated out of Latin into English.
8
Marc’hadour, Germain. "Exile and Thomas More." Moreana 44 (Number 171-, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2007.44.3-4.6.
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In Christian parlance, using philosophical analogy, exile is a polyhedric term. More encountered it in both Testaments, with the nomadic life of the patriarchs, the exodus from Egypt, the deportation to Babylon, the persecution that created a diaspora of the Church from the very first century; also in the experience of many saints including archbishops of Canterbury, in England’s dynastic wars which forced successive sovereigns to seek refuge on the Continent; even in pagan antiquity. Anglican uniformity drove many members of More’s entourage to Flanders or France; under Edward VI and Elizabeth thousands of recusants chose self-exile, usually for life; those who did return were mostly young priests who knew their fate would be that of traitors. Exile for religion sake engendered even colleges and monasteries abroad: it produced two complete English bibles, one Protestant in Geneva, one Catholic at Reims and Douai, both good enough to influence that of King James. Akin to exile is our mortal condition as pilgrims on our way to the true home, which is heaven. More himself was never an exile proper, though he was repeatedly sent overseas for missions which made him nostalgic because he was a fond husband and father.
9
Zhuravlev, A. V. "The Doctrine of Passive Obedience in Stuart England, 1603–1688." History 17, no. 8 (2018): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2018-17-8-20-29.
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The article examines the history of the doctrine of passive obedience in England during the Stuart period. Traditionally weak financial and legal basis for royal absolutism in England forced monarchs to rely thoroughly on ideology. The concept of passive obedience promoted by the loyal Anglican clergy was one of the key elements of the absolutist ideology of the 17th century. This doctrine was employed as a counterbalance to revolutionary resistance and monarchomach theories embraced by protestant dissenters and papist recusants alike. During the course of the century the doctrine was embraced by numerous representatives of the Church of England’s establishment, including, but not limited to, John Donn, Roger Maynwaring, George Hickes, Edmund Bohun and many others and disseminated via an array of sermons and pamphlets. One component of the doctrine: non-resistance, was particularly stressed. Several political, social and economic factors conditioned the employment of this doctrine. The first instance of its pronouncement followed the failure of the Gunpowder plot and the necessity to refute catholic contractual theories. Charles I saw the doctrine of passive obedience as both the means to maintain social peace and promote fiscal interests. The new impetus the doctrine gained in the later years of the Restoration: an attempt to integrate it into the ‘ancient constitution’ failed, yet the doctrine of passive obedience was taken up as the chief ideological tool by the Anglican church and employed as a mighty instrument of suppressing resistance and dissent. The Glorious Revolution weakened the grasp of the doctrine in the minds of the English, though by no means killed it. Yet, the regime erected by the Convention of 1689 and strengthened by William of Orange claimed as much of its legitimacy in revolutionary resistance. Thus, henceforth the ideas of passive obedience and non-resistance could not be used as the sole basis of legitimate power in England.
10
Webb, John. "English Recusant Base-Metal Chalices." Archaeological Journal 143, no. 1 (January 1986): 352–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1986.11021139.
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Pinsent, Pat. "Religious Verse of English Recusant Poets." Recusant History 22, no. 4 (October 1995): 491–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002041.
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The validity of bringing together the works of writers who may have little in common other than their religious allegiance is not something which could be justified in every age, especially within the current ecumenical climate. Two anthologies of Catholic poets, Shane Leslie's of 1925 and Frank Sheed's of 1943 may appear to today's reader rather more revelatory of the taste and beliefs of the compilers and their periods than of the poets concerned. Yet it can be claimed that scrutiny of the religious poetry of Catholic writers of the first half of the seventeenth century has a validity which might be lacking in a later period. If religious poetry is indeed the expression of sincere conviction, it is to be expected that writers who have different beliefs will differ also in the forms of expression they give to them in their poetry. In the light of this, the question may be asked as to how, in the seventeenth century, the religious poetry written by Catholics differs from that written by Protestants. The study of a large number of minor writers of this period leads to the conclusion that in the seventeenth century the choice and treatment of subject matter seems to be more integrally related to religious conviction than is the case in later periods.
12
Schweers, Gregory M., and Ceri Sullivan. "Dismembered Rhetoric: English Recusant Writing, 1580-1603." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 538. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544182.
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Daniell, David, and Ceri Sullivan. "Dismembered Rhetoric: English Recusant Writing, 1580-1603." Modern Language Review 93, no. 1 (January 1998): 172. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3733653.
