Journal articles on the topic 'Entrepreneuriat – Cameroun'

The importance of corporate social responsibility is shaping investment decisions and entrepreneurial actions in diverse perspectives. The rapid growth of SMEs has tremendous impacts on the environment. Nonetheless, the economic emergence plan of Cameroon has prompted government support of SMEs through diverse projects. This saw economic growth increased to 3.8% and unemployment dropped to 4.3% caused by the expansion of private sector investments. The dilemma that necessitated this study is the response strategy of SMEs operators towards environmental sustainability. This study, thus seeks to examine the effects of entrepreneurial intentions and actions on environmental sustainability. The research is a conclusive case study design supported by the philosophical underpins of objectivism ontology and positivism epistemology. Data was sourced from four hundred (400) SMEs operators purposively sampled from the Centre and Littoral regions of Cameroon using structured questionnaire. Data was analysed using the Structural Equation Modelling technique with the aid of statistical packages including: SPSS 24 and AMOS 23. The study revealed that entrepreneurial action has weak positive statistical significant impacts on environmental sustainability; whereas entrepreneurial intention has strong positive statistical significant effects on environmental sustainability. Entrepreneurial intention comprised of self-efficacy and perceived control whereas, entrepreneurial actions involved entrepreneurial alertness and uncertainty. This study concludes that entrepreneurs in Cameroon have sustainable intentions to protect the environment but; the current actions taken are inadequate. This research recommends that entrepreneurs should enhance efforts toward attaining the state of genuine sustainability. Keywords: Entrepreneurial Intention, Entrepreneurial Actions, Cameroon, Genuine sustainability

Purpose – This paper aims to report on the level of entrepreneurial intent (EI) in southwestern Cameroon, by developing and using a novel scale that avoids the problems of construct confounds that exist with most EI scales currently in the literature. This scale is also used to measure EI in Canada, as a comparative example of the Western countries typical of previous EI research, to demonstrate the stability of the scale across different cultures. Design/methodology/approach – Data are collected by survey of random participants in Jamaica and Canada. Factor analysis is used to refine the choice of scale elements from this survey. Nested structural equation modelling is then used to confirm the construct validity and to demonstrate construct stability across the two populations. The population scores are then compared by t-test. Findings – A novel ten-item scale is developed and is shown to have a stable factor structure across the two populations. Using this measure, it can be newly seen that, contrary to the expectations for low entrepreneurial prevalence and intention expressed in the literature, there is actually no significant EI deficit in Cameroon. Research limitations/implications – Previous measures of EI in the literature have been seriously confounded by adjacent constructs in the same nomological net, such as beliefs, attitudes and expectations for future behaviours. The research approach taken here demonstrates how these confounds may have led to erroneous conclusions about EI in Cameroon and potentially in other countries. The major limitation of this study is the small sample size, which should be reinforced by replication or extension in future studies. Originality/value – The development of a scale free of construct confounds represents an important step in the refinement of accurate measurement of this foundational construct in entrepreneurship research. This is underscored by the finding that EI in Cameroon may have been misreported in early research due to confounded measurement.

There is a growing appreciation for the value and impact of the informal economy on the lives and livelihood of many in developing economies. A key question for researchers has been whether those operating in it do so out of necessity or voluntarily as opportunity seekers? Unlike previous studies that have examined the informal economy as one large block, this paper took a slightly different tangent. First, we analyzed and identified three distinct sub-groups within the informal entrepreneurial sector — the street walker (st. walker), the street corner (st. corner) and store owner (st. owner) — and then examined each group's motives. Reporting the results of face-to-face structured interviews with 200 informal entrepreneurs in Cameroon (West Africa), the finding is that the majority, especially st. walker and st. corner informal entrepreneurs, are predominantly necessity-driven while st. owner entrepreneurs are predominantly opportunity-driven. Our study also revealed a progression pattern whereby st. walkers do progress to st. corner and ultimately to st. owner entrepreneurs. The assumption is that this does create a learning curve effect in the entrepreneurial abilities and effectiveness of store owners. This is an area for future research. There are policy implications for institutional support that can grow the informal economy into the formal economy.

<p><em>Population expansion and resource availability have been the basis for many entrepreneurial activities around the world. The presence of resources and the continuous drive to provide the ever growing needs of man has been a fortune for many entrepreneurs. Unfortunately, this is not a general rule as there are resources rich areas with little or no entrepreneurial activities. Within the context of this lack of standard rule for the development of entrepreneurship, this paper investigates the determinants of the demand for entrepreneurship in Cameroon using the<strong> </strong></em><em>Johansen co-integration procedures and the Error Correction Mechanism (ECM) based on data collected from the </em><em>World Development Indicators, WDI (2016) and the KOF globalisation index database between 1980 and 2017. After testing for the short and long run relationship, the study found out that population growth, technology and globalization negatively affects the demand for entrepreneurship in Cameroon while economic development positively and significantly determines the demand for entrepreneurship. On the basis of these findings, the study suggests that government should develop and enact policies that will sufficiently regulate the market and create the right business environment for the sustainability of entrepreneurial activities in Cameroon. While recognizing the role of population expansion in providing a market for business, overpopulation should not be tolerated as it becomes a liability in struggling entrepreneurialism. </em></p>

