Academic literature on the topic 'Entrepreneuriat par opportunite'

L’entrepreneuriat social au Québec a été peu étudié jusqu’ici. Pourtant, il recèle des comportements spécifiques liés tant aux paradigmes entrepreneuriaux traditionnels qu’aux intérêts des intervenants sociaux. Par exemple, les Centres de formation en entreprise et récupération (CFER), qui ont vu le jour dans une vingtaine de régions au Québec, offrent aux décrocheurs de seize à dix-huit ans une démarche d’apprentissage particulière, à partir d’une insertion partielle dans une entreprise de récupération mise sur pied et gérée par une équipe de professeurs-superviseurs. Ces Centres cherchent aussi à développer une entreprise rentable tout en permettant aux professeurs d’assurer la formation au travail de leurs étudiants plutôt que de déléguer cette responsabilité à diverses entreprises par le biais de stages. La mise sur pied de ces entreprises suppose d’avoir décelé une opportunité pour pouvoir assurer leur viabilité, une équipe entrepreneuriale avec un leader, informel ou non, et diverses ressources d’appoint à court et à long terme apportées par le milieu. De même, elle a besoin de l’enthousiasme des professeurs et de l’appui de la commission scolaire sinon de quelques mécènes de la région. L’expérience de six CFER analysés montre que celle-ci n’est pas nécessairement facile, mais donne des résultats importants tant à propos de la persévérance des étudiants que de leur placement par la suite dans des entreprises, sans compter les effets bénéfiques sur la récupération de diverses matières et ainsi sur l’environnement.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to assess how far Jamaica has come regarding women economic empowerment, female entrepreneurship and its development policies in favour of women entrepreneurship development. Design/methodology/approach This exploratory study employs a mixed method approach to achieve its research objectives, consisting of literature review and corroboration with existing database and indices. Key insights of research on female entrepreneurship are used to reflect on published data to assess progress of female entrepreneurship development in Jamaica. The 2017 editions of the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor and Gender Entrepreneurship and Development Index were examined to gain a better understanding of how the Jamaican business environment has progressed or regressed over time and how the economic development and business environment impact female participation in Jamaica’s labour force and entrepreneurial initiatives. Findings The economic conditions in Jamaica and the role of females as domestic caregiver have made it difficult for women to enter the labour force even though Jamaican women are relatively better educated than men. Women remain at a disadvantage in the labour force. Jamaica’s legislation and budget allocations in favour of female entrepreneurship are analysed to identify where and how Jamaica is investing its efforts to improve women’s participation in the labour force. The authors conclude with suggestions on how the Jamaican government could facilitate further women entrepreneurship development to reach a more gender balanced inclusive socio-economic development. Originality/value While global policy has been promoting women empowerment through entrepreneurial development, little is known on the actual outcome of such human capital investment strategy and the critical vectors that contribute to such outcome. This scarcity of knowledge is also applicable to Jamaica. This paper attempts to contribute to women entrepreneurship research by reaching beyond the output-oriented perspective of various skill development programmes and attempts to link policy choice with overall macro results of entrepreneurship development in general and women entrepreneurship development in specific. The study thus provides a rare glimpse of the entrepreneurship ecosystem in Jamaica.

The aim of the article is to reveal the idea of the notion ‘entrepreneurial structures’ strategic development’. The author’s approach to this notion investigation is proposed, which uses methods of system analysis and systematization of development criteria. The author designed a three-level model of development criteria based on principles of their dependence and mutual deduction and substantiated the possibility to consider pair categories of quality and quantity, simple and complicated, regress and progress, activity and passivity, efficiency and inefficiency as development criteria. On this foundation the author formed understanding of entrepreneurial structures’ strategic development as a synthetic process of changing their activity and efficiency. According to the author, parameters of activity and efficiency are related to strategic characteristics and their change shows quantitative and qualitative aspects of entrepreneurial structures’ strategic development. It creates prerequisites for grounding assessment indicators characterizing the level and dynamics of activity and efficiency of entrepreneurial structures’ functioning and their integral assessment. The description of the process of entrepreneurial structures’ strategic development on the basis of these indicators can give an opportunity to resolve tasks of monitoring orientation and to raise the level of substantiation and assessment of consequences of strategic managerial decisions.