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Berry, Boyd M., and Ceri Sullivan. "Dismembered Rhetoric: English Recusant Writing, 1580 to 1603." Shakespeare Quarterly 47, no. 3 (1996): 343. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2871388.
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Lennon, Colm. "The Rise of Recusancy Among the Dublin Patricians, 1580-1613." Studies in Church History 25 (1989): 123–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400008627.
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‘The mayor, aldermen, merchants and inhabitants of Dublin are notorious papists, hating the English nation and government’, wrote a state official in 1596. It was noted about the same time that, by contrast, there had been scarcely six of that ilk to be found there in the early years of Queen Elizabeth’s reign. While grossly mistaken in perceiving a conjunction of religious dissidence and political disaffection, this commentator on late sixteenth-century Dublin correctly identified a steady trend towards adherence to the older religion on the part of the leading citizens and others. Within a decade the assertion was publicly confirmed, at least in the case of the aldermen. More than half of that elite group of senior city councillors were convicted of recusant offences and suffered imprisonment and heavy fines. And by 1613 the much-feared merging of the religious and political discontents of Dubliners seemed to be closer to becoming a reality. The freemen chose as their members in the forthcoming parliament two avowed Catholics. The election of Aldermen Thomas Allen and Francis Taylor (which was later overturned by state intervention) was regarded as a deliberate effort by the civic body to defend cherished liberties, including that of conscience, through determined recusancy.
16
Arblaster, Paul. "‘G.C.’, Recusant Prison Translator of the Japonian Epistells." Recusant History 28, no. 1 (May 2006): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011043.
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In the Royal Library of Belgium in Brussels is a manuscript which consists of over two hundred closely-written folios of English translations of Jesuit letters from Japan, or Japonia as it was then called, introduced with a prologue by the compiler ‘G.C.’, hinting fairly heavily that the translations were made in prison. Until recently rebound, the manuscript bore a Latin inscription on the pastedown, stating: ‘This book belongs to the English Benedictine Monastery of the Assumption of Our Lady in Brussels’. Although the contents of the volume are of interest in their own right, the concern of this article is with two men, Gabriel Colford and George Cotton, who have little in common except the initials ‘G.C.’ and the experience of imprisonment for religion.
17
Bossy, John. "Recusant history and after." British Catholic History 32, no. 3 (April 21, 2015): 271–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2015.1.
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It is now fifty-six years since I wrote my first piece for Recusant History, and I am happy to have survived to welcome its reincarnation. Since its foundation in 1951 as an addendum to Gillow’s Biographical Dictionary of English Catholics it has had an honourable career, getting into print a number of essential contributions to the history of Catholics in England, mainly between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. It has been a companion to the distinguished bibliographical work of Anthony Allison, David Rogers and Tom Birrell. It was a creation of laymen, which is to say that it was an attempt to transcend the efforts of a period when this history had been largely a monopoly of the clergy, and ran the risk of degenerating into feuds between rival sections of that body. This lay input was much strengthened by the effect of the 1944 Education Act, which produced numbers of students keen to make a mark in the field. In view of their education, they did not necessarily alter the terms in which questions were put, and when the modest journal was launched a degree of hegemony in the Catholic Record Society was being exercised by the Jesuit side, which ought to have but failed to put out the letters and papers of Robert Persons. It had an invitation to wider thoughts in the philo-Jesuit lectures on the Counter-Reformation of the Cambridge academic Outram Evennett, delivered also in 1951.1 As these were not published until 1968 the invitation was muffled, but something of it was in the atmosphere.
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Birrell, T. A. "English Counter-Reformation Book Culture." Recusant History 22, no. 2 (October 1994): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001825.
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The recent appearance of the final volume of The Contemporary Printed Literature of the English Counter-Reformation between 1558 and 1640, an Annotated Catalogue, by A. F. Allison and D. M. Rogers, volume II, Works in English (ARCR II), represents the completion of the work of two scholarly lifetimes devoted to the study of early recusant printed books. To call it merely a catalogue, or even an annotated catalogue, is to underestimate the nature of the achievement. Perhaps the best way to evaluate it is to begin by tracing the history of its development.
19
Williams, J. Anthony. "‘Our Patriarch’: Bishop Bonaventure Giffard, 1642–1734. An Introductory Sketch." Recusant History 26, no. 3 (May 2003): 426–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031022.
