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1

Mueller, Christine L. "Enlightened Absolutism." Austrian History Yearbook 25 (January 1994): 159–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800006354.

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2

Roider, Karl A., and Franz A. J. Szabo. "Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism 1753-1780." American Historical Review 100, no. 5 (December 1995): 1625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170012.

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3

Keller, Katrin. "Saxony: Rétablissement and Enlightened Absolutism." German History 20, no. 3 (July 1, 2002): 309–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0266355402gh259oa.

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4

Behnen, Michael. "German History 1713–1790. Dualism and Enlightened Absolutism." Philosophy and History 21, no. 1 (1988): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philhist198821139.

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5

Weis, Eberhard. "Enlightenment and Absolutism in the Holy Roman Empire: Thoughts on Enlightened Absolutism in Germany." Journal of Modern History 58 (December 1986): S181—S197. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243156.

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6

Molnar, Aleksandar. "Boundaries of Enlightened Absolutism: Kant and Frederick the Great." Serbian Political Thought 5, no. 1 (2012): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/spt.512012.1.

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7

Ingrao, Charles. "The Problem of "Enlightened Absolutism" and the German States." Journal of Modern History 58 (December 1986): S161—S180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/243155.

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8

Stanković Pejnović, Vesna. "Pitfalls of Enlightened Absolutism: The Case of Ignác Martinovics." Filozofska istraživanja 37, no. 3 (November 23, 2017): 615–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21464/fi37313.

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9

Sklokin, Volodymyr. "Sloboda Ukraine, Imperial Unification, and Enlightened Absolutism: Some Afterthoughts." Ab Imperio 2020, no. 2 (2020): 249–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2020.0041.

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10

Omel'chenko, O. A. "The "Legitimate Monarchy" of Catherine the Second Enlightened Absolutism in Russia." Russian Studies in History 33, no. 4 (April 1995): 66–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rsh1061-1983330466.

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11

Klingenstein, Grete. "Revisions Of Enlightened Absolutism: ‘The Austrian Monarchy is Like no Other’." Historical Journal 33, no. 1 (March 1990): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013157.

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12

Van Horn Melton, James. "Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753-1780, Franz A.J. SzaboKaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753-1780, Franz A.J. Szabo. New York, Cambridge University Press, 1994. xvii, 380 pp." Canadian Journal of History 30, no. 3 (December 1995): 502–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.30.3.502.

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13

Leonidov, Denis L. "MATIAS AIRES’S "REFLECTIONS ON MEN’S VANITY": AN IRONIC APOLOGY OF ENLIGHTENED ABSOLUTISM." Study of Religion, no. 1 (2020): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2020.1.94-100.

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14

Jessen, Mathias Hein. "Den filosofiske politiker – Frederik den Store og statsræsonen." Slagmark - Tidsskrift for idéhistorie, no. 59 (March 9, 2018): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/sl.v0i59.104732.

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Frederick the Great (ruled 1740-86) is one of the main figures of Enlightened Absolutism. Frederic was on the one hand an enlightened philosopher deeply inspired by the ideals of the Enlightenment. On the other hand he ruled one of the most autocratic states in history and commanded the strongest and most disciplined military force of his time. Despite his many writings, however, Frederick is rarely investigated as a political thinker. The article focuses on the political writings of Frederick the Great and more specifically on his use of the concept of reason of state to legitimize his rule, not least with regard to his enlightened ideals. In this struggle for legitimacy, Frederick abolishes the concept of a personal ruler, and in doing so becomes a fascinating figure in the transition from a personalized government to the abstract, depersonalized concept of the state that still dominates our political reality today.
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Artamonova, L. M. "Posad as an Urban Settlement in the Age of “Enlightened Absolutism”: The Town of Masters and Merchants under the Canopy of the Holy Trinity." Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 21, no. 1 (January 20, 2022): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2022-21-1-145-150.

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The paper discusses the new monograph by N. A. Chetyrina, a well-known researcher of Russian urban history. Her book is dedicated to studying one of the remarkable “small” towns of Russia – Sergievsky Posad at the initial stage of its development during the reforms of the “Enlightened Absolutism”. The author shows clearly that this town’s example highlights the features of the status, the composition of the population, the management system in the “posads”, which were a kind of urban settlement in the Russian Empire. The book made a significant contribution to the economic, social, administrative and cultural history of Russian urban settlements in the late 18th – early 19th century. In general, her monograph contains of valuable material explaining the estate structure of the Russian society in the period of the “Enlightened Absolutism”. So, a very fractional list of “titles” and “states” of different groups of residents in the historical sources now does not prevent us from the conclusion that there are common class characteristics in the category of “urban inhabitants” and in the category of “rural inhabitants planted on the state lands”. This monograph could be highly recommended for academic scholars and students in studying modern trends in the historical science – urban history, local history, social history.
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16

Subotic, Milan. "The birth of Russian intelligentsia from the spirit of the enlightenment: Alexander Radishchev." Filozofija i drustvo 20, no. 2 (2009): 203–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0902203s.