Regulations and institutions influence entrepreneurship. This paper investigates whether government regulations and finance institutions help or hinder entrepreneurial performance at the small firm level in Yaoundé and Douala, Cameroon. Performance is examined in terms of growth in sales revenue, profits and labor employment. The results show that ‘government regulations’ have a strong and significantly adverse impact on sales revenue performance. Furthermore, ‘awareness of source of funds’ is found to significantly amplify sales revenue, and profit performance. Government support is significant to growth in labor employment, sales revenue and profit. However, ‘government regulations’ have a consistently negative influence on performance, even when using different indicators. Consequently, Cameroon should provide a more conducive environment for entrepreneurship to flourish and for small firm sales revenue, profit and employment to grow through the simplification or removal of unnecessary regulations and a provision of greater financial support.

The objective of this study was to analyze the effects of linguistic diversity on entrepreneurship in Cameroon. More specifically, it was a question of analysing the effects of linguistic diversity first on entrepreneurial intention, then on business creation, and finally on the sustainability of the businesses created. To achieve these objectives, the authors used data from a survey of 504 individuals in the cities of Douala and Yaoundé conducted by the Laboratory of Research in Fundamental and Applied Economics (LAREFA) of the University of Dschang and using the binary probit, recursive bivariate probit, and tobit models; it was found that 1) bilingual individuals have a lower entrepreneurial intention than their monolingual counterparts; however, the fact that the individual masters several languages facilitates the transition from intention to action; 2) if linguistic diversity is varied from zero to low or medium level, then the duration of the enterprise will increase by 25 months.

Dans un contexte de controverse sur la capacité des modèles agricoles à répondre conjointement aux enjeux alimentaires, environnementaux et de développement en Afrique, nous analysons les conditions de viabilité d’une agriculture à caractère biologique au Cameroun. La démarche mobilise une enquête par entretiens semi-directifs auprès des acteurs engagés dans les filières de production biologique et une mise en débat des connaissances générées lors d’ateliers participatifs multi-acteurs. Elle met en interaction les connaissances scientifiques, entrepreneuriales et techniques. Les résultats mettent en exergue trois types d’agriculture biologique : l’un certifié suivant les cahiers des charges internationaux ; le deuxième hybride, du fait de sa nature entrepreneuriale et sans certification ; et le troisième, « naturel sans certification », qui renvoie aux pratiques traditionnelles à faible usage d’intrants. En utilisant le cadre d’analyse de la théorie des transitions multi-niveaux, ces trois types permettent de définir des trajectoires possibles d’évolution de l’agriculture biologique au Cameroun.

This study examines skills acquisition and labour market opportunities for graduates of public universities in Cameroon. Four research objectives and one hypothesis guided the study which examined the extent to which social, technical, conceptual and entrepreneurial skills acquired by graduates enhance their employability. The population of the study consisted of 79 graduates with bachelor’s degree, including 29 employers. Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS 2.3) was used to analyse the quantitative data. The quantitative data were analysed using frequency count and percentages while the qualitative data were analysed using a thematic approach with the aid of key concepts/themes, groundings and sampled quotation. The Spearman’s rho test was adopted for the study in testing the hypothesis. Results reveal a significant relationship between skills acquisition and labour market opportunities for graduates (P<0.05). The positive sign of the coefficient value for each of the skills to labour market opportunities (social skills .132*, technical skills .241*, conceptual skills .241*, entrepreneurial skills .393**) shows a positive correlation with labour market opportunities; that is, graduates stand a better chance to be employed when they possess the above-mentioned skills with entrepreneurial skills contributing more, followed by conceptual and technical skills with higher correlation values and lastly social skills. It was recommended that HE institutions should design competency-based curriculum for all programmes to enable graduates acquire the relevant skills. A closer engagement of universities and employers is recommended for better skills productivity.

Purpose This paper aims to explore cultural attitudes and beliefs about entrepreneurship in the southwestern region of Cameroon. This study also identifies the existence of subcultural variations with important implications for the development of entrepreneurial activities in Cameroon. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses the hybrid qualitative/quantitative Q methodology to survey and analyze a purposively diverse sample of individuals and thereby discover subcultural structures and patterns to the attitudes and beliefs that exist in Cameroonian culture. Findings This study discovers three distinct subcultures that differ significantly in their attitudes and beliefs about entrepreneurship. These subcultures can neither be predicted from commonly used national measures of cultures, such as those of Hofstede, nor are they directly attributable to regional effects. Research limitations/implications The author calls into question the continuing use of national culture as a construct in explaining and predicting entrepreneurial activities, through discovery of subcultures at odds with national measures. Further research should be undertaken to assess the prevalence within Cameroonian society of the three widely different subcultures identified here. Practical implications This paper highlights the importance of incorporating subcultural variations in attitudes and beliefs (whether regional, tribal or other) in the development and implementation of public policies to affect national entrepreneurship. Originality/value The paper applies a novel methodology to qualitatively explore the subjective variations in the meaning and value of entrepreneurship in Cameroonian society, and to quantitatively develop a structure or typology to these variations.

