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1
Cobb, Christy. "Enslaved Women, Women Enslavers: Kyriarchy and Intersectionality in the New Testament." Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 40, no. 1 (2024): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfs.00004.
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Abstract: Using a feminist hermeneutic, this essay analyzes three examples of kyriarchal relationships in the New Testament found in stories of women who were enslavers who enslaved women. The first example is from Galatians where Paul rereads the story of Sarah and Hagar and uses the enslaver/enslaved relationship as an allegory. The second example is found in Acts 12, which is the clearest case of a woman enslaver who enslaved a woman: Mary and Rhoda. Finally, I analyze the character of Lydia found in Acts 16 and argue that she is also an enslaver who enslaved women. Each of these biblical characters was entangled in the kyriarchal pyramid of antiquity through their own oppression due to gender, yet they participated in kyriarchy due to status and class. Adding evidence from material culture, I analyze an example of a woman who enslaved another woman as depicted on an ancient funerary monument. This essay also considers the ethical ramifications of biblical texts that endorse slavery and have been used to support white supremacy and systemic oppression.
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Livesey, Andrea. "Learning Slavery at Home." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 1 (2021): 31–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00601003.
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Abstract Since Stephanie Camp wrote of the “rival” geography that enslaved people created on slave labor plantations, few studies outside the field of architectural history have used the built environment as a source to understand the lives of enslaved people and the mindsets of enslavers in the United States. This article takes adolescent outbuildings in Louisiana (garçonnières) as a starting point to understand how white parents taught and reinforced ideas of dominance over both the environment and enslaved people and simultaneously rooted young white sons to a slave labor plantation “home.” Using architectural evidence, alongside testimony left behind by both enslavers and the enslaved, this article argues that by moving young male enslavers out of the main plantation house and into a separate building, white enslaving parents created a “risk space” for sexual violence within the sexualized geography of the slave labor plantation. The garçonnière, with its privacy and age-and gender-specificity, constituted just one space of increased risk for enslaved women on Louisiana slave labor plantations from a violence that was manipulated within the built environment.
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Blakley, Christopher M. "‘I have been obliged to Send Nassaw’: an enslaved healer’s medical labour and skill in eighteenth-century Virginia." Medical History 65, no. 2 (2021): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2021.1.
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AbstractThis article examines the medical career of an enslaved physician in Virginia named Nassaw from the mid eighteenth-century until the period of the American Revolution. I develop a taxonomy of Nassaw’s labours as a nurse caring for the sick, a healer administering medicines at the behest of his enslaver and as a doctor in his own right making medical judgements as he treated his patients. Nassaw is in some ways comparable to other enslaved healers of African descent in the Atlantic world, including well-known Mohanes and ritual specialists in Brazil and Latin America. However, due to his role as a physician employed by his slaveholder to principally heal other enslaved people, Nassaw struggled to find satisfaction in his labours as a healer as other enslaved people rightly perceived him as an agent of their enslaver whose medical work healed their bodies while extending their oppression. I argue that Nassaw became frustrated and depressed, and turned to drinking because of his inability to pursue or experience what Sharla M. Fett terms a ‘relational vision of health’ in the Chesapeake. Moreover, I interpret his drinking as a rebuke to the racist pretensions of his enslaver – who instructed him in pharmacy and surgery – who aimed to transform Nassaw into an Enlightened ‘black exhibit’ by training him to be a doctor. I conclude by returning to how precisely different Nassaw was from other enslaved healers in the Chesapeake like Tom of Nomini Hall or Romeo, and make the case that Nassaw deserves a place in histories of slavery and medicine precisely because he was an enslaved plantation doctor rather than a popular healer or conjuror.
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Gordon, Scott Paul. "Slavery in Bethlehem: Difference and Indifference in Northampton County’s Moravian Settlements." Journal of Moravian History 23, no. 2 (2023): 77–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.23.2.0077.
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ABSTRACT This article offers a new history of slavery in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania: how enslaved men and women were brought to Bethlehem, who owned these enslaved men and women, how some became free, and whether the lives of enslaved Moravians differed from those of free Moravians. The prevailing account states that the Moravian congregation itself purchased enslaved men and women soon after Bethlehem was settled to augment its labor force. But most Afro-Moravians got to Bethlehem, this article shows, through a haphazard process that the congregation did not manage: enslavers (Moravians elsewhere) sent men, women, and children to Bethlehem or brought them when they moved to the backcountry community. Moravian authorities claimed that there was “no difference” in Bethlehem between these enslaved people and White Moravians. The archive that the congregation produced tends to reinforce that view: church registers, membership catalogs, diaries, and memoirs are mostly silent, for instance, about individuals’ legal status. But amplifying voices that have been overlooked of enslaved and free Afro-Moravians, as well as exploring the neglected 1780 Register of enslaved persons in Northampton County, reveals that differences based on race shaped the lives of people of African descent in Bethlehem and Northampton County’s other Moravian communities.