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This text is the second part of a study about Alexander Radishchev, one of the leading representatives of Enlightenment in Russia's XVIII Century. Starting with explanation of the 'enlightened absolutism' of Catherine the Great, the author analyses the political and social ideas presented in Radishchev's book Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow. Considering Radishchev as a 'father of Russian intelligentsia', the author stress that Radishchev's social criticism anticipated the later phenomenon of 'dissidence'.
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17

Kuhli, Milan. "Power and Law in Enlightened Absolutism - Carl Gottlieb Svarez’ Theoretical and Practical Approach." Rechtsgeschichte - Legal History 2013, no. 21 (2013): 016–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.12946/rg21/016-030.

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18

Veres, Madalina-Valeria. "Putting Transylvania on the Map: Cartography and Enlightened Absolutism in the Habsburg Monarchy." Austrian History Yearbook 43 (April 2012): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237811000634.

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After touring Transylvania in 1773, Joseph II, emperor of the Holy Roman Empire and co-regent of the Habsburg monarchy, wrote to Empress Maria Theresa complaining about the state of the province's economy and its administrative corruption. Such problems required urgent reform of the sort that could be carried out only by a strong, centralized government acting in the spirit of Enlightened Absolutism. However, success in these endeavors required something more. In Joseph II's words: “We have to remember that the best intentions fail often and the lack of knowledge of local realities makes such a real difference in governance, that what is often considered the best and wisest decisions, cannot be applied locally efficiently; the total ignorance of Your Majesty's advisers at the court and the Transylvanian Chancellery is a real hindrance and harm for the administration.”
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19

Kellner, Alan J. "Reading Conflict of the Faculties Politically: A More Creative Exposition of Kant's Argument." Review of Politics 84, no. 2 (2022): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670522000080.

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AbstractJohn Zammito attacks Kant for bending over backwards to enlightened autocracy in Part Two of Conflict of the Faculties. Zammito calls for more creative exponents to explain how Kant's supposed advocacy of absolutism could possibly be “best.” This paper answers Zammito's request, explaining how Kant's view can be considered best by reading Kant's argument politically, in three senses of that term: the substance of Kant's argument is political in nature; its mode of argumentation should be read as politics-first, not ethics-first; and in light its publication history, Conflict's very publication should be viewed as a political act in its own right. Resituating the text and its argument shows Kant to be attacking absolutism, not defending it. As a subsidiary aim, the paper interprets the argument of Part Two of Conflict as exhibiting more internal unity than has previously been thought.
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20

Lozhkin, Eugeny. "The influence of Swedish Constitutionalism on the Russian policy of the "Northernism" of the late XVIII century." Polylogos 6, no. 4 (22) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s258770110021683-3.

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In this article the author proposes a new approach to understanding the period of the reign of the Emperor Paul I. The author draws parallels between the history of Russian and Swedish constitutionalism of the second half of the XVIII century, and argues for the typological similarity of the "Gustavian era" in Sweden and the reign period of the Paul I in Russia. At the same time, the politics of Paul I was based on the identification model of Russian “northernism” prevailing in the last third of the 18th century, within which the special role of Russia in the region of northern Europe was designated. Giving the necessary historical and political context, the author reconstructs the internal logic of the evolution of the political worldview of Paul I, who consistently developed from a constitutional to an absolute monarchy. It is suggested that solving of the problematic notion of Paul as a liberal and enlightened heir apparent and, at the same time, a despotic autocrat, can be interpreted within the framework of the transition from «enlightened absolutism» to «enlightened despotism».
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21

Lachmayer, Herbert. "Sharing Omnipotence Fantasies between the Emperor and his Librettist in the Times of Enlightened Absolutism." Maske und Kothurn 52, no. 4 (December 2006): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/muk.2006.52.4.15.

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22

Kuethe, Allan J., and G. Douglas Inglis. "ABSOLUTISM AND ENLIGHTENED REFORM: CHARLES III, THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ALCABALA, AND COMMERCIAL REORGANIZATION IN CUBA." Past and Present 109, no. 1 (1985): 118–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/109.1.118.

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23

Дудник, С. И., and И. Д. Осипов. "ЕКАТЕРИНА ВЕЛИКАЯ И ДИАЛЕКТИКА ПРОСВЕЩЕННОЙ МОНАРХИИ." Konfliktologia 15, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-1-39-51.