The paper introduces the topic of Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) and several other forms of microcredit institutions, variations of which are found in most communities around the world, and considers the impact on them of the current financial crisis. For many women and men, poor and wealthy alike, these institutions have been economic and social lifelines. Among many African peoples, they provide the main source of rural and urban credit, both for sustainable living and entrepreneurial endeavour. This paper draws on the experience of contemporary Cameroonians, including those in the diaspora, in particular that of Dr Bridget Teboh. Social anthropologists have espoused ROSCAs for many decades. This paper cites the increasing attention such institutions now get from governments, NGOs, bankers and economists, and considers the impact of the current worldwide financial crisis on the behaviour of those who save in them.

Researches on entrepreneurship reach a conclusion that more and more companies are created by teams rather than by sole entrepreneurs (Klotz et al., 2014). According to the Cameroonian National Institute of Statistics (NIS, 2009), more than 66% of new ventures in Cameroon are Limited Liability Companies, representing the major jobs provider. However, in spite of their numerical and economical importance, creations in teams have not been subject to scientific interest despite their consistency. The purpose of this article is to analyse the effect of the entrepreneurial team diversity and conflicts among its members on the performance of new ventures. The results of our econometric analysis based on a sample of 184 new ventures show that gender, skills and experience diversity have a positive impact on the performance of these enterprises. The cognitive conflict positively moderates the effect of the team diversity, while the emotional conflict negatively affects this relationship. Ethnic or racial diversity has no significant impact on the performance of the new ventures.

Na contemporaniedade o consenso dominante ainda é de um Estado visto como o parente pobre da “modernidade econômica”. Nessa perspectiva, o Estado deve sair da frente (desregulamentar), diminuir (privatizar-se) e deixar seguir (liberalizar). Esse é o consenso que ainda prevalece no Banco Central Europeu, chefiado pelo ex-banqueiro que cuida dos mercados financeiros, e no Reino Unido no governo liderado pelo ex-publicitário David Cameron do Partido Conservador, por meio de políticas de austeridade em relação ao gasto público. Estas, portanto, são as prescrições de política para a recuperação do crescimento econômico pós-crise de 2008: mais finança privada, menos Estado social. O livro The entrepreneurial State: debunking public vs. private sector myths, da professora Mariana Mazzucato, do SPRU – University of Sussex, contrapõe-se a esta visão e argumenta que o Estado tem papel estratégico na economia, devendo assumir o comando sobre atividades não realizadas por outros agentes econômicos (ampliando a intervenção anticíclica keynesiana), tarefa que requer uma capacidade visionária por parte do Estado, associada a uma intencionalidade de implementação de estratégias, bem como de habilidades burocrático-administrativas (no sentido weberiano) e de conhecimento específico sobre tecnologias e setores.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to critically explore how context as an antecedent to entrepreneurial digital competencies (EDCs) influences digital entrepreneurship in a resource-scarce environment. Design/methodology/approach The data comprises semi-structured interviews with 16 digital entrepreneurs, as owner-managers of small digital businesses in Cameroon. Findings The results reveal the ways in which EDCs shape the entry (or start-up) choices and post-entry strategic decisions of digital entrepreneurs in response to context-specific opportunities and challenges associated with digital entrepreneurship. Research limitations/implications The data comes from one African country and 16 digital businesses thus the research setting limits the generalisability of the results. Practical implications This paper highlights important implications for encouraging digital entrepreneurship by focussing on institutional, technology and local dimensions of context and measures to develop the entrepreneurial and digital competencies. This includes policy interventions to develop the information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure, transport and local distribution infrastructure, and training opportunities to develop the EDCs of digital entrepreneurs. Originality/value Whereas the capabilities to adopt and use ICTs and the internet by small businesses have been examined, this is among the first theoretically sensitised study linking context, EDCs and digital entrepreneurship.

IN most African farming systems, hired workers provide only a small part of the total labor devoted to agricultural production, even today. By and large, farm labor in Africa is still family labor. However, during and after the colonial period, many Africans also ran agrarian enterprises on a scale and in a nexus of social relations far removed from the traditional picture of the smallholder cultivating land with family labor. In Cameroon, Duala and Bamileke entrepreneurs mobilized and incorporated labor for cash crop production, a process that necessitated changes in existing social and political institutions. This article explores these economic activities in their cultural context. It aims to show how specific social and cultural systems together framed or determined entrepreneurial activities and to explain why specific ethnic groups enjoyed – at least for a certain period – disproportionate success in adapting to the opportunities of colonial life. Geographically, the paper concentrates on the Mungo region in the Cameroon littoral, part of the Cameroon ‘fertile crescent’ (Fig. I). Since the beginning of the twentieth century this thinly populated region has been one of the country's most important agricultural centers and, as a result, has attracted a large number of immigrants. Between the 1880s and 1950s, despite fundamental differences in the social and economic organization of their respective ethnic groups, first Duala and then Bamileke entrepreneurs emerged as leaders in the region's agricultural development.This paper joins a growing number of studies which aim to refine our understanding of the historical dimensions of African entrepreneurship. In development studies this new interest stems from a concern about the weakness of African private enterprise and its contribution to poor economic performance. Many authors see African entrepreneurs not so much as individuals but as social classes which are analyzed in their socio-economic and political context.