Résumé Selon Schumpeter (1935), la fonction entrepreneuriale est par essence, le véhicule d’une transformation continuelle de l’économie. L’entrepreneur responsable n’est-il pas cet acteur, capable d’engager la révolution économique nécessaire pour qu’advienne un monde plus équitable et plus soutenable ? Comment cet entrepreneur parvient-il à combiner sa liberté d’entreprendre et sa créativité au bénéfice d’autrui ? Dans cette contribution, nous partons à la recherche de cet entrepreneur responsable. Il s’agit de mettre en évidence les capacités éthiques nécessaires à son action et de questionner la façon, dont elle se traduit au regard des quatre paradigmes de l’entrepreneuriat mis en exergue par Verstraete et Fayolle (2005) : à savoir la création de valeur, les opportunités d’affaires, l’innovation et la création d’organisation(s). Deux principales figures émergent de ces investigations : l’entrepreneur économique en DD et l’entrepreneur responsable en DD. Concernant ce dernier, un cadre conceptuel synthétique et intégrateur est proposé pour caractériser son action, les fondements de cette action et l’ensemble des capacités qu’il doit mobiliser.

De nombreux articles en psychologie montrent que l’ensemble des points de vue que l’individu a de son passé, de son présent et de son futur (sa perspective temporelle) exerce une influence sur ses cognitions et ses comportements. Nous étendons les résultats de ces articles au champ de l’entrepreneuriat et suggérons que la perspective temporelle peut influencer la vigilance de l’entrepreneur (elle peut agir comme un déterminant potentiel qui précède la vigilance). Notre contribution de recherche cherche alors à mieux comprendre le rôle que peut jouer la perspective temporelle dans certains aspects essentiels de l’entrepreneuriat comme la vigilance entrepreneuriale (c’est-à-dire, la capacité de l’entrepreneur à voir les opportunités négligées par d’autres). L’objectif principal de notre contribution de recherche est de construire des propositions et un modèle théoriques reliant la perspective temporelle selon Zimbardo et Boyd (1999) et la vigilance entrepreneuriale selon Tang, Kacmar et Busenitz (2012). La mise en rapport de ces deux conceptualisations constitue l’apport principal de notre contribution de recherche. Une discussion, des implications, des limites et des directions pour les recherches futures sont également présentées.

Cet article décrit les opportunités et les obstacles au développement des petites et des moyennes entreprises dans le contexte de la restructuration de l'économie polonaise et des exigences imposées par la nouvelle économie mondiale. L'examen de la structure industrielle et des conditions économiques qui prévalent à Lodz, seconde ville de Pologne, sert d'exemple pour illustrer la situation. L'expansion des petites entreprises, actuellement marginales, constitue l'une des voies possibles à cette restructuration de l'économie. En plus des difficultés conjoncturelles et systémiques, des obstacles liés au manque de capitaux, à la difficulté de trouver un local et au manque d'esprit d'entreprise et de formation constituent des entraves à cette expansion. Un engagement plus grand et une assistance plus concrète des autorités régionales et des organes du gouvernement, surtout en ce qui concerne la reconversion professionnelle et la promotion d'un environnement entrepreneurial propice, devraient favoriser le développement et l'expansion des PME en Pologne.

AbstractWe contribute in this paper to the scant literature on the factors and conditions influencing the development of different perceptions of potential international opportunities for immigrant and native entrepreneurs in the pre-internationalization phase. Specifically, we investigate what factors influence the perceived likelihood entrepreneurs have of exporting. Building on entrepreneurial intentions and opportunity-based entrepreneurial processes, we propose a cognitive account of perceived likelihood of exporting based on entrepreneurs’ perceptions of the desirability and feasibility of export opportunities. We investigate how the immigrant status (i.e., individual characteristics) and time (i.e., contextual factors) influence the relationship between the desirability and feasibility of exporting, and entrepreneurs’ perceived likelihood of exporting. We employ an experimental design on a matched-pair sample of 108 native and immigrant entrepreneurs in domestic technology-based firms. The results are a unique account of the cognitive antecedents of the perceived likelihood of exporting under different temporal conditions, comparing immigrant and native entrepreneurs. We discuss theoretical and practical implications.