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Acosta Corniel, Lissette. "Juana Gelofa Pelona: An Enslaved but Insubordinate Witness in Santo Domingo (1549-1555)." Perspectivas Afro 1, no. 2 (2022): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.32997/pa-2022-3833.
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In 1549, Juana Gelofa Pelona, an enslaved African woman, was a witness in a legal case in the city of Santo Domingo, on the island of Hispaniola. The defendant, Francisco Bravo, was accused of killing his wife, Catalina de Tinoco, and presented Juana as his witness to testify on his behalf. Both Francisco and Catalina had been Juana’s enslavers; and, Catalina's family, in whose possession Juana had lived for multiple generations, warned her not to testify in favor of Francisco. Nonetheless, she testified with conviction, despite being threatened and punished severely by her new enslavers who resolved to sell her to another enslaver in a different city to avoid her continuous defiance of Catalina’s family in court. This article proposes that Juana orchestrated her own sale to rid herself of her new owners who wanted to convince her at all cost not to say what she knew. The article also documents aspects of everyday life in sixteenth-century Santo Domingo by highlighting details shared by the witnesses,
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Duclos-Orsello, Elizabeth. "The Fullness of Enslaved Black Lives as Seen through Early Massachusetts Vital Records." Genealogy 6, no. 1 (2022): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6010011.
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In genealogy, tracing names and dates is often the initial goal, but, for many, desire soon turns to learning about the embodied lives of those who came before them. This type of texture is hard for any genealogist to locate, but excruciatingly hard for those seeking to trace family histories that include ancestors who were enslaved in the northern parts of the colonies that would become the United States. Often, records thin to nearly nothing and frame all lived experiences through the lens of an enslaver. This is true especially of public records, created, maintained, and curated by the state apparatus. By adhering to the proposition that even materials that do not immediately reveal much about Black life may be useful if we consider what is missing and left out, this article suggests that these types of documents might help breathe some fullness into the individual and collective lives of those Black ancestors whose humanity the state denied. Emerging from a larger project to locate stories and histories of Black residents of one of the first colonized spaces in British North America, this article focuses on the ways in which the publicly available Massachusetts pre-1850 Vital Records—which have specific “Negroes” sections—serve as an unexpected source of useful, if fragmentary, evidence of not only individual lives, but collective histories of the communities in which Black ancestors lived. Highlighting creative approaches to analyzing these particular vital records, and centering women’s lives throughout, this article demonstrates what is possible to learn about patterns of childbearing, relationships between and among enslaved persons owned by different families, the nature of religious lives or practices, relationships between enslavers and enslaved, and the movements, over time, of individuals and families. Alongside these possibilities, the violence, limitations, and challenges of the vital records are identified, including issues related to Afro-indigenous persons, the conflation of birth and baptismal records, and differential access to details of the lives of enslaved men vs. women.
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Bonar, Chance E. "Reading Slavery in the Epistle of Jude." Journal of Biblical Literature 142, no. 2 (2023): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1422.2023.8.
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Abstract The Epistle of Jude has been examined by biblical scholars for a variety of reasons in recent decades, but one still underexplored interpretative avenue is Jude’s treatment of enslavement. In this article, I argue that Jude pulls from the same conceptual toolbox as many other texts of the Roman republican and imperial eras in its depiction of believers as enslaved people (δοῦλοι) and Jesus as an enslaver (κύριος; δɛσπότης). After placing these three terms in the context of ancient enslavement, I offer three examples of Jude’s participation in a broader discourse of enslavement: (1) the importance of loyalty and disloyalty to Jesus the κύριος; (2) the capability of the enslaver to harm and control the bodies of the enslaved, and (3) the presumption of the benevolence of the κύριος in offering mercy. This reading of Jude highlights how deeply embedded even a short New Testament text can be in the vocabulary, stereotypes, and normalization of violence of Roman enslavement.
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Mishler, Max. "“Improper and Almost Rebellious Conduct”." American Historical Review 128, no. 2 (2023): 648–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhad228.
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Abstract The 1833 Slavery Abolition Act provided for the gradual emancipation of eight hundred thousand human beings. It also confirmed the sovereignty of King-in-Parliament over all people residing in British dominions and resolved a long-standing dispute over whether enslaved people were private property or royal subjects entitled to legal safeguards. This debate first emerged in the late eighteenth century but acquired additional urgency following the 1807 abolition of the slave trade, when attempts to mitigate slavery through the enactment of ameliorative statutes and procedural reforms encouraged enslaved people to petition magistrates for redress in cases of abuse. Slaves vigorously defended their newly granted rights to bodily protection, sustenance, and family preservation through the instigation of legal complaints against overseers, managers, and slave owners. By the 1820s, enslaved litigants across Britain’s empire were publicly and collectively petitioning colonial magistrates to intercede on their behalf. The judicialization of quotidian battles over the terms of enslavement refashioned colonial social relations, affirmed enslaved people’s status as British subjects, and generated volumes of case files that circulated back to the metropole, where the Colonial Office cited them in critical assessments of slave law and where abolitionists used them to press for immediate emancipation. Enslaved people’s legal activism was operationally antislavery; it eroded the power of colonial enslavers and prodded Parliament to pass the 1833 Abolition Act.