This special issue was organised in the context of the 22nd meeting of the Association of African Insect Scientists (AAIS), in Wad Medani, Sudan in 2017. The aim was to ‘support impactful research that will yield genuine edible insects products and sustain value chains that enhance food and nutritional security and support sustained livelihoods in Africa’. The issue is composed of contributions from the following countries: Kenya, Uganda, Burundi, Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Malawi, and Zimbabwe. The issue attempted to strengthen the traditional inventory and perception studies and emphasise on contributions that explore entrepreneurial developments of insects use as food and livestock feed. The issue also looked at emerging R&D and innovations to enhance the use of insects to improve food and nutritional security and as a major sector in economic development in Africa.

The study focused on factors affecting the commercialization of food legumes-cowpeas (Vigna unguiculata), bambara groundnuts(Vignasubterranea), groundnuts (Arachis hypogaea) and soybeans (Glycine max) in two departments (Benouéand Mayo-Louti) of the North Region of Cameroon. Qualitative and quantitative methods were used to collect data. Qualitative methods involved focus group discussions and direct observations. A structured interview guide was administered in major peri-urban and urban markets to get supportive quantitative data. The respondents were selected using purposive sampling technique. A content analysis was conducted and quantitative data was analyzed with the aid of XLSTAT 2007 software and Excel. A cross-section of the age and gender population was involved in the marketing of food legumes. Women constituted more than 80% in the retail sector on peri-urban markets. The study found that 100% of the vendors had never got any form of training on business management before engaging into the sector. Socio-cultural factors were determinant factors that impacted negatively in promoting an entrepreneurial culture among women. The marginalization of women, the restriction of land ownership by traditional tenure and poor distribution of land for agriculture were some of the main constraints faced by women. The impediments of women’s empowerment include their lack of access to the decision-making process, low participation in local governance and limited access to technology inputs and credit. Traditional practices forbid women and girls to have or manage large amounts of money. Such restrictions have serious consequences on agricultural production. Instead of exploiting the productive capacity of women at all levels, including food production and transformation, some of the traditions simply stifle their potential energies. In addition to socio-cultural factors, major bottlenecks faced in the production and commercialisation of food legumes includes social structural and institutional, agronomic, natural(biotic and abiotic stress)and climatic factors. Development of intervention strategies through exogenous innovation techniques might act as an incentive for smallholder farmers to invest more of their land and energy in cultivation of food legumes. More attention should be focused on market research and development with crop improvement programmes that are economically profitable, if food legumes are to continue making a greater contribution to the household income, nutrition and sustainable development in North Cameroon.

À l’heure de la globalisation de l’économie numérique, la démocratisation des usages sociaux des outils technonumériques par les populations favorise l’émergence d’une nouvelle filière de prestations dans le secteur informel au Cameroun. Cet article se propose d’analyser de quelle manière des jeunes, confrontés à la précarisation croissante de leurs conditions de vie, convertissent leurs compétences numériques en exerçant l’activité de « téléchargeur » des productions culturelles en milieu urbain. L’étude repose sur une enquête ethnographique, combinant des entretiens et une observation participante. Elle montre que les jeunes, dans leur dynamique d’auto-prise en charge au quotidien, mobilisent leur imagination et leurs capacités entrepreneuriales. Espace d’opportunités économiques, la ville laisse entrevoir de quelle manière l’appropriation de la culture numérique par les téléchargeurs structure les rapports sociaux de genre, contribuant à la production d’une identité masculine dans l’espace public. En investissant la rue, ces jeunes entretiennent, entre eux, des interactions socialement hiérarchisées, tandis que leurs relations avec les agents de la brigade municipale chargés de la régulation de l’occupation de l’espace urbain sont travaillées par des enjeux de pouvoir et des pratiques de corruption ; lesquelles structurent en partie le fonctionnement de l’État postcolonial.

Summary Polish public organisations are often perceived as having strong bureaucratic orientation, avoiding both change and risk. However, in the last decade a distinct change in the management model of public organisations can be noticed. Public sector becomes an open ground for mergers and partnerships, entrepreneurial leadership, diversified services and commercialization (Golensky and DeRuiter 1999; Zimmerman and Dart, 1998; Pollitt and Bouckaert, 2004; Walker, 2013]. Public organisations embrace these strategies from the for-profit sector in order to manage change and to be effective. Most importantly, public organisations are adopting these frameworks in order to survive the changing operating environment, including changes in the level of government funding. Our paper draws on the Miles and Snow (1978) typology of generic strategies - prospectors, defenders, analysers, and reactors - to identify different organisational strategies within public organisations providing social services in Poland. In order to assess organisational culture we used the most widespread and used in many empirical studies Cameron and Quinn’s model (2003), the Competing Values Framework (CVF), from which four cultures - adhocracy, clan, market and hierarchy - emerge. The choice of these two providers of social services was dictated by our conviction, that these organisations are critical both for the national economy and for mitigating, counteracting and preventing social exclusion.