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The article discusses the problems of evolution and the formation of the ideology of an enlightened monarchy in Russia. In this regard, the philosophical and political ideas of Catherine the Great, as well as their theoretical and ideological premises, are analyzed. It is noted that the philosophy of education in Russia was closely connected with the concepts of Voltaire, Didro, Montesquieu, Beccaria, Bentham, their views on natural law and human freedom, humanism and the rule of law. These concepts in the philosophy of Catherine received a specific interpretation, due to the sociocultural conditions of Russia. This was manifested in the famous work of Catherine the Great “The Nakaz”, which recognized Montesquieu's argument in favor of the autocracy, but at the same time, his point of view on the separation of powers was rejected. The specificity of the doctrine of enlightened monarchy lies in the combination of liberal and conservative values, which form eclectic forms. This was the dialectic of the supreme power, the difference between the enlightened monarchy and the ideology of absolutism. The article also notes that education in Russia is associated with fundamental socio-political reforms, processes of secularization of culture. At this time, the natural and human sciences are developing. The changes positively influenced the development of medicine, beautification of towns and public education. Also considered are the views on the autocracy of the opposition nobility intelligentsia: A. N. Radishchev and noted that his criticism of the autocracy was determined by an alternative cultural policy, proceeding from the protection of the interests of the people. The doctrine of enlightened monarchy is characterized by internal worldview inconsistency and political inconsistency, which did not allow solving the pressing social problems of the establishment of legal state, democratization of society and the abolition of serfdom.
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24

Szaniszló, Orsolya. "Зарождение государственного среднего женского образования в Российской империи и Венгрии." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 49, no. 2-3 (2015): 366–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04902016.

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During the time of enlightened absolutism, the development of education became a state duty. The philosophers of the Enlightenment began to deal with the question of the education of elite women and that played an important role in the nation-building process. Educational reforms initiated by Catherine the Great and Maria Theresa established state educational systems in Russia and in Hungary. The first state-financed higher education institute for women in Europe was opened in Russia. Similar schools in Hungary only appeared a century later. This article compares Russian and Hungarian boarding-schools for noble maidens, focusing on the beginning of these elite institutes and the secondary-level education ensured by them. This essay is dedicated to the memory of L.N. Semenova.
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25

Subotic, Milan. "The birth of Russian intelligentsia from the spirit of enlightenment: Alexander Radishchev (I)." Filozofija i drustvo 19, no. 3 (2008): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0803293s.

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This text is the first part of a larger study about Alexander Radishchev, one of the leading representatives of Enlightenment in Russia's XVIII Century. Analyzing Voltaire's and Diderot's relationship with Catherine II, the Empress of Russia, in the Introduction of this article, the author formulates the reasons for thematization of Russian reception of Enlightenment. Since Radishchev is considered as 'the father of Russian intelligentsia', different approaches to the meaning of the concept of 'Russian intelligentsia' are considered in the first chapter. Radishchev's biography is interpreted in the second chapter in order to facilitate the understanding of his ideas. Interpretation of his ideas, as well as of Catherina's 'enlightened absolutism', will be subject to further consideration in the second part of the study.
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26

Garms-Cornides, Elisabeth. "Franz A. J. Szabo Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753–1780. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. 380." Austrian History Yearbook 28 (January 1997): 324–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800016520.

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27

Podolskiy, A. V. "Shaping the Views of G.R. Derzhavin as a Statesman in the Period of Enlightened Absolutism of Catherine II." Voprosy sovremennoj nauki i praktiki. Universitet imeni V.I. Vernedskogo, no. 1(55) (2015): 178–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17277/voprosy.2015.01.pp.178-184.

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28

Demicheva, Taisiia. "Despotism or Enlightened Absolutism? Towards the Image of Russia in the Work of Abbé Raynal “Histoire des Deux Indes”." ISTORIYA 13, no. 2 (112) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840019886-3.

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The article reveals the image of Russia in the work of Abbé Raynal “Histoire des deux Indes”. The subject of this study based on the imperial theory thesis in the Enlightened France recorded in the parts of the “Histoire des deux Indes” devoted to Russia. French philosophers criticized the empires activities destroyed indigenous peoples and sold people into slavery. When they discovered Russia, they began to compare it with the already studied and familiar models: prevailed in Russia estate system with the colonial one, and the serf peasant with the slaves exploited in the colonies, i.e. they operated with categories familiar to them. The article was written within the framework of the new imperial history. We will look at the image of Russia in of Abbé Raynal’s work based on such categories of analysis as state policy, population, trade and suggestions for improvement. We will argue that the image of Russia was similar to the eastern despotic states, as well as that there no need for the Russian state to export foreign state models.
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Walker, Timothy D. "Enlightened Absolutism and the Lisbon Earthquake: Asserting State Dominance over Religious Sites and the Church in Eighteenth-Century Portugal." Eighteenth-Century Studies 48, no. 3 (2015): 307–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ecs.2015.0016.