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Simonsen, Gunvor, and Rasmus Christensen. "Together in a Small Boat: Slavery's Fugitives in the Lesser Antilles." William and Mary Quarterly 80, no. 4 (2023): 611–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wmq.2023.a910393.
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Abstract: Histories of maritime marronage in the Lesser Antilles—the Danish, Dutch, English, French, and Swedish islands in the eastern Caribbean—have often centered on young enslaved men escaping alone aboard intercontinental vessels anchored in the region's port towns. Scholars have paid less attention to the enslaved men, women, and children who escaped their enslavers on one of the many small open boats that were decisive for sustaining life in the region. The ubiquity of small-boat infrastructure in the Lesser Antilles, the complex legal regime put in place to regulate it, and the affordances—that is, the possibilities of action—provided by small watercraft demonstrate the importance of small-boat flight to slavery's fugitives in the Lesser Antilles. Enslaved people—rural and urban, young and old—knew that they had to collaborate to realize the fugitive force of canoes and other small boats scattered along island shorelines. Indeed, maritime marronage was more often carried out in groups than alone. Through time and political turbulence, the small boat allowed enslaved people to pursue dreams of freedom that had an archipelagic character: proximity facilitated knowledge of conditions on nearby islands and sustained or reestablished friendship and family ties.
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Williams, Will M. "Shared Bodies: Social Patterns in Rural East Jersey and the Formation of an African American Community." New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8, no. 2 (2022): 104–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v8i2.287.
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This study uses two complementing data types to a). challenge the standard definition of the direct enslaver-enslaved form of bondage in rural Bergen County, New Jersey, and b). hypothesize about the formation of a free Black community around Dunkerhook Road in the same location. The first data type, labeled the “social record,” is the combination of nineteenth-century membership records from the Church of Paramus and personal documents, such as diaries and genealogical data. These data are comparatively analyzed against “official” tax and will data. This study proposes that some of New Jersey’s enslaved Black population were part of a complex social web sharing or renting their bodies and labor to maintain conservative rural Dutch culture. This system benefited white families such as the Zabriskies, Terhunes, and Hoppers during New Jersey’s slow path to emancipation. The surveillance of Black lives by the Dutch family network and limited employment opportunities for the formerly enslaved are possible factors contributing to the rise of the free African American community on Dunkerhook Road, New Jersey.
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Campbell, John C., and Roger Sawyer. "Children Enslaved." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 2 (1989): 184. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043912.
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Michael, Katina. "Enslaved [Editorial]." IEEE Technology and Society Magazine 33, no. 4 (2014): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mts.2014.2363980.
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Roy, Shaibal Dev. "Enslaved Ecopoetics:." Crossings: A Journal of English Studies 13, no. 2 (2022): 80–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.59817/cjes.v13i2.450.
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Scholars, such as Kimberly Ruffin and Katherine Lynes, reconsider American environmental poetry that excludes African American ecopoetic traditions of the antebellum period. According to Ruffin, in order to reconstruct and enhance our sense of ecopoetry, we must reevaluate the black tradition of nature poetry, exemplifying the contemporary approaches to slavery in the USA and elsewhere. Likewise, Lyne’s “reclamation ecopoetics” attends to the history of dangers, despite centuries of methodical and organized exploitation, that human groups bring to the black human subjects as well as to non-human nature. Building on this scholarship, I focus on the nature poems of George Moses Horton (1797- 1883), the life-long enslaved poet, that highlight the inseparable unity of nature and humans. Horton’s poetry deployed nature to prove both the humanity and the intellectuality of the enslaved. My study traces a history of American enslaved ecopoetics that requires us to think of the enslaved human subjects as individuals whose nature poetry hinges on the dangers of subjection and exploitation of chattel slavery. My essay resituates Horton, the black bard of North Carolina, in the nineteenth-century American paradigm, analyzing his poetry and his racial subjugation from an ecocritical perspective.
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Luis, Diego Javier. "Diasporic Convergences: Tracing Knowledge Production and Transmission among Enslaved Chinos in New Spain." Ethnohistory 68, no. 2 (2021): 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-8801894.
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Abstract During the seventeenth century, transatlantic and transpacific diasporas created one of the world’s most globalized early modern societies in New Spain. As the slave trades to the colonial centers of central Mexico reached frenetic levels after the turn of the seventeenth century, processes of encounter, exchange, and transmission began to characterize these diverse communities. For “chinos” arriving in Acapulco, careful observation and experience coalesced into mobile bodies of knowledge ranging from the social practice of blasphemy to spiritual ritual. These varied modes of cultural production facilitated negotiation of enslaver/enslaved relations and represented a kaleidoscope of responses to power relations in colonial society. Through these forms of contestation, knowledge production in enslaved communities became central to the rhythms of daily life in New Spain.