ExpositionPortland, Oregon (USA) has become known for an artisanal or ‘maker’ economy that relies on a resurgence of place specificity (Heying), primarily expressed and exported to a global audience in the notion of ‘Portland Made’ (Roy). Portland Made reveals a tension immanent in the notion of ‘place’: place is both here and not here, both real and imaginary. What emerges is a complicated picture of how place conceptually captures various intersections of materiality and mythology, aesthetics and economics. On the one hand, Portland Made represents the collective brand-identity used by Portland’s makers to signify a products’ material existence as handcrafted, place-embedded, and authentic. These characteristics lead to certain assumptions about the concept of ‘local’ (Marotta and Heying): what meaning does Portland Made convey, and how is such meaning distributed? On the other hand, the seemingly intentional embedding of place-specificity in objects meant for distribution far outside of Portland begs another type of question: how does Portland come to be discursively representative of these characteristics, and how are such representations distributed to global audiences? How does this global distribution and consumption of immaterial Portland feed back into the production of material Portland?To answer these questions we look to the realm of social media, specifically the popular image-based service Instagram. For the uninitiated, Instagram is a web-based social media service that allows pictures to be shared and seen by anyone that follows a person or business’ Instagram account. Actions include posting original photos (often taken and posted with a cell phone), ‘liking’ pictures, and ‘hash-tagging’ posts with trending terms that increase visibility. Instagram presents us with a complex view of place as both material and virtual, sometimes reifying and sometimes abstracting often-contradictory understandings of place specificity. Many makers use Instagram to promote their products to a broad audience and, in doing so, makers participate in the construction of Portland’s mythology. In this paper, we use empirical insights to theorise makers’ role in shaping and cultivating the virtual and material aspects of place. Additionally, we discuss how makers navigate the complex relationships tied to the importance of place in their specific cultural productions. In the first section, we develop the notion of a curated maker subjectivity. In the second section, we consider the relationship between subjectivity and place. Both sections emphasize how Instagram mediates the relationship between place and subjectivity. Through spotlighting particular literatures in each section, we attempt to fill a gap in the literature that addresses the relationship between subjectivity, place, and social media. Through this line of analysis, we attempt to better understand how and where Portland is made, along with the implications for Portland’s makers.ActionThe insights from this paper came to us inadvertently. While conducting fieldwork that interrogated ‘localism’ and how Portland makers conceptualise local, makers repeatedly discussed the importance of social media to their work. In our fieldwork, Instagram in particular has presented us with new opportunities to query the entanglements of real and virtual embedded in collective identifications with place. This paper draws from interviews conducted for two closely related research projects. The first examines maker ecosystems in three US cities, Portland, Chicago and New York (Doussard et. al.; Wolf-Powers and Levers). We drew from the Portland interviews (n=38) conducted for this project. The second research project is our multi-year examination of Portland’s maker community, where we have conducted interviews (n=48), two annual surveys of members of the Portland Made Collective (n=126 for 2014, n=338 for 2015) and numerous field observations. As will be evident below, our sample of makers includes small crafters and producers from a variety of ‘traditional’ sectors ranging from baking to carpentry to photography, all united by a common identification with the maker movement. Using insights from this trove of data as well as general observations of the changing artisan landscape of Portland, we address the question of how social media mediates the space between Portland as a material place and Portland as an imaginary place.Social Media, Subjectivity, and Authenticity In the post-Fordist era, creative self-enterprise and entrepreneurialism have been elevated to mythical status (Szeman), becoming especially important in the creative and digital industries. These industries have been characterized by contract based work (Neff, Wissinger, and Zukin; Storey, Salaman, and Platman), unstable employment (Hesmondhalgh and Baker), and the logic of flexible specialization (Duffy and Hund; Gill). In this context of hyper individualization and intense competition, creative workers and other entrepreneurs are increasingly pushed to strategically brand, curate, and project representational images of their subjectivity in order to secure new work (Gill), embody the values of the market (Banet-Weiser and Arzumanova), and take on commercial logics of authenticity (Duffy; Marwick and boyd). For example, Duffy and Hund explore how female fashion bloggers represent their branded persona, revealing three interrelated tropes typically used by bloggers: the destiny of passionate work; the presentation of a glam lifestyle; and carefully curated forms of social sharing. These curated