This study explores the levels of and barriers to entrepreneurial innovation (EI) and competitive advantage (CA) in emerging economies, and situates the findings within the Nigeria’s global innovation ecosystems. A qualitative research approach is preferred relying on the secondary data extracted from the reports of Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) and enriched by scholarly works including insights from the reports of Global Entrepreneurship Index (GEI). The extracted data from the afore-mentioned sources were critically reviewed and analysed using content analysis to understand the connection between EI and CA. At the end of the analysis, the study found that for 10 years (2008–2017), Nigeria manifested low EI and CA on the GCI ranking, whereas other African countries such as Ghana, Cameroon and South Africa, with lesser economic resources, did comparatively better. Second, it was found that, the key barriers to EI and CA are infrastructural neglect, lack of strong regulatory institutions, weak macroeconomic environment, weak technological readiness, poor business sophistication and low innovation among others. The study improves understanding of theoretical, managerial and policy implications of EI and CA. It also provides appropriate strategic suggestions for stimulating EI and enhancing CA at both national and industry levels in Nigeria. The study contributes to the raging debates on EI and CA in emerging economies. It also supports the Schumpeter’s creative discovery theory and resource-based view of CA.

The study focused on investigating the impact of organizational culture types on the job satisfaction of employees. The study was based on four cultural types named as clan, adhocracy, market, and hierarchy culture. The empirical investigation was conducted by data collection from 11 organizations of Rawalpindi and Islamabad with the help of questionnaire based on five points Likert scale. The famous organizational culture model adopted from research of (S. K. Cameron, & Freeman, J. S., 1991) which incorporated clan, adhocracy, market and hierarchy cultures were utilized to test hypotheses against job satisfaction. The study was based on collection of data from entrepreneurial organizations and it was interesting to note that all the four type of cultures were prevailing in the same nature of the organizations. The study was conducted in order to cater with the discrepancies found in the literature. The Asian cultural studies depict contradictory phenomena as compared to the Western studies and this study added to the literature by showing that being Asian country the results match with the studies conducted in Western settings. The study suggests that culture types strongly impact the job satisfaction of employees. Employees working under clan and adhocracy culture were satisfied with their jobs. While those working under hierarchy and market cultures were dissatisfied with their jobs. The findings of the study are not just significant for academic purposes but are also critical for managers in determining the employee job satisfaction.

The paper introduces the topic of Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) and several other forms of microcredit institutions, variations of which are found in most communities around the world, and considers the impact on them of the current financial crisis. For many women and men, poor and wealthy alike, these institutions have been economic and social lifelines. Among many African peoples, they provide the main source of rural and urban credit, both for sustainable living and entrepreneurial endeavour. This paper draws on the experience of con-temporary Cameroonians, including those in the diaspora, in particular that of Dr Bridget Teboh. Social anthropologists have espoused ROSCAs for many decades. This paper cites the increasing attention such institutions now get from governments, NGOs, bankers and economists, and considers the impact of the current worldwide financial crisis on the behaviour of those who save in them. Key words: micro nance, tontines, ROSCAs

This paper focuses on the British state’s attitude towards co-operatives, focusing mainly on the Thatcher (1979–1990) and Cameron (2010–2015) governments. After the 2008 crisis, the Cameron-led government, under the umbrella of its Big Society project, developed measures to shift responsibility on British society for the development of the co-operative model as a contribution to self-help, the pursuit of economic growth and the rebuilding of social bonds. We trace the origins of these efforts to the Thatcher governments, where these attitudes towards workers’ cooperatives were consolidated. In so doing, we find the concept of ordoliberalism rather than neo-liberalism alone, particularly useful for explaining the nuances of the governments’ relationship with the cooperatives; including the symbolic backing of co-operatives for their perfect embodiment of self-help and the entrepreneurial spirit, integrating them into a social policy of total competition and economic growth and the constant legislative and financial control of state support. This exemplified and operationalized a larger governmentality later also pursued by the coalition, aimed at entrenching a competitive order and the bourgeois spirit of self-sufficiency through the deployment of the agenda of popular capitalism. Both the Thatcher and Cameron governments, in the spirit of ordoliberalism, instrumentalized cooperatives as part of a project that sought to govern through society to reshape and depoliticize it. This was an attempt to simultaneously eliminate British society’s political demands while recasting the role that the state is expected to play in social and economic policy.