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A, Ancy Liyana, and Anu Baisel. "Exploring The Convergence of Social Disparities and Interracial Relationships in Sue Monk Kidd’s The Invention of Wings." Studies in Media and Communication 11, no. 4 (2023): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v11i4.6087.
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Slavery is one of the most significant social disparities in human history. It is defined as the practice of owning and exploiting another individual as property or inferior. It is characterized by enforced labor and restraints on freedom. Specifically, slavery was a system that allowed the enslavers who possessed the power to force the enslaved people to work and limit their lives and liberty. In the United States, slavery was solely based on the race and identity of one group of people. However, given their race and skin color, many Black people in America were forced into slavery. Since enslavers considered enslaved people their property, they considered them insignificant. Therefore, this study's primary purpose is to determine how whites dominated Blacks and controlled enslaved people through slavery. Further, it analyses how the interracial bond promotes racial equality in one of Kidd’s novels, The Invention of Wings. Despite initially holding racist views, Sarah, the white protagonist in the novel, develops a close bond with Handful, a Black character. Through this relationship, Sarah gained a deeper understanding of the struggles faced by Black people and eventually became an abolitionist, committed to gradually freeing them from slavery. In addition, this study also explores how the Black characters in the novel fight tirelessly to attain their independence without losing their faith. Hence, the study results in greater insight into Sarah's Interracial relationship with Handful, including how they got inspired and influenced by each other, thus diminishing discrimination between the two races.
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Roth, Cassia, and Robson Pedrosa Costa. "“Maria Simoa, Who Birthed Twenty-Four Children”: Slavery, Motherhood, and Freedom on the Benedictine Estates, Pernambuco, Brazil, 1866–1871." Hispanic American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (2023): 65–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-10216469.
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Abstract This article explores gradual manumission policies on the Order of Saint Benedict's slaveholdings in the Northeastern province of Pernambuco, Brazil, between 1866 and 1871. Relying on private religious records from the Monastery of Saint Benedict of Olinda (in Pernambuco) and parliamentary debates, we contend that the Benedictine order was the first corporate enslaver to implement institutionalized strategies of gradual manumission in Brazil. To do so, they relied both on enslaved women's reproductive capabilities and on their adherence to church-sanctioned gender roles. We further argue that the order's decisions and actions were ahead of national developments in several important ways, and that, to some degree, these projects were a test case for future national abolitionist policies. Although the congregation did not involve itself in political debates, its actions created a working example of gradual abolition based on enslaved women's bodies that abolitionists used to make their case nationally.
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Hamdani, Yoav. "“Servants not Soldiers”: The Origins of Slavery in the United States Army, 1797–1816." Journal of the Early Republic 43, no. 4 (2023): 537–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jer.2023.a915153.
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Abstract: This article illuminates a lesser-explored aspect of the United States as a “slaveholding republic.” Between 1816–1861, the U.S. Army relied on thousands of enslaved persons who served as officers' servants. In 1816, Congress authorized allowances, rations, and bonuses for officers' private servants while putting an end to the practice of soldiers serving as servants. This legislative move effectively subsidized and incentivized military slaveholding. The paper delves into the political circumstances and legislative maneuvers that led Congress to institutionalize military slavery, establishing mechanisms to sustain, fund, and expand the number of enslaved servants. Military slavery developed gradually with the foundation, bureaucratization, and professionalization of an American military peace establishment. It evolved from 1797 to 1816 through competing policy objectives, resulting in a long-lasting bureaucratic workaround euphemistically termed "servants not soldiers." Facing public criticism over officers’ abuse of soldiers’ labor, the army “outsourced” officers’ servants through a dual process of privatization and racialization, differentiating between “public” and “private” service, between free, white soldiers and enslaved, black servants. Though serving slaveholders’ interests, the adopted solution was a product of bureaucratic contingencies and ad-hoc decision-making and not a policy orchestrated by a cabal of enslavers. Interestingly, a basic question of reimbursement led somewhere unanticipated, ending in government-sponsored enslaved servitude. Acknowledging this contingency does not excuse the actions but underscores how slavery was often "solved" through institutional accommodation rather than political or moral opposition. Thus, slavery directly impacted the U.S. Army, a central national institution, altering the military system at its pivotal, formative moments.
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Herschthal, Eric, and John L. Brooke. "The Plantation Carbon Complex: Slavery and the Origins of Climate Change in the Early Modern British Atlantic." William and Mary Quarterly 81, no. 2 (2024): 255–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wmq.2024.a925934.