tropes obscure the (unpaid) emotional and aesthetic labour (Hracs and Leslie), self-discipline, and capital required to run these blogs. Duffy and Hund also point out that this concealment is generative of particular mythologies about creative work, gender, race, and class. To this list we would add place; below, we will show the use of Instagram by Portland’s makers not only perpetuates particular mythologies about artisan labour and demands self-branding, but is also a spatial practice that is productive of place through the use of visual vernaculars that reflect a localized and globalized articulation of the social and physical milieu of Portland (Hjorth and Gu; Pike). Similar to many other artists and creative entrepreneurs (Pasquinelli and Sjöholm), Portland’s makers typically work long hours in order to produce high quality, unique goods at a volume that will afford them the ability to pay rent in Portland’s increasingly expensive central city neighbourhoods. Much of this work is done from the home: according to our survey of Portland Made Collective’s member firms, 40% consist of single entrepreneurs working from home. Despite being a part of a creative milieu that is constantly captured by the Portland ‘brand’, working long hours, alone, produces a sense of isolation, articulated well by this apparel maker:It’s very isolating working from home alone. [...] The other people I know are working from home, handmade people, I’ll post something, and it makes you realize we’re all sitting at home doing the exact same thing. We can’t all hang out because you gotta focus when you’re working, but when I’m like ugh, I just need a little break from the sewing machine for five minutes, I go on Instagram.This statement paints Instagram as a coping mechanism for the isolation of working alone from home, an important impetus for makers to use Instagram. This maker uses Instagram roughly two hours per workday to connect with other makers and to follow certain ‘trendsetters’ (many of whom also live in Portland). Following other makers allows the maker community to gauge where they are relative to other makers; one furniture maker told us that she was able to see where she should be going based on other makers that were slightly ahead of her, but she could also advise other makers that were slightly behind her. The effect is a sense of collaborative participation in the ‘scene’, which both alleviates the sense of isolation and helps makers gain legitimacy from others in their milieu. As we show below, this participation demands from makers a curative process of identity formation. Jacque Rancière’s intentional double meaning of the French term partage (the “distribution of the sensible”) creates space to frame curation in terms of the politics around “sharing in” and “sharing out” (Méchoulan). For Rancière, the curative aspect of communities (or scenes) reveals something inherently political about aesthetics: the politics of visibility on Instagram “revolve around what is seen and what can be said about it, who has the ability to see and the talent to speak, around the properties of space and the possibilities of time” (8-9). An integral part of the process of curating a particular identity to express over Instagram is reflected by who they follow or what they ‘like’ (a few makers mentioned the fact that they ‘like’ things strategically).Ultimately, makers need followers for their brand (product brand, self-brand, and place-brand), which requires makers to engage in a form of aesthetic labour through a curated articulation of who a maker is–their personal story, or what Duffy and Hund call “the destiny of passionate work”–and how that translates into what they make at the same time. These identities congeal over Instagram: one maker described this as a “circle of firms that are moving together.” Penetrating that circle by curating connections over Instagram is an important branding strategy.As a confections maker told us, strategically using hashtags and stylizing pictures to fit the trends is paramount. Doing these things effectively draws attention from other makers and trendsetters, and, as an apparel maker told us, getting even one influential trendsetter or blogger to follow them on Instagram can translate into huge influxes of attention (and sales) for their business. Furthermore, getting featured by an influential blogger or online magazine can yield instantaneous results. For instance, we spoke with an electronics accessories maker that had been featured in Gizmodo a few years prior, and the subsequent uptick in demand led him to hire over 20 new employees.The formulation of a ‘maker’ subjectivity reveals the underlying manner in which certain subjective characteristics are expressed while others remain hidden; expressing the wrong characteristics may subvert the ability for makers to establish themselves in the milieu. We asked a small Portland enterprise that documents the local maker scene about the process of curating an Instagram photo, especially curious about how they aesthetically frame ‘site visits’ at maker workspaces. We were somewhat surprised to hear that makers tend to “clean too much” ahead of a photo shoot; the photographer we spoke with told us that people want to see the space as it looks when it’s being worked in, when it’s a little messy. The photographer expressed an interest in accentuating the maker’s ‘individual understanding’ of the maker aesthetic; the framing and the lighting of each photo is meant to relay traces of the maker to potential consumers. The desire seems to be