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The accolade above, applied to Bishop Giffard in the 1720s, was bestowed by Edward Dicconson, then chaplain at Chillington Hall in Brewood, Staffs., the Giffards’ principal seat and hints at the combination of affection and veneration with which he was regarded by clergy and laity alike. The bishop, described by Archbishop Matthew as ‘a very old gentleman of delightful manners and deep piety’, was then about eighty years of age, having been born at Wolverhampton, probably in the opening year of the English Civil War, into a junior branch of that ancient family, referred to by Michael Greenslade as ‘perhaps the most considerable in the history of Staffordshire recusancy’. Frequently known as Joseph but increasingly as Bonaventure, the future bishop was the third of four sons of Andrew Giffard (youngest brother of Peter Giffard of Chillington) and his wife Katherine, daughter of Sir Walter Leveson, kt. of Wolverhampton, a place where the two families, also linked by earlier marriage, possessed substantial influence but which by the 1640s, as Dr Rowlands has shown, was hardly living down to its reputation as a hotbed of popery and a haven for ‘Rome’s snaky brood’, though in the following decade it was still ‘by many styled “Little Rome’”, echoing the title earlier applied to the Viscountess Montagu’s recusant establishment in Sussex.
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Champ, Judith F. "Cardinal Philip Howard OP, Rome and English Recusancy." New Blackfriars 76, no. 894 (June 1995): 268–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1995.tb07103.x.
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Davenport, Anne. "English Recusant Networks and the Early Defense of Cartesian Philosophy." Journal of Early Modern Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.7761/jems.1.1.65.
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Milward, Peter. "The Recusancy of Hamlet." Recusant History 30, no. 3 (May 2011): 435–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200013017.
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As Jane Austen would say, it is a truth universally acknowledged, even among Shakespeare scholars, that Shakespeare is the great enigma in English literature. To some extent this truth was partially covered up during the long period of Shakespeare scholarship when any discussion of Shakespeare's religion was considered taboo. But in the past couple of decades this taboo has been lifted to the extent that the theme proposed for the biennial Shakespeare Conference at Stratford in the year 2000 was ‘Shakespeare and Religions’. On the other hand, so far from resolving the Shakespearian enigma, the recent weakening of the taboo has only served to bring it more prominently into the foreground of scholarly attention and discussion. And of all the plays that may be said to centre on this enigma, it hardly needs to be said that Hamlet is not only one among many but the one play that may be called uniquely so—as being the most problematic of all Shakespeare's so-called ‘problem plays’.
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Fett, Denice. "Spanish Diplomacy and English Recusancy in Early Elizabethan England." Reformation 15, no. 1 (November 13, 2010): 169–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/refm.v15.169.
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Lux-Sterritt, Laurence. "An Analysis of the Controversy Caused by Mary Ward’s Institute in the 1620s." Recusant History 25, no. 4 (October 2001): 636–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200030521.
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During the reign of Elizabeth I, English Catholicism experienced a degree of persecution that was meant to ensure the extirpation of the old faith. However, Elizabethan anti-Catholic laws had an ambiguous effect upon the recusant population of England. Although the Roman Catholic faith initially suffered greatly, yet by the end of the reign it was rising again with force. The unique vocation of Yorkshirewoman, Mary Ward (1585–1645), can be seen as an eloquent illustration of this new English Catholic spirit and as the embodiment of an English missionary determination to further the Catholic cause.
25
Wabuda, Susan, and Paul Strauss. "In Hope of Heaven: English Recusant Prison Writings of the Sixteenth Century." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 597. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543504.
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Clancy, Thomas H. "Spiritual Publications of English Jesuits, 1615–1640." Recusant History 19, no. 4 (October 1989): 426–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020392.
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In assemblies of scholars the remark is often heard, ‘what we need is an English Bremond.’ The reference is to Henri Bremond's Histoire de Sentiment Religieux en France which issued forth in eleven stout volumes from 1916 to 1933 and has since achieved a well-deserved reputation as a classic. There is no question here even of a beginning of an English Bremond. He limited himself to Catholic writers, but even so he was able to touch most of the high points of the French spiritual tradition. Our goal is to trace but one stream in the Recusant/ Catholic tradition, namely, the literature of the English Jesuits. By this we mean spiritual books in English written or translated by members of the English province of the Society of Jesus and published under Catholic auspices in the twenty-six years from 1615 to 1640.
27
Hunter, James. "Review of Book: Augustine Baker's Inner Light: A Study in English Recusant Spirituality." Downside Review 111, no. 383 (April 1993): 150–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001258069311138305.
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Fendley, John. "The Pastons of Horton and the Horton Court Library." Recusant History 22, no. 4 (October 1995): 501–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200002053.