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Abstract: In recent years, scholars working across the humanities and social sciences have suggested that agricultural land use emissions from early modern enslaved labor plantations may have played an important role in the origins of anthropogenic, or human-induced, climate change. Yet historians of slavery and the early modern Atlantic world have been slow to engage with this argument. Focusing on the major enslaved-grown export commodities of the colonial British Atlantic world, this paper employs a carbon accounting method to test whether enslaved labor plantations and enslaved-grown exports substantially increased agricultural land use emissions in the early modern British Atlantic and how they compared to British fossil fuel emissions—namely, coal burning—in the colonial period. For each of the major types of plantations modeled—tobacco, rice, and sugar—enslaved labor, regardless of crop, decisively increased the amount of carbon any single household could emit. But the wide divergence in emissions between different plantation types and export crops suggests that enslaved labor was only one essential, though not singular, factor shaping the carbon footprint of enslaved-based plantations and enslaved-grown commodities. It was instead the interaction of the multiple factors comprising what we call the plantation carbon complex —racial and gender ideologies, crop ecologies, capital requirements, African agricultural knowledge, and enslaved resistance, among other factors—that determined an individual plantation or commodity's emissions. Nonetheless, the results reveal that the combined emissions of enslaved-grown tobacco, rice, and sugar exports far surpassed not only the emissions of the major non-enslaved-grown agricultural exports of the British Atlantic colonies but also British coal emissions throughout the eighteenth century. The form of enslaved-based racial capitalism represented by colonial British plantations thus marked an important transition in the shift toward a more carbon-intensive global economy.
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Browne, Randy M., and Trevor Burnard. "Husbands and Fathers." New West Indian Guide 91, no. 3-4 (2017): 193–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-09101002.
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We know relatively little about enslaved men, especially African-born men in British West Indian slave societies, in their roles as fathers and husbands within slave households. A generation of scholarship on gender in slave societies has tended to neglect enslaved men, thus allowing old understandings of enslaved men as not very involved with families drawn from biased planter sources to continue to shape scholarship. This article instead draws on a rich set of records (both quantitative and qualitative) from Berbice in British Guiana between 1819 and 1834 to explore enslaved men’s roles within informal marriages and as husbands and parents. We show not only that enslaved men were active participants in shaping family life within British West Indian slave societies but that they were aided and abetted in achieving some of their familial objectives by a sympathetic plantation regime in which white men favored enslaved men within enslaved households.
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Stango, Marie. "Afterlives of Slavery in Early Liberia." J19: The Journal of Nineteenth-Century Americanists 11, no. 1 (2023): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jnc.2023.a909296.
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Abstract: This article examines letters written by formerly enslaved settlers in Liberia during the mid-nineteenth century to examine two aspects of the afterlives of slavery. Manumitted settlers in Liberia, as formerly enslaved people, connected to audiences in the United States in different ways from freeborn settlers, who were more likely to make multiple transatlantic voyages, or had commercial connections with the United States. In this afterlife of slavery in Liberia, the letter writers examined here relied on relationships with their former enslavers to remain connected to kin and community in the United States. In a second evocation of afterlives, these letters show how settlers' conceptualizations of home pressed beyond both the United States and Liberia. For them, "home" was reunification with family–a family that could only be made whole through a belief in a shared spiritual afterlife.
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Clarence Maxwell. "Enslaved Merchants, Enslaved Merchant-Mariners, and the Bermuda Conspiracy of 1761." Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 1 (2008): 140–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.0.0015.
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Roberts, Justin. "The Whip and the Hoe." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 1 (2021): 108–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00601005.
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Abstract Spectacular physical punishments such as whipping were at the core of the master-slave relationship but it was the chronic and acute physical demands of forced labor that did the most destructive and lasting damage to enslaved people. Plantation field work caused more extensive damage to enslaved bodies than non-field work. Field work was more debilitating to enslaved women than to their male counterparts. Work on sugar plantations caused more damage to the enslaved than work on cotton plantations. Changes in crops, productivity rates, and work regimes had a compound and cumulative effect on the health of the enslaved.
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Thomas, Adam. "“A Bargain with His Brother”." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 2 (2021): 218–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00602005.
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Abstract In August 1831, around sixty enslaved people fought a war against enslavers in Southampton County, Virginia. It became known as the “Nat Turner Revolt.” Four months later, perhaps sixty thousand enslaved people fought their own emancipation war, commonly known as the “Baptist War,” throughout much of Jamaica. These uprisings differed in size, strategy, and outcome. The Virginian episode allowed slaveholders to strengthen their grip on slavery, while the Jamaican one catalyzed Britain’s capitulation to abolition. Historians have detailed the significant role kinship played in the more localized Virginian example. Comparing both emancipation wars, this paper extends analysis to the Jamaican case. It argues that kinship shaped both uprisings in remarkably similar ways, influencing radicalization and recruitment beforehand, support or opposition during war, and vulnerability to or evasion of white retaliation afterward. The similar function of kinship in such different events suggests a possible larger pattern that shaped other uprisings.
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S. Oliveira, Vanessa. "Experiences of Enslaved Children in Luanda, 1850–1869." Genealogy 8, no. 1 (2024): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8010029.