the expression and experience of ‘authenticity’, a desire that if captured correctly grants the maker a great deal of purchase in the field of Portland Made consumers. This is all to say that the curation of the workspaces is essential to the construction of the maker subjectivity and the Portland imaginary. Maker workshops are rendered as real places where real makers that belong to an authentic maker milieu produce authentic Portland goods that have a piece of Portland embedded within them (Molotch). Instagram is central in distributing that mythology to a global audience.At this point we can start to develop the relationship between maker subjectivity and place. Authenticity, in this context, appears to be tied to the product being both handmade and place-specific. As the curated imaginary of Portland matures, a growing dialogue emerges between makers and consumers of Portland Made (authentic) goods. This dialogue is a negotiated form of authority in which the maker claims authority while the consumer simultaneously confers authority. The aforementioned place-specificity signals a new layer of magic in regards to Portland’s distinctive position: would ‘making’ in any other place be generative of such authority? According to a number of our interviewees, being from Portland carries the assumption that Portland’s makers have a certain level of expertise that comes from being completely embedded in Portland’s creative scene. This complex interplay between real and virtual treats Portland’s imaginary as a concrete reality, preparing it for consumption by reinforcing the notion of an authoritative collective brand (Portland Made). One bicycle accessory maker claimed that the ability of Portland’s makers to access the Portland brand transmits credibility for makers of things associated with Portland, such as bikes, beer, and crafty goods. This perhaps explains why so many makers use Portland in the name of their company (e.g. Portland Razor Company) and why so many stamp their goods with ‘Made in Portland’.This, however, comes with an added set of expectations: the maker, again, is tasked with cultivating and performing a particular aesthetic in order to achieve legitimacy with their target audience, only this time it ends up being the dominant aesthetic associated with a specific place. For instance, the aforementioned bicycle accessory maker that we spoke with recalled an experience at a craft fair in which many of the consumers were less concerned with his prices than whether his goods were handmade in Portland. Without this legitimation, the good would not have the mysticism of Portland as a place locked within it. In this way, the authenticity of a place becomes metonymic (e.g. Portlandia), similar to how Detroit became known as ‘Motor City’. Portland’s particular authenticity is wrapped up in individuality, craftiness, creativity, and environmental conscientiousness, all things that makers in some way embed in their products (Molotch) and express in the photos on their Instagram feeds (Hjorth).(Social) Media, Place, and the Performance of Aesthetics In this section, we turn our attention to the relationship between subjectivity, place, and Instagram. Scholars have investigated how television production (Pramett), branding (Pike), and locative-based social media (Hjorth, Hjorth and Gu, Hjorth and Lim, Leszczynski) function as spatial practices. The practices affect and govern experiences and interactions with space, thereby generating spatial hybridity (de Souza e Silva). McQuire, for example, investigates the historical formation of the ‘media city’, demonstrating how various media technologies have become interconnected with the architectural structures of the city. Pramett expands on this analysis of media representations of cities by interrogating how media production acts as a spatial practice that produces and governs contested urban spaces, the people in those spaces, and the habitus of the place, forming what she dubs the “media neighbourhood.” The media neighbourhood becomes ordered by the constant opportunities for neighbourhood residents to be involved in media production; residents must navigate and interact with local space as though they may be captured on film or asked to work in the background production at any moment. These material (on site shooting and local hiring practices) and immaterial (textual, musical, and visual representations of a city) production practices become exploitative, extracting value from a place for media industries and developers that capitalize on a place’s popular imaginary.McQuire’s media city and Pramett’s media neighbourhood help us understand the embeddedness of (social) media in the material landscapes of Portland. Over the past few years, Portland has begun experiencing new flows of tourists and migrants–we should note that more than a few makers mentioned in interviews that they moved to Portland in order to become makers–expecting to find what they see on Instagram overlaid materially on the city itself. And indeed, they do: ‘vibrant’ neighbourhood districts such as Alberta Arts, Belmont, Mississippi, Hawthorne, Northwest 23rd, and downtown Portland’s rebranded ‘West End’ are all increasingly full of colourful boutiques that express maker aesthetics and sell local maker goods. Not only do the goods and boutiques need to exemplify these aesthetic qualities, but the makers and the workspaces from which these goods come from, need to fit that aesthetic.The maker subjectivity is developed through the navigation of both real and virtual experiences