In the 2019 documentary Chasing Happiness, recording artist/musician Joe Jonas tells audiences that the band was “living the dream”. Similarly, in the 2012 documentary Artifact, lead singer Jared Leto remarks that at the height of Thirty Seconds to Mars’s success, they “were living the dream”. However, for both the Jonas Brothers and Thirty Seconds to Mars, their experiences of the music industry (much like other commercially successful recording artists) soon transformed into nightmares. Similar to other commercially successful recording artists, the Jonas Brothers and Thirty Seconds to Mars, came up against the constraints of the industry which inevitably led to a forfeiting of authenticity, a loss of creative control, increased exploitation, and unequal remuneration. This work will consider how working in the music industry is not always a dream come true and can instead be viewed as a proverbial nightmare. Living the DreamIn his book Dreams, Carl Gustav Jung discusses how that which is experienced in sleep, speaks of a person’s wishes: that which might be desired in reality but may not actually happen. In his earlier work, The Interpretation of Dreams, Freud argued that the dream is representative of fulfilling a repressed wish. However, the creative industries suggest that a dream need not be a repressed wish; it can become a reality. Jon Bon Jovi believes that his success in the music industry has surpassed his wildest dreams (Atkinson). Jennifer Lopez considers the fact that she held big dreams, had a focussed passion, and strong aspirations the reason why she pursued a creative career that took her out of the Bronx (Thomas). In a Twitter post from 23 April 2018, Bruno Mars declared that he “use [sic] to dream of this shit,” in referring to a picture of him performing for a sold out arena, while in 2019 Shawn Mendes informed his 24.4 million Twitter followers that his “life is a dream”. These are but a few examples of successful music industry artists who are seeing their ‘wishes’ come true and living the American Dream.Endemic to the American culture (and a characteristic of the identity of the country) is the “American Dream”. It centres on “a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for every man, with opportunity for each according to his ability and achievement” (Adams, 404). Although initially used to describe having a nice house, money, stability and a reasonable standard of living, the American Dream has since evolved to what the scholar Florida believes is the new ‘aspiration of people’: doing work that is enjoyable and relies on human creativity. At its core, the original American Dream required striving to meet individual goals, and was promoted as possible for anyone regardless of their cultural, socio-economic and political background (Samuel), because it encourages the celebrating of the self and personal uniqueness (Gamson). Florida’s conceptualisation of the New American dream, however, tends to emphasise obtaining success, fame and fortune in what Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin (310) consider “hot”, “creative” industries where “the jobs are cool”.Whether old or new, the American Dream has perpetuated and reinforced celebrity culture, with many of the young generation reporting that fame and fortune were their priorities, as they sought to emulate the success of their famous role models (Florida). The rag to riches stories of iconic recording artists can inevitably glorify and make appealing the struggle that permits achieving one’s dream, with celebrities offering young, aspiring creative people a means of identification for helping them to aspire to meet their dreams (Florida; Samuel). For example, a young Demi Lovato spoke of how she idolised and looked up to singer Beyonce Knowles, describing Knowles as a role model because of the way she carries herself (Tishgart). Similarly, American Idol winner Kelly Clarkson cited Aretha Franklin as her musical inspiration and the reason that she sings from a place deep within (Nilles). It is unsurprising then, that popular media has tended to portray artists working in the creative industries and being paid to follow their passions as “a much-vaunted career dream” (Duffy and Wissinger, 4656). Movies such as A Star Is Born (2018), The Coal Miner’s Daughter (1980), Dreamgirls (2006), Begin Again (2013) and La La Land (2016) exalt the perception that creativity, talent, sacrifice and determination will mean dreams come true (Nicolaou). In concert with the American dream is the drive among creative people pursuing creative success to achieve their dreams because of the perceived autonomy they will gain, the chance of self-actualisation and social rewards, and the opportunity to fulfil intrinsic motivations (Amabile; Auger and Woodman; Cohen). For these workers, the love of creation and the happiness that accompanies new discoveries (Csikszentmihalyi) can offset the tight budgets and timelines, precarious labour (Blair, Grey, and Randle; Hesmondhalgh and Baker), uncertain demand (Caves; Shultz), sacrifice of personal relationships (Eikhof and Haunschild), the demand for high quality products (Gil & Spiller), and the tense relationships with administrators (Bilton) which are known to plague these industries. In some cases, young, up and coming creative people overlook these pitfalls, instead romanticising creative careers as ideal and worthwhile. They willingly take on roles and cede control to big corporations to “realize their passions [and] uncover their personal talent” (Bill, 50). Of course, as Ursell argues in discussing television employees, such idealisation can mean creatives, especially those who are young and unfamiliar with the constraints of the industry, end up immersed in and victims of the “vampiric” industry that exploits workers (816). They are socialised towards believing, in this case, that the record label is a necessary component to obtain fame and fortune and whether willing or unwilling, creative workers become complicit in their own exploitation (Cohen). Loss of Control and No CompensationThe music industry itself has been considered by some to typify the cultural industries (Chambers). Popular music has potency in that it is perceived as speaking a universal language (Burnett), engaging the emotions and thoughts of listeners, and assisting in their identity construction (Burnett; Gardikiotis and Baltzis). Given the place of music within society, it is not surprising that in 2018, the global music industry was worth US$19.1billion (IFPI). The music industry is necessarily underpinned by a commercial agenda. At present, six major recording companies exist and between them, they own between 70-80 per cent of the recordings produced globally (Konsor). They also act as gatekeepers, setting trends by defining what and who is worth following and listening to (Csikszentmihalyi; Jones, Anand, and Alvarez). In essence, to be successful in