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About half of Luanda’s population comprised enslaved people in the mid-nineteenth century. Although scholars have examined the expansion of slavery in Angola after the end of the transatlantic slave trade and the use of slavery to underpin the trade in tropical commodities, the labor performed by enslaved children has been neglected. This study explores the experiences of enslaved children working in Luanda during the era of the so-called “legitimate” commerce in tropical commodities, particularly between 1850 and 1869. It draws upon slave registers, official reports, and the local gazette, the Boletim Oficial de Angola, to analyze the means through which children were enslaved, the tasks they performed, their background, family connections, and daily experiences under enslavement. This paper argues that masters expected enslaved children to perform the same work attributed to enslaved men and women. After all, they saw captives as a productive unit irrespective of their age.
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Flood, Iain A. "Proving Disloyalty: Enslaved People and Resistance in Missouri’s Guerrilla Households." Journal of the Civil War Era 14, no. 1 (2024): 4–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cwe.2024.a919852.
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Abstract: This work highlights the central role that enslaved people played in Missouri’s guerrilla conflict. During the Civil War, with the loss of male labor to armies and guerrilla bands, households in Missouri became ever more reliant on enslaved labor. This included guerrilla households, meaning that enslaved people played a much more active role in maintaining guerrilla bands than has been previously acknowledged. By aiding guerrillas’ domestic supply lines, enslaved people gained information that could prove their enslaver’s disloyalty. Aware that such information could be exchanged with US officers in return for freedom papers, enslaved people across Missouri seized the opportunity to escape. In effect, their actions created a second supply line, one that moved information out of Missouri’s slaveholding households and onto the desks of provost marshals. Enslaved people made the domestic supply line a tool of resistance and redefined the relationship between the army and Black refugees in Missouri.
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WIMBUSH. "Interpreters—Enslaving/Enslaved/Runagate." Journal of Biblical Literature 130, no. 1 (2011): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41304184.
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Labode, Modupe. "Memorial to Enslaved Laborers." Journal of American History 108, no. 3 (2021): 562–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaab233.
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Powell, H. Jefferson, and Robert A. Burt. "Enslaved to Judicial Supremacy?" Harvard Law Review 106, no. 5 (1993): 1197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1341689.
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Cavalier-Smith, T. "Nucleomorphs: enslaved algal nuclei." Current Opinion in Microbiology 5, no. 6 (2002): 612–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1369-5274(02)00373-9.
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Hill, Johnny Bernard. "Children of the Enslaved." CrossCurrents 66, no. 2 (2016): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cros.12184.
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Hill, Johnny Bernard. "Children of the Enslaved." CrossCurrents 66, no. 2 (2016): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cro.2016.a783528.
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Bonar, Chance Everett. "Hermas the (Formerly?) Enslaved." Early Christianity 13, no. 2 (2022): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/ec-2022-0014.
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Sylvain, Mbohou. "Vulnerability and Dependence in Slavery and Post-Slavery Societies: A Historicisation of the Enslaved Children (Pon Pekpen) from the Bamum Kingdom West Cameroon)." Genealogy 8, no. 3 (2024): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy8030083.
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This article is a reflection on the history of enslaved children (Pon pekpen) in African slavery and post-slavery societies, such as the Bamum Kingdom. This traditional monarchy of the Grassfields of Cameroon, founded in 1394 by Nchare Yen, was one of the largest providers of captives transported to the Atlantic coast and used locally to meet the needs of traditional slavery. In this kingdom, slaves and their descendants, as well as enslaved peoples, represented nearly 80% of the total population. The trade of captives and servile practices left indelible traces, particularly where enslaved children were concerned. So, what did enslaved children represent in African slavery and post-slavery societies, such as the Bamum Kingdom? The aim of this study is to show that the enslaved children were the most vulnerable and dependent members of slavery and post-slavery systems. This study is based on oral, archival iconographic, written and electronic sources, using theories of social dominance and subaltern studies. It clearly shows that the vulnerability and dependence of enslaved children (Pon pekpen) made them special, weak and hopeful links in the slavery system and the persistence of slavery practices. They were mainly victims of traditional slavery and of the trans-Saharan and transatlantic slave trades. Despite the formal abolition of the slave trade and slavery between the 19th and 20th centuries, enslaved children and the descendants of enslaved people continue to be victims of a kind of subalternisation because they are usually considered second-class citizens.
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Newman, Simon P. "Freedom-Seeking Slaves in England and Scotland, 1700–1780*." English Historical Review 134, no. 570 (2019): 1136–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cez292.