that contour the social performance of a ‘maker aesthetic’. This aesthetic has become increasingly socially consumed, a trend especially visible on Instagram: as a point of reference, there are at least four Portland-based ‘foodies’ that have over 80,000 followers on Instagram. One visible result of this curated and performed subjectivity and the place-brand it captures is the physical transformation of Portland: (material) space has become a surface onto which the (virtual) Instagram/maker aesthetic is being inscribed, a stage on which the maker aesthetic is performed. The material and immaterial are interwoven into a dramaturgy that gives space a certain set of meanings oriented toward creativity, quirkiness, and consumption. Meanings cultivated over Instagram, then, become productive of meaning in place. These meanings are consumed by thousands of tourists and newly minted Portlanders, as images of people posing in front of Portland’s hipster institutions (such as Salt & Straw or Voodoo Donuts) are captured on iPhones and redistributed back across Instagram for the world to experience. Perhaps this is why Tokyo now has an outpost of Portland’s Blue Star Donuts or why Red Hook (Brooklyn) has its own version of Portland’s Pok Pok. One designer/maker, who had recently relocated to Portland, captured the popular imaginary of Portland in this conversation:Maker: People in Brooklyn love the idea that it came from Portland. People in Seattle love it; people in the Midwest love that it came from Portland right now, because Portland’s like the thing.Interviewer: What does that mean, what does it embody?Maker: They know that it’s local, it like, they know that maker thing is there, it’s in Portland, that they know it’s organic to Portland, it’s local to Portland, there’s this crazy movement that you hear throughout the United States about–Interviewer: So people are getting a piece of that?Maker: Yeah.For us, the dialogical relationship between material and immaterial has never been more entangled. Instagram is one way that makers might control the gap between fragmentation and belonging (i.e. to a particular community or milieu), although in the process they are confronted with an aesthetic distribution that is productive of a mythological sense of place that social media seems to produce, distribute, and consume so effectively. In the era of social media, where sense of place is so quickly transmitted, cities can come to represent a sense of collective identity, and that identity might in turn be distributed across its material landscape.DenouementThrough every wrench turn, every stitching of fabric, every boutique opening, and every Instagram post, makers actively produce Portland as both a local and global place. Portland is constructed through the material and virtual interactions makers engage in, both cultivating and framing everyday interactions in space and ideas held about place. In the first section, we focused on the curation of a maker aesthetic and the development of the maker subjectivity mediated through Instagram. The second section attempted to better understand how those aesthetic performances on Instagram become imprinted on urban space and how these inscriptions feedback to global audiences. Taken together, these performances reveal the complex undertaking that makers adopt in branding their goods as Portland Made. In addition, we hope to have shown the complex entanglements between space and place, production and consumption, and ‘here’ and ‘not here’ that are enrolled in value production at the nexus of place-brand generation.Our investigation opens the door to another, perhaps more problematic set of interrogations which are beyond the scope of this paper. In particular, and especially in consideration of Portland’s gentrification crisis, we see two related sets of displacements as necessary of further interrogation. First, as we answer the question of where Portland is made, we acknowledge that the capturing of Portland Made as a brand perpetuates a process of displacement and “spatio-subjective” regulation that both reflects and reproduces spatial rationalizations (Williams and Dourish). This dis-place-ment renders particular neighbourhoods and populations within Portland, specifically ethnic minorities and the outer edges of the metropolitan area, invisible or superfluous to the city’s imaginary. Portland, as presented by makers through their Instagram accounts, conceals the city’s “power geometries” (Massey) and ignores the broader social context Portland exists in, while perpetuating the exclusion of ethnic minorities from the conversation about what else is made in Portland.Second, as Portland Made has become virtually representative of a deepening connection between makers and place, the performance of such aesthetic labour has left makers to navigate a process that increasingly leads to their own estrangement from the very place they have a hand in creating. This process reveals an absurdity: makers are making the very thing that displaces them. The cultivation of the maker milieu attracts companies, in-movers, and tourists to Portland, thus creating a tight real estate market and driving up property values. Living and working in Portland is increasingly difficult for makers, epitomized by the recent sale and eviction of approximately 500 makers from the Town Storage facility (Hammill). Additionally, industrial space in the city is increasingly coveted by tech firms, and competition over such space is being complicated by looming zoning changes in Portland’s new comprehensive plan.Our conclusions suggest additional research is needed to understand the relationship(s) between such aesthetic performance and various forms of displacement, but we also suggest attention to the global reach of such dynamics: how is Portland’s maker ecosystem connected to the global maker community over social media, and how is space shaped differentially in other places despite a seemingly homogenizing maker aesthetic? 