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Schrauwers, Albert. "Policing production." Focaal 2011, no. 61 (December 1, 2011): 75–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2011.610106.

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This article reexamines the Cultivation System in early nineteenth-century Java as part of an assemblage of Crown strategies, programs, and technologies to manage the economy—and more particularly, “police” the paupers—of the “greater Netherlands.” This article looks at the integrated global commodity chains within which the System was embedded, and the common governmental strategies adopted by the Dutch Crown to manage these flows in both metropole and colony. It focuses on the role of an early corporation, the Netherlands Trading Company, that also served as the administrator of poverty-relief efforts in the Eastern Netherlands where cotton cloth was produced. The article argues that corporate governmentality arose as a purposive strategy of avoiding liberal parliamentary scrutiny and bolstering the “enlightened absolutism” of the Crown. By withdrawing responsibility for the policing of paupers from the state, and vesting it in corporations, the Crown commercialized the delivery of pauper relief and reduced state expenditure, while still generating large profits.
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31

Szulc, Tadeusz. "The position of the sovereign in the provisions of the Constitution of 3 May 1791 against the background of the French Constitution of 3 September 1791 and the Constitutional Charter of 4 June 1814." Gubernaculum et Administratio 1(23) (2021): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/gea.2021.01.09.

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Three different monarchical systems emerge from the Constitution. From constitutional monarchy based on the English model, through monarchy with some features of a republic, to a monarchy with the principle of unity of state power. The acts show that the Polish king was situated between a monarch dominated by the legislature and a sovereign monarch. He was not a figurehead. The introduction into the constitution of the principles of the sovereignty of the nation and the tripartite division of power meant that the organs of the state, and the king was one of them, performed only such activities as were allowed by the constitution. This is what the May and French Constitutions of 1791 stated. The Constitutional Charter of 1814 returned to the principle of unity of power. The monarch exercised not only the powers enumerated in the Charter, but also those not reserved to other bodies. The provisions of the Charter proved attractive to monarchies seeking a transition from enlightened absolutism to a constitutional parliamentary monarchy.
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32

Castro, Alexander de. "VI. Enlightened Absolutism and legal culture in Portugal: Rise and decline of legal Pombalism in the 18th century (1769–1789)." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 133, no. 1 (October 1, 2016): 296–364. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgga-2016-0108.

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Abstract In the mid-18th century, in the context of a growing monarchical activism during Pombal’s government, Portugal went through a period of reforms that pushed to deep changes in the national legal culture. The legal reforms encompassed three complementary phases: the reform of the legal sources system, performed by the so-called ‘Law of Good Reason’, the reform of legal education, and the reformulation of the set of fatherland laws. The purpose of these changes was to place the royal fatherland laws at the center of Portuguese legal science by promoting its application and theoretical elaboration, and marginalize Roman law. The reforms did not achieve everything they set out for, but left an indelible mark on Portuguese legal culture.
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33

Zambarbieri, Annibale. "Book ReviewsKaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753‐1780. By Franz A. J. Szabo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xviii+380." Journal of Modern History 71, no. 3 (September 1999): 741–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/235332.

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34

Tsechoev, G. V. "M.M. SHCHERBATOV IN RUSSIAN LIBERAL LEGAL THOUGHT AND HIS LEGISLATIVE PROPOSALS IN THE HISTORICAL AND LEGAL THEMES OF RUSSIA IN THE 18TH CENTURY OF THE ERA OF «ENLIGHTENED ABSOLUTISM»." HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL-ECONOMIC SCIENCES 114, no. 5 (November 1, 2020): 61–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/1997-2377-2020-114-5-61-64.

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The role of the outstanding statesman M.M. Shcherbatov in the development of domestic legal thought, his proposals in the field of necessary reforms for the Russian state, participation in the activities of Ulozhénnaya komissiya (a temporary collegiate body in Russia of the 18th century, which was convened to systematize laws), as well as the need for the source analysis of works and legislative proposals of M.M. Shcherbatov are considered.
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Ingrao, Charles. "Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753-1780. By Franz A.J. Szabo. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Bibliography. Index. $79.95, hard bound; $34.95, paper." Slavic Review 54, no. 1 (1995): 134–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501126.