the music industry is to be affiliated with a record label. This is because the highly competitive nature and cluttered environment makes it harder to gain traction in the market without worthwhile representation (Moiso and Rockman). In the 2012 documentary about Thirty Seconds to Mars, Artifact, front man Jared Leto even questions whether it is possible to have “success without a label”. The recording company, he determines, “deal with the crappy jobs”. In a financially uncertain industry that makes money from subjective or experience-based goods (Caves), having a label affords an artist access to “economic capital for production and promotion” that enables “wider recognition” of creative work (Scott, 239). With the support of a record label, creative entrepreneurs are given the chance to be promoted and distributed in the creative marketplace (Scott; Shultz). To have a record label, then, is to be perceived as legitimate and credible (Shultz).However, the commercial music industry is just that, commercial. Accordingly, the desire to make money can see the intrinsic desires of musicians forfeited in favour of standardised products and a lack of remuneration for artists (Negus). To see this standardisation in practice, one need not look further than those contestants appearing on shows such as American Idol or The Voice. Nowhere is the standardisation of the music industry more evident than in Holmes’s 2004 article on Pop Idol. Pop Idol first aired in Britain from 2001-2003 and paved the way for a slew of similar shows around the world such as Australia’s Popstars Live in 2004 and the global Idol phenomena. According to Holmes, audiences are divested of the illusion of talent and stardom when they witness the obvious manufacturing of musical talent. The contestants receive training, are dressed according to a prescribed image, and the show emphasises those melodramatic moments that are commercially enticing to audiences. Her sentiments suggest these shows emphasise the artifice of the music industry by undermining artistic authenticity in favour of generating celebrities. The standardisation is typified in the post Idol careers of Kelly Clarkson and Adam Lambert. Kelly Clarkson parted with the recording company RCA when her manager and producer Clive Davis told her that her album My December (2007) was “not commercial enough” and that Clarkson, who had written most of the songs, was a “shitty writer… who should just shut up and sing” (Nied). Adam Lambert left RCA because they wanted him to make a full length 80s album comprised of covers. Lambert commented that, “while there are lots of great songs from that decade, my heart is simply not in doing a covers album” (Lee). In these instances, winning the show and signing contracts led to both Clarkson and Lambert forfeiting a degree of creative control over their work in favour of formulaic songs that ultimately left both artists unsatisfied. The standardisation and lack of remuneration is notable when signing recording artists to 360° contracts. These 360° contracts have become commonplace in the music industry (Gulchardaz, Bach, and Penin) and see both the material and immaterial labour (such as personal identities) of recording artists become controlled by record labels (Stahl and Meier). These labels determine the aesthetics of the musicians as well as where and how frequently they tour. Furthermore, the labels become owners of any intellectual property generated by an artist during the tenure of the contract (Sanders; Stahl and Meier). For example, in their documentary Show Em What You’re Made Of (2015), the Backstreet Boys lament their affiliation with manager Lou Pearlman. Not only did Pearlman manufacture the group in a way that prevented creative exploration by the members (Sanders), but he withheld profits to the point that the Backstreet Boys had to sue Pearlman in order to gain access to money they deserved. In 2002 the members of the Backstreet Boys had stated that “it wasn’t our destinies that we had to worry about in the past, it was our souls” (Sanders, 541). They were not writing their own music, which came across in the documentary Show Em What You’re Made Of when singer Howie Dorough demanded that if they were to collaborate as a group again in 2013, that everything was to be produced, managed and created by the five group members. Such a demand speaks to creative individuals being tied to their work both personally and emotionally (Bain). The angst encountered by music artists also signals the identity dissonance and conflict felt when they are betraying their true or authentic creative selves (Ashforth and Mael; Ashforth and Humphrey). Performing and abiding by the rules and regulations of others led to frustration because the members felt they were “being passed off as something we aren’t” (Sanders 539). The Backstreet Boys were not the only musicians who were intensely controlled and not adequately compensated by Pearlman. In the documentary The Boy Band Con: The Lou Pearlman Story 2019, Lance Bass of N*Sync and recording artist Aaron Carter admitted that the experience of working with Pearlman became a nightmare when they too, were receiving cheques that were so small that Bass describes them as making his heart sink. For these groups, the dream of making music was undone by contracts that stifled creativity and paid a pittance.In a similar vein, Thirty Seconds to Mars sought to cut ties with their record label when they felt that they were not being adequately compensated for their work. In retaliation EMI issued Mars with a US$30 million lawsuit for breach of contract. The tense renegotiations that followed took a toll on the creative drive of the group. At one point in the documentary Artifact (2012), Leto claims “I can’t sing it right now… You couldn’t pay me all the money in the world to sing this song the way it needs to be sung right now. I’m not ready”. The contract subordination (Phillips; Stahl and Meier) that had led to the need to renegotiate financial terms came at not only a financial cost to the band, but also a physical and emotional one. The negativity impacted the development of the songs for the new album. To make music requires evoking necessary and appropriate emotions in the recording studio (Wood, Duffy, and Smith), so Leto being unable to deliver the song proved problematic. Essentially, the stress of the lawsuit and negotiations damaged the motivation of the band (Amabile; Elsbach and Hargadon; Hallowell) and interfered with their creative approach, which could have produced standardised and poor quality work (Farr and Ford). The dream of making music was almost lost because of the EMI lawsuit. Young creatives often lack bargaining power when entering into contracts with corporations, which can prove disadvantaging when it comes to retaining control over their lives (Phillips; Stahl and Meier). Singer Demi Lovato’s big break came in the 2008 Disney film