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One of the first challenges faced by new Australian Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, was what to do with the former government’s controversial citizenship test. While a quick evaluation of the test shows that 93 percent of those who have sat it ‘passed’ (Hoare), most media controversy has focussed less on the validity of such a test than whether questions relating to Australian cricketing legend, Don Bradman, are appropriate (Hawley). While the citizenship test seems nothing more that a crude and populist measure imposed by the former Howard government in its ongoing nationalistic agenda, which included paying schools to raise the Australian flag (“PM Unfurls Flag”), its imposition seems a timely reminder of the challenge of understanding citizenship today. For as the demographic structures around us continue to change, so must our understandings of ‘citizenship’. More importantly, this fluid understanding of citizenship is not limited to academics, and policy-makers, but new technologies, the processes of globalisation including a globalised media, changing demographic patterns including migration, as well as environmental challenges that place pressure on limited resources is altering the citizens understanding of their own role as well as those around them. This paper aims to sketch out a proposed new research agenda that seeks to investigate this fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. The focus of the research has so far been Sydney and is enveloped by a broader aim of promoting an increased level of citizen engagement both within formal and informal political structures. I begin by sketching the complex nature of Sydney before presenting some initial research findings. Sydney – A Complex City The so-called ‘emerald city’ of Sydney has been described in many ways: from a ‘global’ city (Fagan, Dowling and Longdale 1) to an ‘angry’ city (Price 16). Sarah Price’s investigative article included research from the University of Western Sydney’s Centre of Culture Research, the Bureau of Crime Statistics and interviews with Tony Grabs, the director of trauma at St Vincent’s Hospital in inner city Darlinghurst. Price found that both injuries from alcohol and drug-related violence had risen dramatically over the last few years and seemed to be driven by increasing frustrations of a city that is perceived to be lacking appropriate infrastructure and rising levels of personal and household debt. Sydney’s famous harbour and postcard landmarks are surrounded by places of controversy and poverty, with residents of very backgrounds living in close proximity: often harmoniously and sometimes less so. According to recent research by Griffith University’s Urban Research Program, the city is becoming increasingly polarised, with the wealthiest enjoying high levels of access to amenities while other sections of the population experiencing increasing deprivation (Frew 7). Sydney is often segmented into different regions: the growth corridors of the western suburbs which include the ‘Aspirational class’; the affluent eastern suburb; the southern beachside suburbs surrounding Cronulla affectionately known by local residents as ‘the Shire’, and so on. This, however, hides that fact that these areas are themselves complex and heterogenous in character (Frew 7). As a result, the many clichés associated with such segments lead to an over simplification of regional characteristics. The ‘growth corridors’ of Western Sydney, for example, have, in recent times, become a focal point of political and social commentary. From the rise of the ‘Aspirational’ voter (Anderson), seen to be a key ‘powerbroker’ in federal and state politics, to growing levels of disenfranchised young people, this region is multifaceted and should not be simplified. These areas often see large-scale, private housing estates; what Brendan Gleeson describes as ‘privatopias’, situated next to rising levels of homelessness (“What’s Driving”): a powerful and concerning image that should not escape our attention. (Chamberlain and Mackenzie pay due attention to the issue in Homeless Careers.) It is also home to a growing immigrant population who often arrive as business migrants and as well as a rising refugee population traumatised by war and displacement (Collins 1). These growth corridors then, seem to simultaneously capture both the ambitions and the fears of Sydney. That is, they are seen as both areas of potential economic boom as well as social stress and potential conflict (Gleeson 89). One way to comprehend the complexity associated with such diversity and change is to reflect on the proximity of the twin suburbs of Macquarie Links and Macquarie Fields situated in Sydney’s south-western suburbs. Separated by the clichéd ‘railway tracks’, one is home to the growing Aspirational class while the other continues to be plagued by the stigma of being, what David Burchell describes as, a ‘dysfunctional dumping ground’ whose plight became national headlines during the riots in 2005. The riots were sparked after a police chase involving a stolen car