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36

Klang, DanielM. "Franz A. J. Szabo. Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism, 1753-1780. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994. xviii, 380 pp. $79.95 (cloth); $34.95 (paper)." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 31, no. 1 (1997): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023997x00339.

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37

Vozna, Anna. "Volodymyr Sklokin on The Russian Empire and Sloboda Ukraine during the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century: Enlightened Absolutism, Imperial Integration, Local Society." Ab Imperio 2020, no. 2 (2020): 213–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2020.0038.

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38

Aliprantis, Christos. "The afterlife of Enlightened Absolutism: commemoration of Maria Theresa and Joseph II and the politics of liberal reform in nineteenth-century imperial Austria." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 26, no. 2 (September 12, 2018): 305–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2018.1480596.

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39

Lentin, A. "Reviews : Kaunitz and Enlightened Absolutism 1753-1780. By Franz A. J. Szabo. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Pp. xviii + 380. £50.00 hardback; £22.95 paperback." Journal of European Studies 25, no. 97 (March 1995): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004724419502509731.

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40

Szabo, Franz A. J. "Hungary and the Habsburgs, 1765–1800: An Experiment in Enlightened Absolutism. By Éva H. Balázs. Budapest: Central European University Press, 1997. Pp. viii+429." Journal of Modern History 73, no. 3 (September 2001): 708–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/339110.

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41

Jacobsen, Stefan Gaarsmand. "Limits to Despotism: Idealizations of Chinese Governance and Legitimizations of Absolutist Europe." Journal of Early Modern History 17, no. 4 (2013): 347–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700658-12342370.

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Abstract The term “oriental despotism” was used to describe all larger Asian empires in eighteenth century Europe. It was meaningful to use about the Ottoman, Mughal and Chinese empires. However, this did not mean that all Europeans writing on Asian empires implied that they were all tyrannies with no political qualities. The Chinese system of government received great interest among early modern political thinkers in Europe ever since it was described in the reports that Jesuit missionaries had sent back from China in the beginning of the seventeenth century. The descriptions of an ethical and political bond between emperor and administrators in China and of specific administrative organs in which age-old principles were managed made a great impression on many European readers of these reports. Although it did not remain an undisputed belief in Europe, many intellectuals held China to be a model of how the power of a sovereign could be limited or curbed within an absolutist system of government. This article investigates three cases of how the models of China were conceived by theorists reading Jesuit reports and how they subsequently strategically communicated this model to the courts of Prussia, Austria, and Russia. These three ambitious European monarchies have been regarded to give rise to a form of “enlightened absolutism” that formed a tradition different from those of England and France, the states whose administrative systems formed the most powerful models in this period. Rather than describing the early modern theories about China’s despotism as a narrative parallel, but unrelated to the development of policy programs of the respective states, this article documents how certain elements of the model of China were integrated in the political writings of Frederick II of Prussia, Joseph II of Austria, and Catherine II of Russia. Thus, in addition to the history of political thought on China, the article adds a new perspective to how these monarchs argued for fiscal reforms and a centralization and professionalization of their administrations.
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Kozlova, Vlada. "Social Condition of Criminal Bankruptcy of Individuals in Russia." Herald of Omsk University. Series: Law 17, no. 3 (October 19, 2020): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/1990-5173.2020.17(3).103-108.

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Introduction. The social conditionality of criminal bankruptcy is revealed through its historical analysis. The origin of the institution of economic insolvency is associated with the emergence and development of market and commodity-money relations. Under the influence of socio-economic conditions, this institution underwent various changes. Purpose. The purpose is consider the development of the institution of bankruptcy in Russia through the prism of political economic relations, to show that it is precisely such relations that determine the degree and extent of its criminality. Methodology. The author used historical and political economic analysis. Results. Three periods can be distinguished in the development of the institution of insolvency in Russia: nationally distinctive, enlightened absolutism, and post-Soviet. In the first period in Russia, there was an institution of enslaved servitude, which was incorrectly identified with bankruptcy. The tendency towards the enslavement of peasants and servants caused a host of undesirable consequences, including the ruin of taxpayers, flight from debts, and riots, which led to the policy of state restriction of the interests of creditors. The institution of bankruptcy comes to Russia from the West during the Petrine and postPeter era and finally takes shape during the period of enlightened absolutism. The attitude towards debtors clearly follows the political line determined by the autocracy. Opposition to the criminal bankruptcy of individuals was most fully embodied in the Criminal and Correctional Penal Code of 1845. It was determined in three directions: recipients who violate loan rules; to attorneys, certifying the obligation both to the bankruptcies and insolvent persons themselves, as well as to persons involved in bankruptcy. The post-Soviet period begins with the restoration of capitalism, and in artificial form. The natural course of development of capitalism spans more than one century. In Russia, it was recreated in three decades. As a result, an economic model is created that is far from the classical one. The differences are in the degree of its criminality and criminogenicity. The institution of bankruptcy plays a significant role in creating the modern Russian model of capitalism, and from this point of view, three periods can also be distinguished in its development, in each of which specific political goals are highlighted: 1) the destruction of the socialist economy; 2) the initial accumulation of capital; c) regulatory settlement. Conclusion. The bankruptcy institution is actively developing when economic relations are criminalized. In Soviet times, bankruptcy as an institution was not in demand, since socialist economic relations were not needed in it. This indicates that the economy under socialism was the least criminalized, since the institution of criminal bankruptcy is needed under capitalism, the nature of which was initially criminal. A planned economy excludes bankruptcy of the enterprise, and the main principle of socialism “All for the good of man!” makes it almost impossible for a person to fall into legal economic dependence.
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43