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The manor house of Horton Court, about three miles from Chipping Sodbury in Gloucestershire, was a focus of Catholicism when occupied in the eighteenth century by a recusant branch of the Paston family. The present writer's interest in its past has recently been kindled by the discovery that its library, whose catalogue survives, though the books have long been dispersed, contains many books by, or closely associated with, English Catholics of the penal times. One of the collections that went from it had probably been put together by Dr Edward Paston, a distinguished President of the English College at Douai, who died in 1714.
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Mathúna, Seán P. Ó. "William Bathe, S.J., Recusant Scholar, 1564–1614: ‘Weary of the Heresy’." Recusant History 19, no. 1 (May 1988): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020136.
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IN 1584 A brief introduction to the art of music, one of the earliest books in English on the theory of music, was published in London. William Bathe the author was then a student at St. John's College, Oxford. The young man's promise of a greatly improved system for the teaching of singing and music is not central to our purpose. His dedication of the work to Gerald Fitzgerald, 11th Earl of Kildare, was imprudent. This highlighting of his ‘uncle’, or more accurately granduncle, was intended to gain wider acceptance for his work but the ‘Wizard Earl’ was at that time lodged in the Tower suspected of complicity with Viscount Baltinglass in ‘actual rebellion’.
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Baize-Vézier, Sophie. "Musique et récusance : enfermement, identité, circulation." Moreana 53 (Number 205-, no. 3-4 (December 2016): 210–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2016.53.3-4.13.
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English Catholic music outlived the Reformation by adapting itself to the new demands of the Council of Trent: more clarity, better readability for greater religious fervor. Its musicians, whether exiled or not, were the heirs of polyphony and they developed their own tradition, more suitable to their private Tridentine Catholic devotion within the recusant communities. They also composed for secular music following the fashion of the Italian madrigal (William Byrd) and participated in the emergence of instrumental music thanks to the resumed practice of chamber music. These trends appeared partly within the clandestine and restricted environment of recusant circles in England and on the Continent. The channels used by the music and the musicians were the arteries of a community scattered throughout the country and beyond, allowing fruitful exchanges between local and continental traditions, and mutually benefiting each other. The heart of those networks lay with the Catholic collectors and patrons who collected and brought back the new works, financially supported the musicians and created the right conditions for the emergence of new musical genres announcing the Baroque era.
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Milward, Peter. "The Disinherited in Shakespeare’s Plays." Moreana 45 (Number 173), no. 1 (June 2008): 167–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.2008.45.1.16.
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In conjunction with the current “revisionism” of English history from a Catholic viewpoint, it is time to undertake a corresponding revision of the plays and personality of William Shakespeare. For this purpose it is not enough to rest content with the meagre historical record, but we have to go ahead in the light of recusant history with a reinterpretation of the plays, considering the extent to which they lend themselves to the Catholic viewpoint. This is not merely a matter of nostalgia for the mediaeval past, but it looks above all to the present sufferings of the “disinherited” English Catholics — in the light of the continued presence of Christ who is suffering, as Pascal famously noted, in his faithful even till the end of the world.
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SMITH, FREDERICK E. "THE ORIGINS OF RECUSANCY IN ELIZABETHAN ENGLAND RECONSIDERED." Historical Journal 60, no. 2 (August 18, 2016): 301–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x16000169.
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AbstractMost historians now acknowledge that Catholic recusancy existed in small pockets throughout 1560s and early 1570s England thanks to the sporadic efforts of a handful of former Marian priests. However, it is widely agreed that the influx of continentally trained seminarians and missionaries from abroad after 1574 was responsible for transforming the ‘curious and confused’ activities of these Marian clergymen into a fully fledged, intellectually justified campaign in favour of nonconformity. This article challenges this consensus through investigation of a neglected group of clerics – the cathedral clergy of Mary I's reign. Drawing on insights emerging from recent research into the nature of Mary's church, it demonstrates how these clerics became key agents in the so-called ‘invention of the Counter-Reformation’ in Marian England. It suggests that this ‘upbringing’ gave these priests the determination and skills to become leaders of a co-ordinated campaign in favour of principled nonconformity following Elizabeth's accession. Far from lacking the zeal of their seminary and missionary counterparts, this article sees the former cathedral clergy imitating the practices of their adversaries and anticipating the strategies of the later English mission in order to promote recusancy throughout England from as early as 1560.
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Walker, Claire. "In Hope of Heaven: English Recusant Prison Writings of the Sixteenth Century (review)." Parergon 15, no. 1 (1997): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1997.0114.