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Abstract This essay explores the experiences of enslaved people who sought to escape their bondage in England and Scotland during the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century. It argues that, while the conditions of their servitude in Britain may appear closer to those of white British servants than those of enslaved plantation labourers in the colonies, the experiences of these people were conditioned by the experiences of and the threat of return to colonial enslavement. For some successful Britons an enslaved serving boy was a visible symbol of success, and a great many enslaved men, women, youths and children were brought to Great Britain during the eighteenth century. Some accompanied visiting colonists and ships’ officers, while others came to Britain with merchants, planters, clergymen and physicians who were returning home. Some of the enslaved sought to seize freedom by escaping. Utilising newspaper advertisements placed by owners seeking the capture and return of these runaways (as well as advertisements offering enslaved people for sale), the essay demonstrates that many such people were regarded by their masters and mistresses as enslaved chattel property. Runaways were often traumatised by New World enslavement, and all too aware that they might easily be sold or returned to the horrors of Caribbean and American slavery: improved work conditions in Britain did not lessen the psychological and physical effects of enslavement from which they sought to escape.
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Moss, Candida R. "Between the Lines." Studies in Late Antiquity 5, no. 3 (2021): 432–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2021.5.3.432.
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Recent scholarship on writing and literacy in the Roman world has been attentive to the role of enslaved literate workers in the production of texts. Yet when it comes to evaluating the potential contributions of enslaved laborers we find ourselves at an impasse. How can we identify changes that an enslaved writer might have introduced? How could we assume that any element of the text comes from a secretary rather than the slaveholding “author”? And if enslaved secretaries were at liberty to make changes to a text, how would we recognize these alterations? Utilizing the method of critical fabulation and revisions to a particular literary fragment (P. Berol. 11632) as a test-case, this article explores the range of collaborative possibilities that can account for textual revisions and asks what difference it might make to view such changes as the product of enslaved workers and their experience.
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Mendoza, Elsa Barraza. "Catholic Slaveowners and the Development of Georgetown University’s Slave Hiring System, 1792–1862." Journal of Jesuit Studies 8, no. 1 (2020): 56–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-0801p004.
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Abstract This article examines the place of enslaved laborers in the founding and operations of Georgetown University. It draws evidence from the school’s administrative and financial records; the archives of the Maryland Province of the Society of Jesus; and manuscript collections in Maryland and Washington, DC. The school generally rented rather than bought and owned enslaved people to work on campus. The school used its position as a provider of education and religious services to obtain enslaved laborers from two types of Catholic slaveowners: priests and parents—women in particular—who sent their children to Georgetown. Enslaved laborers worked at the school from its earliest days until the abolition of slavery in Washington, DC, in 1862. Indeed, the school’s last enslaved worker, Aaron Edmonson, left campus in March of 1862, only a month before the passage of the Compensated Emancipation Act of the District of Columbia.
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McDowell, Robin. "“There Are Lives Here”." Radical History Review 2023, no. 147 (2023): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10637147.
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Abstract The Bonnet Carré Spillway, a mile-long concrete and wood weir in St. Charles Parish, Louisiana, is embedded in a landscape of flood control infrastructure and an institutionally repressed history of the Black communities displaced for its construction from 1929 to 1931. Two cemeteries of enslaved and formerly enslaved people were plowed under and then resurfaced decades later, prompting a movement for commemoration led by descendants. Through histories of both the spillway structure and that of enslaved and formerly enslaved communities, this article examines a growing movement for commemoration that challenges and dismantles the political infrastructure generated by and for the preservation of physical infrastructure.
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Roberts, Justin, Philip D. Morgan, and Rasmus Christensen. "The Paradox of Abolition: Sugar Production and Slave Demography in Danish St. Croix, 1792–1804." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 54, no. 4 (2024): 453–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_02006.
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Abstract In 1792, the Danish government announced the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade and granted St. Croix planters a grace period to import slaves before the cessation. Despite hopes for improved conditions for the enslaved after the abolition, surging sugar prices prompted planters to increase imports of enslaved Africans. Census data, slave trade records, and land tax registers illustrate how St. Croix planters, in the face of impending abolition, exacerbated mortality rates among the enslaved and hindered efforts to create a naturally reproducing enslaved population. The short-term acceleration of slave importation after the Danish decision to end the slave trade increased the total mortality rates of Africans throughout the Atlantic region.
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Xia, Collin. "The womb: a site of domination and resistance in the Pre-emancipation British Caribbean." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 1 (2022): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i1.35963.
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Beginning in the 1780s, British Caribbean plantocracies faced the looming threat of slave trade abolition which would end the flow of enslaved labour fundamental to colonial plantation economies. Enslaved women’s function as the source of blackness and legal slave status made their wombs essential to a future without readily available slave imports. The general narrative centring the intensifying colonial domination of enslaved women’s wombs highlight abolitionists and slave owner’s deployment of slave women’s reproductive labour in a slave-breeding program that would produce a self-sustaining source of labour. This narrative neglects the agency enslaved women exerted in exacting control over their sexuality, marriage status, pregnancies, childbirth experience, and child-rearing process that jeopardised the institution of slavery in “gynecological revolt.” This essay privileges the feminized, unarmed, sexual, bodily defiance of enslaved women within the greater, often masculinized Caribbean slavery scholarship to argue that the womb was a site of intensifying colonial domination in the Age of Abolition but more significantly a site of women’s revolutionary struggle against slavery.