Damsholt, Tine. "Elementer i Grundtvigs politiske tænkning." Grundtvig-Studier 46, no. 1 (January 1, 1995): 140–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v46i1.16186.

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Grundtvig’s Political TheoriesBy Tine DamsholtGrundtvig’s positive view of the Danish absolute monarchy has often been a problematic issue in today’s understanding of Grundtvig’s political ideas. It is a common view that in 1848 Grundtvig turned a political somersault, suddenly becoming a democrat after being a fervent adherent of absolutism. Quite a few have wanted either to see a break in Grundtvig’s political view or tried to explain away his apparently »undemocratic« attitude. However, if one examines Grundtvig’s basic political opinions, it is possible to establish a continuity in his political view. It is possible to see his apparent change of attitude as an expression of inevitable consequences of his idea of what were the central democratic elements in relation to the changing political situations.The analysis of Grundtvig’s view of democracy and representative government must take its point of departure in the political tradition that Grundtvig had grown up in. The ideal concept of the 18th century of absolute monarchy as the interpreter of the people’s voice is an essential background for the understanding of Grundtvig’s praise of Danish absolute monarchy in the period before and after the Danish constitution came into effect.Grundtvig’s political ideal can be epitomized as a unity of the two concepts of the King’s hand and the people’s voice, i.e. an absolute King listening to the people’s voice as it finds expression in a free debate, in writing and in speech, in an enlightened people. The enlightenment of the people is crucial to Grundtvig, and the gist of his criticism of the French Revolution is that the unenlightened mob assumed power. The folk high school, where the people is enlightened and educated to rise above narrow selfish interests to look at the common good, is thus a central part of Grundtvig’s political universe.Grundtvig also maintained this ideal after the Danish absolute monarchy was abolished in 1848. He claimed that this was the original and therefore the true Danish constitution, thus embracing the national-romantic tradition.
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44

Nokkala, Ere Pertti. "The Machine of State in Germany." Contributions to the History of Concepts 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2009): 71–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187465609x430863.

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The aim of this article is to explore the different uses of the state-machine metaphor in Germany during the 1750s and 1760s. It focuses on the debate around the ideal state and especially on the views of one central writer, Johann Heinrich Gottlob von Justi (1717-1771). It has been argued that in this debate the functionality of the state was measured according to the efficiency and simplicity of the machine and that the best form of state was that which provided the fastest and most precise implementation of the final cause (happiness) and encountered the fewest obstacles on its way. At the time, unlimited monarchy arose as the form of government that best fitted this description, with Fredrick II and Justi being usually referred to as the ideologues of this mechanical authoritarian order, often described as “enlightened absolutism.” However, the author argues that Justi's position in this debate must be reconsidered since his writings show that he never denied the possibility of constructing a complex state-machine based on the separation and balance of powers. In fact, he was an admirer of England's mixed government as described by Montesquieu. Ironically, then, the author who most contributed to the dissemination of the state-machine metaphor in Germany was also the one whose usage of it was most exceptional.
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45

Kovalov, Yevhen. "“The Project of Joining Part of the Little Russia Region to Kyiv Province” by Hryhoriy Galagan and Its Ideological Context." Kyiv Historical Studies 14, no. 1 (2022): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2022.114.