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F. Champ, Judith. "Priesthood and Politics in the Nineteenth Century: The Turbulent Career of Thomas Mcdonnell." Recusant History 18, no. 3 (May 1987): 289–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268419500020626.
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THE CONSEQUENCE of the Cisapline attempt to ‘grapple with the social and intellectual transformation of the modern world” and to bring about a ‘revision of the pyramidal structure of the Tridentine Church” was the greater assimilation of English Catholics into contemporary society. Encouraged by a new sense of freedom, clergy and laity participated more actively in English public life’ and dismantled much of the closed élite community of the recusant period. This led to a brief phase in which both clergy and laity exercised their new-found freedoms, but which was dogged by disputes. Arguments raged between liberalism and authority, and between sectarian ideals and non-denominational activities. They were eventually resolved in a restoration, by 1850, of the pyramidal structure of the Tridentine Church, in which the role of the laity was subject to the authority and guidance of the clergy.
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Van Strien, C. D. "Recusant Houses in the Southern Netherlands as seen by British Tourists, c. 1650–1720." Recusant History 20, no. 4 (October 1991): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200005586.
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The English who, in the seventeenth century, went abroad in order to get to know the countries and peoples of Europe looked upon the presence of their countrymen and women in convents in Flanders and Brabant as one of their many subjects of inquiry. Protestant travellers who had little occasion to mix with Catholics at home and who had gone abroad to widen their horizons visited these houses as a matter of course. For them, as for the much smaller number who came to see relatives and acquaintances, the informal conversations must have been a welcome change after the ‘Compulsory’ visits to public buildings and all sorts of collections of curiosities in cities far away from home.
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Caro, Robert V. "William Alabaster:Rhetor, Meditator, Devotional Poet—I." Recusant History 19, no. 1 (May 1988): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020148.
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IT has been commonplace in the literary criticism of the past thirty years to acknowledge the influence of the Counter-Reformation devotional tradition on English metaphysical poetry of the seventeenth century. The sonnets of William Alabaster, a little known recusant poet writing just before the dawn of the century, provide an early example of this influence. Even when Alabaster does not rise above his craftmanship, his poems offer insights into the cultural equipment and habits of mind of the age in which he lived, revealing how meditation could vivify rhetorical invention, injecting it with feeling and passion and transforming the persona of a lyric poem into a dramatic speaker.
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Temple, Liam Peter. "Mysticism and Identity among the English Poor Clares." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 645–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001811.
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This article explores the newly catalogued manuscripts of the English Poor Clares preserved in Palace Green Library, Durham. It argues that the collection advances our understanding of the spirituality of the Poor Clares, a group who have received substantially less attention than their Benedictine and Carmelite counterparts. Focusing on manuscript evidence relating to mysticism at the convents of Aire and Rouen, it suggests three areas of interest to scholars of English women religious and recusant Catholic spirituality. First, it explores how a dual understanding of unio mystica in the convents converted wider concepts of anonymity and self-effacement into a radical form of authorial poverty. Through this, the nuns sought not only to unite with God but also achieve a symbolic union with each other. Secondly, it explores how the physical objects of the crucifix and Eucharist served to inspire a deeper mystical pattern of growth within the souls of the nuns. It suggests that feast days and specific times of the year, especially building up to Easter, had a profound effect on spiritual outpourings. Finally, the article explores the importance of the concept of the “heavenly Jerusalem” to the Poor Clares, revealing its centrality to their understanding of their life as a pilgrimage and their own lived experience as exiles.
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WALKER, CLAIRE. "PRAYER, PATRONAGE, AND POLITICAL CONSPIRACY: ENGLISH NUNS AND THE RESTORATION." Historical Journal 43, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008882.
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Restoration historiography has so far remained silent regarding the alliance between the exiled royalists and the recusant religious houses in the Low Countries. This article examines the assistance provided to the royalist cause by Abbess Mary Knatchbull of the English Benedictine cloister at Ghent. The correspondence of Charles's leading advisers, most notably Sir Edward Hyde, reveals the extent to which the conspirators relied upon the nuns' mail service to communicate with their supporters in England and abroad, and upon the abbess's ability to obtain funds from local financiers. While the nuns were not central players in the conspiracies of the late 1650s, their activities reveal the royalists' dependency upon the networks established by Catholic exiles. The article also explores Mary Knatchbull's motives for devoting so much of her community's temporal and spiritual resources to the royalist cause. The rewards she sought from the king after 1660 suggest that she had a definite religious and political agenda which aimed ultimately at Catholic toleration. Therefore the article raises several important issues about Charles II's and his ministers' links with English Catholics and, in particular, it points to the important role of women in the hitherto masculine territory of royalist conspiracy and politics.