Camp Rock. As her then manager Phil McIntyre states in the documentary Simply Complicated (2017), Camp Rock was “perceived as the vehicle to becoming a superstar … overnight she became a household name”. However, as “authentic and believable” as Lovato’s edginess appeared, the speed with which her success came took a toll on Lovato. The pressure she experienced having to tour, write songs that were approved by others, star in Disney channel shows and movies, and look a certain way, became too much and to compensate, Lovato engaged in regular drug use to feel free. Accordingly, she developed a hybrid identity to ensure that the squeaky clean image required by the moral clauses of her contract, was not tarnished by her out-of-control lifestyle. The nightmare came from becoming famous at a young age and not being able to handle the expectations that accompanied it, coupled with a stringent contract that exploited her creative talent. Lovato’s is not a unique story. Research has found that musicians are more inclined than those in other workforces to use psychotherapy and psychotropic drugs (Vaag, Bjørngaard, and Bjerkeset) and that fame and money can provide musicians more opportunities to take risks, including drug-use that leads to mortality (Bellis, Hughes, Sharples, Hennell, and Hardcastle). For Lovato, living the dream at a young age ultimately became overwhelming with drugs her only means of escape. AuthenticityThe challenges then for music artists is that the dream of pursuing music can come at the cost of a musician’s authentic self. According to Hughes, “to be authentic is to be in some sense real and true to something ... It is not simply an imitation, but it is sincere, real, true, and original expression of its creator, and is believable or credible representations or example of what it appears to be” (190). For Nick Jonas of the Jonas Brothers, being in the spotlight and abiding by the demands of Disney was “non-stop” and prevented his personal and musical growth (Chasing Happiness). As Kevin Jonas put it, Nick “wanted the Jonas Brothers to be no more”. The extensive promotion that accompanies success and fame, which is designed to drive celebrity culture and financial motivations (Currid-Halkett and Scott; King), can lead to cynical performances and dissatisfaction (Hughes) if the identity work of the creative creates a disjoin between their perceived self and aspirational self (Beech, Gilmore, Cochrane, and Greig). Promoting the band (and having to film a television show and movies he was not invested in all because of contractual obligations) impacted on Nick’s authentic self to the point that the Jonas Brothers made him feel deeply upset and anxious. For Nick, being stifled creatively led to feeling inauthentic, thereby resulting in the demise of the band as his only recourse.In her documentary Gaga: Five Foot Two (2017), Lady Gaga discusses the extent she had to go to maintain a sense of authenticity in response to producer control. As she puts it, “when producers wanted me to be sexy, I always put some absurd spin on it, that made me feel like I was still in control”. Her words reaffirm the perception amongst scholars (Currid-Halkett and Scott; King; Meyers) that in playing the information game, industry leaders will construct an artist’s persona in ways that are most beneficial for, in this case, the record label. That will mean, for example, establishing a coherent life story for musicians that endears them to audiences and engaging recording artists in co-branding opportunities to raise their profile and to legitimise them in the marketplace. Such behaviour can potentially influence the preferences and purchases of audiences and fans, can create favourability, originality and clarity around artists (Loroz and Braig), and can establish competitive advantage that leads to producers being able to charge higher prices for the artists’ work (Hernando and Campo). But what impact does that have on the musician? Lady Gaga could not continue living someone else’s dream. She found herself needing to make changes in order to avoid quitting music altogether. As Gaga told a class of university students at the Emotion Revolution Summit hosted by Yale University:I don’t like being used to make people money. It feels sad when I am overworked and that I have just become a money-making machine and that my passion and creativity take a backseat. That makes me unhappy.According to Eikof and Haunschild, economic necessity can threaten creative motivation. Gaga’s reaction to the commercial demands of the music industry signal an identity conflict because her desire to create, clashed with the need to be commercial, with the outcome imposing “inconsistent demands upon” her (Ashforth and Mael, 29). Therefore, to reduce what could be considered feelings of dissonance and inconsistency (Ashforth and Mael; Ashforth and Humphrey) Gaga started saying “no” to prevent further loss of her identity and sense of authentic self. Taking back control could be seen as a means of reorienting her dream and overcoming what had become dissatisfaction with the commercial processes of the music industry. ConclusionsFor many creatives working in the creative industries – and specifically the music industry – is constructed as a dream come true; the working conditions and expectations experienced by recording artists are far from liberating and instead can become nightmares to which they want to escape. The case studies above, although likely ‘constructed’ retellings of the unfortunate circumstances encountered working in the music industry, nevertheless offer an inside account that contradicts the prevailing ideology that pursuing creative passions leads to a dream career (Florida; Samuel). If anything, the case studies explored above involving 30 Seconds to Mars, the Jonas Brothers, Lady Gaga, Kelly Clarkson, Adam Lambert and the Backstreet Boys, acknowledge what many scholars writing in the creative industries have already identified; that exploitation, subordination, identity conflict and loss of control are the unspoken or lesser known consequences of pursuing the creative dream. That said, the conundrum for creatives is that for success in the industry big “creative” businesses, such as recording labels, are still considered necessary in order to break into the market and to have prolonged success. This is simply because their resources far exceed those at the disposal of independent and up-and-coming creative entrepreneurs. Therefore, it can be argued that this friction of need between creative industry business versus artists will be on-going leading to more of these ‘dream to nightmare’ stories. The struggle will continue manifesting in the relationship between business and artist for long as the recording artists fight for greater equality, independence of creativity and respect for their work, image and identities. 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