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The article analyses a hitherto unpublished source for studying the history of the administrative-territorial structure of Ukraine during its stay in the Russian Empire – a note by Ukrainian public figure Hryhoriy Galagan (1819–1888) on the need to join part of the Little Russia (Left Bank Ukraine) to Kyiv province, written in 1857. It is shown that Galagan sought to use this measure to facilitate the penetration of the Right Bank Ukraine under the auspices of the imperial administrative structures of the “Little Russian nobility”, i.e. Poltava and Chernihiv nobles of Cossack foremen origin, with the assimilation of right-bank Polish landowners. It was found that this note by Galagan could be based on ideological and political traditions of the reign of Catherine II – and the unifying “mixing” of different ethnic groups within one administrative space in the spirit of Enlightened Absolutism, and at the same time using imperial power resources to develop linking geopolitical problems taking into account the interests of the Ukrainian elite, such as the policy of O. A. Bezborodko. It is established that the ideаs set forth in Galagan’s note found a response in the discourse of the period of the January Polish uprising of 1863–1864, in particular in the journalism of the Moscow Slavophile Ivan Aksakov, a close friend and ally of Galagan. The article can be useful for researchers of Ukrainian socio-political thought in the mid-19th century.
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46

Nosov, Boris V., and Lyudmila P. Marney. "The regional policy of the Russian Empire in the first half of the 19th century: The Kingdom of Poland (1815–1830)." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.1.05.

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The article is devoted to the problems of the regional policy of the Russian Empire at the beginning of the 19th century discussed in the latest Russian historiography, to the peculiarities of the state-legal status and administrative practice of the Kingdom of Poland. It was the time when basic principles and a special structure of management at the outlying regions of the empire were developed, and when special (historical, national, and cultural) regions were formed on the periphery of the Empire. The policy of the Russian government in relation to the Kingdom of Poland depended both on the fundamental trends in the international relations in Central and Eastern Europe (as reflected in international treaties), as well as on the internal political development of the empire, and the peculiarities of political, legal, social, economic, cultural processes in the Kingdom and on Polish lands in Austria and Prussia. All these aspects have an impact on the debate that historians and legal experts are conducting on the state and legal status of parts of the lands of the former Principality of Warsaw that were included in the Russian Empire in 1815 by the decision of the Congress of Vienna. The fundamental political principles of the Russian Empire in the Kingdom of Poland in the first half of the 19th century were a combination of autocracy (with individual elements of enlightened absolutism), based on centralized bureaucratic control, and relatively decentralized political, administrative and estate structures, which assumed the presence of local self-government.
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47

Maliks, Reidar. "Liberal Revolution: the Cases of Jakob and Erhard." Hegel Bulletin 32, no. 1-2 (2011): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263523200000239.

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This article explores the writings of Ludwig Heinrich Jakob and Johann Benjamin Erhard, two young Kantians who produced original defences of resistance and revolution during the 1790's. Comparing these two neglected philosophers reveals a crucial divergence in the liberal theory of revolution between a perspective that emphasises resistance by the individual and another that emphasises revolution by the nation. The article seeks to contribute to a more nuanced view of the political theory of the German Enlightenment, which has often been presented as excessively obedient to authority.The historian Charles Ingrao repeated a common perception when, in an article on enlightened absolutism, he speculated that, ‘the German's greater acceptance of authority both then and now may be rooted in their own distinctive national culture’ (Ingrao 1986: 165). This idea of the obedient German has been promoted especially by those who seek cultural explanations for the authoritarian bent of German society in the 20thcentury (such as Mandt 1974 and Lepenies 2006). But the idea has a longer history. Herder described Germany as the land of obedience, and Kant wrote that, ‘in keeping with their penchant for law and order, they [the Germans] will rather submit to despotic treatment than venture on innovations (especially wilful reforms of government)’ (Kant 1974: AA 7: 318). By ‘wilful reforms of government’ Kant meant revolution. Madame de Staël later observed that Germans ‘join the greatest boldness of thought to the most obedient character’ (Staël Holstein 1813: 35). As Frederick Beiser has shown, this view, which was repeated by Heine and Marx, came to dominate the historiography (Beiser 1992: 7).
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Brovkin, Vladimir V. "On the Role of Greek Philosophy in the Formation of Hellenistic Monarchies." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 460 (2020): 61–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/460/7.