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Honisch, Erika Supria. "Encounters with Music in Rudolf II's Prague." Austrian History Yearbook 52 (April 5, 2021): 64–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237821000126.
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AbstractThis article uses three well-known members of Rudolf II's imperial court—the astronomer Johannes Kepler, the composer Philippe de Monte, and the adventurer Kryštof Harant—to delineate some ways music helped Europeans understand identity and difference in the early modern period. For Kepler, the unfamiliar intervals of a Muslim prayer he heard during the visit of an Ottoman delegation offered empirical support for his larger arguments about the harmonious properties of Christian song and its resonances in a divinely ordered universe. For Harant, listening and singing were a means of sounding out commonalities and differences with the Christians and Muslims he encountered on his travels through the Holy Land. Monte sent his music across Europe to the English recusant William Byrd, initiating a compositional exchange that imagined beleaguered Bohemian and English Catholics as Israelites in exile, yearning for Jerusalem. Collectively, these three case studies suggest that musical thinking in Rudolfine Prague did not revolve around or descend from the court or sovereign; rather, Rudolf II's most erudite subjects listened, sang, and composed to understand themselves in relation to others.
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Tutino, Stefania. "‘Makynge Recusancy Deathe Outrighte’? Thomas Pounde, Andrew Willet and The Catholic Question in Early Jacobean England." Recusant History 27, no. 1 (May 2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031162.
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With the accession of James VI of Scotland to England’s throne as James I, many English Catholics began hoping that the vexing question of religion would soon be resolved in a manner not unfavourable to their faith. James, after all, was the son of the Catholic Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, and it seemed not impossible that he would convert to the Catholic faith. The diplomatic contact with Spain that would eventually produce the Treaty of 1604 was already in process and religious toleration was one element in the discussion. But the more significant grounds for Catholics’ hope came most certainly from the position on the English religious question enunciated by the King himself. As his reign began, James seemed to be demonstrating a more favourable attitude towards Catholics than towards Puritans. His Basilikon Down declared the Church of Rome and the Church of England ‘agree in the grounds’, while his first speech to Parliament in March 1604 characterized Catholicism as ‘a religion, falsely called Catholik, but trewly Papist’, while defining the Puritans, as ‘a sect rather than a Religion’.
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Foley, Brian C. "John Henry Newman and the Roman Oratory." Recusant History 25, no. 1 (May 2000): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200031952.
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[It is with great regret the journal records the death, in his ninetieth year, of the longest-serving Vice-President of the Catholic Record Society. Bishop Brian Foley, D.Litt., became Vice-President in 1978 after fourteen years as President. Throughout his priestly life he was a keen supporter of the historical enterprize of the CRS. His most recent book was a study of the Jubilee Years from 1300 to 1975, published in anticipation of the Great Jubilee of the millennium. In tribute to Bishop Foley, Recusant History reissues an article by him that first appeared in the Venerabile in 1989 (vol.29, no.3). Acknowledgement is made to the Rector of the English College in Rome and to the editor of the Venerabile for their kind permission to reproduce the article in its original form.]
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Glickman, Gabriel. "Catholic Interests and the Politics of English Overseas Expansion 1660–1689." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 4 (October 2016): 680–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.74.
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AbstractThroughout the reign of Charles II, a growing number of Catholics entered into the civil and military infrastructure of the overseas colonies. While Maryland was consolidated as a center of settlement, a new crop of English and Irish officeholders shaped the political development of Tangier, New York and the Leeward Islands. Their careers highlighted the opportunities of overseas expansion as a route into the public domain: a chance for Catholics to sidestep the penal restrictions of the three kingdoms and construct an alternative relationship with the crown. This article examines the emergence of Catholic authority within the plantations, and situates the experiment within larger shifts in strategic and ideological debate over English colonization. I suggest that experiences in the colonies invigorated economic and political strategies that became central to the advancement of Catholic interests in the domestic realm. While colonial trade bolstered Catholic estates against penal pressures, the new settlements provided the training ground for attempts to demonstrate the compatibility of confessional pluralism with commercial flourishing and civil allegiance. The effect, however, was to raise conflict in colonial politics and heighten anxieties in the domestic realm over the effects of overseas plantation. I argue that by uncovering a neglected sphere of “recusant history” we gain new insights into the ideological fragilities that disrupted the pursuit of territories overseas. Catholic promotions exposed a growing tension between the “Protestant interest” and the principles and practices that informed the expansion of the Stuart realm.