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Köstlbauer, Josef, and Scott Paul Gordon. "Magdalena More’s Complaint." Journal of Moravian History 24, no. 1 (2024): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmorahist.24.1.0056.
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ABSTRACT In a remarkable 1784 letter, Magdalena More (ca. 1731–1820) exposes the complexities of enslavement in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Magdalena More was sent to Bethlehem enslaved in 1747, was manumitted in the 1750s, and died there in 1820. Her husband, Andrew, remained enslaved from his arrival in Bethlehem in 1746 until his death in 1779. Her letter, published here for the first time, criticizes Moravian authorities for compelling her enslaved husband to pay rent and for neglecting other obligations they had to him.
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Elder, Nika, and Diana Seave Greenwald. "Enslaved Labor and Cultural Capital." Winterthur Portfolio 54, no. 4 (2020): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/714271.
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Privett, Katharyn. "Dystopic Bodies and Enslaved Motherhood." Women: A Cultural Review 18, no. 3 (2007): 257–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09574040701612403.
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Tang, Joyce. "Enslaved African Rebellions in Virginia." Journal of Black Studies 27, no. 5 (1997): 598–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479702700502.
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LEWIN, R. "Freed Hands or Enslaved Feet?" Science 235, no. 4792 (1987): 970. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.235.4792.970.
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Skipper, Jodi, and James M. Thomas. "Plantation Tours." Contexts 19, no. 2 (2020): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504220920199.
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A tale of two plantation museums: The Whitney exclusively focuses on the lives of enslaved people, while McLeod is designed to be inclusive of the lives of enslaved and free people, both black and white.
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Doddington, David. "“Old Fellows”." Journal of Global Slavery 3, no. 3 (2018): 286–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00303005.
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Abstract The last few decades have seen scholars successfully challenge the idea that enslaved men in the US South were emasculated by slavery, proving that despite their oppression, enslaved men could craft a gendered sense of self. Much work on the topic has focused on public demonstrations of strength and virility, on resistance, or on men’s activities as husbands and fathers, providers and protectors. However, at times, this work has treated manhood and male identity as static, and has not considered change over the course of a lifespan. As enslaved men grew older, the performances expected of them and the possibilities afforded them could shift, and this shift was not inevitably perceived as positive or accepted without strife. While much existing work on conditions of life for elderly enslaved people has stressed the solidarity and assistance other members of the community extended to them, support was not always offered, nor was it always desired. In this article, I explore perceptions of change contemporaries associated with age and consider how this impacted on the lives of enslaved men in slave communities of the antebellum US South.
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Burnard, Trevor. "Introduction." Journal of Global Slavery 6, no. 1 (2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00601010.
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Abstract This essay introduces a special issue on the management of enslaved people working on plantations in the British Caribbean and the American South. It focuses on the relationships between commodification, control, persuasion and enslaved autonomy.
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Collins, Robert Keith. "How Africans Met Native Americans during Slavery." Contexts 19, no. 3 (2020): 16–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1536504220950396.
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Ancestral belonging, identity, and race are inextricably linked to a historical phenomenon in need of further academic investigation: shared kinship between enslaved Africans and enslaved Native Americans. How did Africans and Native Americans meet during slavery?
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Cobb, Christy. "Preparing and sharing the table: The invisibility of women and enslaved domestic workers in Luke’s Last Supper." Review & Expositor 117, no. 4 (2020): 555–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0034637320972181.
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In biblical narratives that involve food, women and enslaved domestic workers were very involved in the planning, preparation, and the partaking of meals, even though they are mostly invisible in biblical texts. To make these women and enslaved workers visible, I closely examine the narrative of the Last Supper, or Passover, in the Gospel of Luke (22.7–38). In this gospel, women are present as followers of Jesus and are present with Jesus throughout his ministry, thus their presence at the Last Supper would be expected. In addition, enslaved characters fill the Gospel of Luke as a part of parables as well as within the narrative. In the conclusion of this article, I reimagine the scene of Luke’s Last Supper as it might have happened historically, with women and enslaved persons made visible in the preparations and during the meal itself.
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Faria, Patricia Souza de. "Enslaved Children in Portuguese India, 1550-1760." Ler História 84 (2024): 159–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/11uqx.
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This article aims to contribute to the study of enslaved children and youth in Portuguese India. While enslaved children have been addressed in studies on slave trafficking and slavery in Portuguese India, they have not been the primary focus of analysis. The aim is to provide insights into the experiences of these children as slaves and their displacement through the societies of the Indian Ocean and from Goa to Lisbon. The article also discusses the challenges of studying enslaved children, considering the possibilities and limitations of analysis based on Portuguese sources from Goa and Lisbon, such as manumission letters and ecclesiastical and inquisitorial sources. This article is part of the special theme section on Women, Children, and Enslaved People in the Portuguese Empire in Asia, 16th-18th Centuries, guest-edited by Rozely Vigas and Rômulo Ehalt.