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The article deals with the question of the influence of Greek philosophy on the formation of Hellenistic monarchies. According to one point of view, theories of Greek philosophers on kingship played an important role in the formation of absolutism in the Hellenistic monarchies. It is believed that it is in the classical Greek philosophy that the ideas on absolute monarchy as the best state structure and on the legal rights of an outstanding person to royal power were developed. In the course of the study, the author infers that Greek philosophy did not have a significant impact on the formation of absolutism in Hellenistic monarchies. The Greek philosophers’ doctrines of kingship were significantly different from the type of power that was characteristic of the Hellenistic monarchies. Leading political philosophers of the IV century BC Plato and Aristotle were supporters of two types of monarchy: a moderate monarchy in which the royal power is limited by law and an absolute monarchy based on the exceptional virtue of the king. In the Hellenistic monarchies, the unlimited power of the king was originally associated with military-political power. At the same time, the author finds that Greek philosophy had an indirect influence on the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism. This influence consisted in the fact that Greek philosophers criticized the sociopolitical system of Greece and the main types of polity of the state – democracy and oligarchy. Plato and Aristotle sharply criticized extreme forms of oligarchy and democracy in their works. At the same time, as the author has established, philosophers were supporters of moderate democracy and oligarchy. The sophists, the cynics and the Cyrenaics also actively criticized the values and traditions of polis. Thus, Greek philosophers unwittingly contributed to the weakening of the polis and the formation of absolute monarchies. The author has also found that Greek philosophers influenced the formation of the enlightened character of the rule of individual Hellenistic kings. Philosophers contributed to the upbringing of high moral qualities in the Hellenistic kings. This influence was especially evident in Alexander the Great, Ptolemy I Soter, Ptolemy II Philadelphus and Antigonus II Gonatas. In the final part of the article, the author comes to the conclusion that the main role in the formation of absolute monarchies in the period of early Hellenism was played by the ancient Eastern political traditions, as well as by the nature of the formation of Hellenistic kingdoms and their ethnic composition.
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49

Fedneva, Natalia L. "Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire: implementation of the project by M.M. Speransky." Current Issues of the State and Law, no. 19 (2021): 421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2021-5-19-412-424.

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We consider the views of M.M. Speransky on the sphere of the police department, which were not previously the object of special research, as well as the implementation features of his project for the creation of the Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire, designed, according to the creator's plan, to ensure not only order and security, but also oversee the legality of the administration’s activities on the ground. We draw conclusions: firstly, the formation of Speransky’s views took place under the influence of internal needs to strengthen power and maintain order that arose in the Russian Em-pire at the beginning of the 19th century; secondly, Speransky was influenced by the last representative of the European school of Roman law, the ideologue of the Enlightened absolutism J. Dom, who was the first in Europe to see the police as a universal instrument for maintaining order based on the norms of public law, and the lawyer-policeist N. Delamare, who systematized the French police legislation. The Ministry of Police of the Russian Empire, created according to Speransky’s project, was supposed to ensure compliance with the rule of law on the basis of public law and on behalf of the state, as well as protect and, if necessary, restore the rights of subjects as private individuals. The solution of this problem within the framework of the theoretical concept proposed by Speransky, which reflected the needs of the development of Russian society, required a long-term perspective and included a gradual restructuring of police activities, the development of appropriate legal, ideological and personnel support and, in fact, meant a transition to the rule of law. We emphasize the contribution of the Ministry of Police to ensuring victory in the Patriotic War of 1812 and suggest the reasons for its inclusion in the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 1819.
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50

Semyanyk, Oksana. "LEGAL REGULATION OF THE ISSUES OF EDUCATION AND CULTURE IN THE HALICY OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE ХІХ с." Scientific and Informational Bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk University of Law Named after King Danylo Halytskyi, no. 8 (December 26, 2019): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33098/2078-6670.2019.8.20.55-61.

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Purpose. The purpose of the article is to analyze the normative legal acts of the 19th-century Habsburg Empire, which regulated the issues of culture and education, as well as the specifics of implementation of these norms in Galicia. Method. The methodology involves the analysis of theoretical and source bases, followed by generalization and formulation of relevant conclusions and recommendations. In view of the interdisciplinary nature of the problem, the complex of general scientific, special-legal, special-historical and philosophical methods and approaches, as well as the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematic and comprehensive, were used in the work. Results. It is established that the reforms to the spirit of "enlightened absolutism" began at the end of the positive changes, which at the end of the eighteenth century. was conducted by Empress Maria Theresa and Emperor Joseph II. Reforms initiated the secular nature of culture, as it eliminated censorship under the authority of the church. In addition, the desire to use the national question to ensure the integrity of the monarchy led to an increase in the status and role of the Greek Catholic Church, whose representatives in the early twentieth century. took over the lead of the national-political movement. Important changes occurred during the revolutionary events of 1848-1849, as well as the constitutional reforms of the 1860s, which guaranteed the broad national and cultural rights of the peoples of the empire, including the Ukrainians of Galicia. Scientific novelty. The paper highlights the systematic normative acts of the Habsburg Empire, which regulated the issues of culture and education in Galicia in the nineteenth century. Practical significance. The results of the study can be used in further historical and legal studies, preparation of special courses.
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