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Doyle, A. I. "The Contemporary Printed Literature of the English Counter-Reformation between 1558 and 1640. Volume I: Works in Languages other than English." Recusant History 20, no. 2 (October 1990): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003419320000532x.
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This volume has been eagerly awaited for many years by people who have been aware of this aspect of the authors’ activities, but it will be a revelation to many others who only know their previous joint work, commonly called A&R, A Catalogue of Catholic Books in English Printed Abroad or Secretly in England 1558–1640, published originally in Biographical Studies, 1956, the predecessor of Recusant History. That publication has long been available separately and its findings, though not all its information about locations of copies, have also been taken into the second edition of the Short Title Catalogue by Dr. K. F. Pantzer. Now the authors announce that they plan to publish as volume II of their new work an augmented revision of the English catalogue, but rearranged on the same lines as the volume under review. The assignment of fresh numbers to the entries in that revision, mentioned here, is a proprosai which has already aroused serious misgivings (to put it mildly) among habitual users of the established A&R references. They are conscious of the confusion caused by the late Donald Wing’s alteration of numbers for items in the second edition of volume I of his Short Title Catalogue 1641–1700, which are having to be reversed in the third edition. The reason for the proposed change to A&R is presumably that in this new work they are offering more of a subject than author-related handbook, although part I of the present volume is still arranged alphabetically under individual and institutional names (not all authors, yet mainly so) and is much longer (1428 items plus and minus afterthoughts) than part II, which is arranged chronologically by a number of historical episodes and amounts to only about 190 items.
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McCoog, T. M. "The Finances of the English Province of the Society of Jesus in the Seventeenth Century: Introduction." Recusant History 18, no. 1 (May 1986): 14–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200020021.
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CHRISTOPHER HILL'SEconomic Problems of the Church from Archbishop Whitgift to the Long parliament’has long been the standard work on the financial composition of the post-Reformation English church. Over the past fifteen years, however, historians have taken a second look at the material covered by Hill and have begun to formulate new questions about it. Historians such as Felicity Heal and Rosemary O'Day have led new investigations into the economic conditions of the English church. Despite this renewed interest, no one has tackled the more difficult subject of recusant finances. Here is a world hidden behind aliases and secret trusts and one that remains almost totally unexplored. In a series of articles to appear in this journal, I shall venture ‘where angels fear to tread’ and attempt to make sense out of the complicated and confusing records of Jesuit financial activity. This article, which will serve as an introduction to the series, will be concerned with the constitutional development of the Society of Jesus, the spiritual exhortations to poverty as an evangelical counsel and a religious vow, and the legal entanglements of the penal laws in England. It is essential to remember that, first and foremost, the English Jesuits were religious bound by vows, specifically the vow of poverty. All financial activities and investments were restricted by that vow as it was then understood throughout the Society. Future articles will examine the income and the investments of the early Jesuit mission and its eventual subdivision into colleges and residences.
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Suarez, Michael F. "A New Collection of English Recusant Manuscript Poetry from the Late-Sixteenth Century: Extraordinary Devotion in the Liturgical Season of ‘Ordinary Time’." Recusant History 22, no. 3 (May 1995): 306–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001941.
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At Yale University, the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library's James Marshall and Marie-Louise Osborn Collection has recently acquired a fascinating manuscript of late sixteenth-century Roman Catholic devotional verse in English (Osborn Shelves a30). Following the liturgical year from Trinity Sunday to the feast of Saint Catherine on November 25th, these fifty-eight poems celebrate the solemnities, feasts, and memorials of the Roman liturgical calendar throughout the approximately twenty-six weeks comprising the major portion of ‘ordinary time’. Presumably, this collection would have had a companion volume, now lost, covering the period from Advent to Pentecost which includes the principal solemnities and great seasons of the liturgical year.
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Treadwell, Victor. "New light on Richard Hadsor, I: Richard Hadsor and the authorship of ‘Advertisements for Ireland’, 1622/3." Irish Historical Studies 30, no. 119 (May 1997): 305–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140001316x.
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Unlike some members of his profession, Richard Hadsor (c. 1570–1635), a Middle Temple lawyer born in Ireland, has not been caught in the spotlight which historians have aimed at the dramatic political confrontations in England and Ireland during the early seventeenth century. Nor, since he was not a recusant, has he attracted the attention of Irish historians of the legal profession. Although canvassed for both, he never attained a seat in a parliament or a place on the English or Irish judiciary. He had no part in the ‘inflation of honours’ as either a broker or a recipient. Although he spent the whole of his professional life in London, nothing is known of his English social circle — apart from a single reference in his will to Sir lohn Bramston, a fellow Templar — or the value of his private practice, and only a little (which is, however, suggestive) of his clientèle. He wrote nothing for publication. He had no legitimate offspring and, therefore, none of the successful lawyer’s usual inclination to create a substantial patrimony. In consequence, it is hardly surprising that he does not figure in the standard works of biography or even in a commemoration of nearly one thousand Middle Templars straddling several centuries. Nevertheless, in his own time Richard Hadsor was no nonentity, and he deserves to be rescued from an entirely posthumous obscurity by something more generous than a scholarly footnote. His career as a devoted royal servant spanned a period in which the Old English were being relentlessly excluded from high office in Ireland, yet as crown counsel for Irish affairs he succeeded in establishing a distinctive niche in the Whitehall bureaucracy.
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Archibald, Christopher. "Calculating History: A Mid-Seventeenth-Century Reader of Robert Persons’ A Conference about the Next Succession (1594/1595)." Review of English Studies 71, no. 299 (June 14, 2019): 272–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgz043.
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Abstract This article examines one of the Bodleian Library’s copies of Robert Persons’ Elizabethan succession tract A Conference about the Next Succession that a 1650s reader has heavily annotated and used to compile a miscellany of poems and extracts from religious, political and historical works. The annotations and miscellany are concerned primarily with recent religious and political history. The reader compiles copies of popular ballads and poems, quotations from religious polemic by Catholic authors and a set of calculations of the dates of recent events in English Catholic history. This marked book serves as a case study through which to explore historical consciousness and the production of particularly Catholic forms of history and memory in the early modern period. This article seeks to query critical narratives concerning apparently combative seventeenth-century political reading practice by extending the remit of the ‘political’ to encompass different generic forms and approaches. It argues that by combining chronological and analogical perspectives this reader constructs a distinctively recusant history. An appendix identifies all of the works used by the annotator and all of the known editions or manuscripts they may have used.
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Aveling, John. "Sources for Recusant History (1539-1791) in English Official Archives. By J. Anthony Williams. [Recusant History, xvi. 4. Pp. 331–451.] The Catholic Record Society, 1983. (Available from W. Dawson & Sons, Cannon House, Park Road, Folkestone, Kent, price £7.98.)." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, no. 1 (January 1985): 157–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900024404.
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Low, Anthony. "Paul Strauss, In Hope of Heaven: English Recusant Prison Writings of the Sixteenth Century. New York and Bern: Peter Lang, 1995. viii + 156 pages." Ben Jonson Journal 4, no. 1 (January 1997): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/bjj.1997.4.1.18.
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Blackwood, B. Gordon. "Lancashire Catholics, Protestants and Jacobites During the 1715 Rebellion." Recusant History 22, no. 1 (May 1994): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200001758.
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Historians are generally agreed that Lancashire was the most Catholic and the most Jacobite county in England at the time of the 1715 rebellion. Indeed, final confirmation of this connection would seem to have been established by Professor Paul Kléber Monod. In his book,Jacobitism and the English People 1688–1788,Monod has stated that ‘Lancashire had the largest [Catholic] recusant population in England’ at the end of the seventeenth century, and that of the 688 listed English Jacobite rebels captured at Preston in 1715, 366 were from Lancashire, 227 from Northumberland, 78 from other counties, six from Ireland and eleven from unidentified places. Monod also discovered the religious affiliations of four-fifths of the Lancashire rebels and noted that 76 per cent of them were Roman Catholics. With these vital statistics in our possession it would seem that there is no need for further research on Lancashire Catholicism and Jacobitism in the early eighteenth century. But certain questions, ignored or barely touched on by Monod and other historians, need answering. First, how many Catholics were there in Lancashire in about 1715, what was their geographical distribution and social composition, and how far were they dominated by the gentry? Secondly, what was the social composition of the various Lancashire Catholic groups: the active Jacobites, the passive Jacobites and those of unknown allegiance? Thirdly, how do the Catholic and Protestant Jacobite rebels of Lancashire compare from a social and political standpoint? Finally, and confining ourselves mainly to the Catholic gentry, how strong a link was there in Lancashire between the Royalism of the Civil Wars (1642–48) and the Jacobitism of the 1715 rebellion?