led to a crash and the death of a 17 year-old and 19 year-old passengers. Residents blamed police for the deaths and the subsequent riots lasted for four nights – involving 150 teenagers clashing with New South Wales Police. The dysfunction, Burchell notes is seen in crime statistics that include 114 stolen cars, 227 burglaries, 457 cases of property damage and 279 assaults – all in 2005 alone. Interestingly, both these populations are surrounded by exclusionary boundaries: one because of the financial demands to enter the ‘Links’ estate, and the other because of the self-imposed exclusion. Such disparities not only provide challenges for policy makers generally, but also have important implications on the attitudes that citizens’ experience towards their relationship with each other as well as the civic institutions that are meant to represent them. This is particular the case if civic institutions are seen to either neglect or favour certain groups. This, in part, has given rise to what I describe here as a ‘citizenship surplus’ as well as a ‘citizenship deficit’. Research Agenda: Investigating Citizenship Surpluses and Deficits This changing city has meant that there has also been a change in the way that different groups interact with, and perceive, civic bodies. As noted, my initial research shows that this has led to the emergence of both citizenship surpluses and deficits. Though the concept of a ‘citizen deficits and surpluses’ have not emerged within the broader literature, there is a wide range of literature that discusses how some sections of the population lack of access to democratic processes. There are three broad areas of research that have emerged relevant here: citizenship and young people (see Arvanitakis; Dee); citizenship and globalisation (see Della Porta; Pusey); and citizenship and immigration (see Baldassar et al.; Gow). While a discussion of each of these research areas is beyond the scope of this paper, a regular theme is the emergence of a ‘democratic deficit’ (Chari et al. 422). Dee, for example, looks at how there exist unequal relationships between local and central governments, young people, communities and property developers in relation to space. Dee argues that this shapes social policy in a range of settings and contexts including their relationship with broader civic institutions and understandings of citizenship. Dee finds that claims for land use that involve young people rarely succeed and there is limited, if any, recourse to civic institutions. As such, we see a democratic deficit emerge because the various civic institutions involved fail in meeting their obligations to citizens. In addition, a great deal of work has emerged that investigates attempts to re-engage citizens through mechanisms to promote citizenship education and a more active citizenship which has also been accompanied by government programs with the same goals (See for example the Western Australian government’s ‘Citizenscape’ program ). For example Hahn (231) undertakes a comparative study of civic education in six countries (including Australia) and the policies and practices with respect to citizenship education and how to promote citizen activism. The results are positive, though the research was undertaken before the tumultuous events of the terrorist attacks in New York, the emergence of the ‘war on terror’ and the rise of ‘Muslim-phobia’. A gap rises, however, within the Australian literature when we consider both the fluid and heterogenous nature of citizenship. That is, how do we understand the relationship between these diverse groups living within such proximity to each other overlayed by changing migration patterns, ongoing globalised processes and changing political environments as well as their relations to civic institutions? Further, how does this influence the way individuals perceive their rights, expectations and responsibilities to the state? Given this, I believe that there is a need to understand citizenship as a fluid and heterogenous phenomenon that can be in surplus, deficit, progressive and reactionary. When discussing citizenship I am interested in how people perceive both their rights and responsibilities to civic institutions as well as to the residents around them. A second, obviously related, area of interest is ‘civic engagement’: that is, “the activities of people in the various organisations and associations that make up what scholars call ‘civil society’” (Portney and Leary 4). Before describing these categories in more detail, I would like to briefly outline the methodological processes employed thus far. Much of the research to this point is based on a combination of established literature, my informal discussions with citizen groups and my observations as ‘an activist.’ That is, over the last few years I have worked with a broad cross section of community-based organisations as well as specific individuals that have attempted to confront perceived injustices. I have undertaken this work as both an activist – with organisations such as Aid/Watch and Oxfam Australia – as well as an academic invited to share my research. This work has involved designing and implementing policy and advocacy strategies including media and public education programs. All interactions begin with a detailed discussion of the aims, resources, abilities and knowledge of the groups involved, followed by workshopping campaigning strategies. This has led to the publication of an ‘activist handbook’ titled ‘From Sitting on the Couch to Changing the World’, which is used to both draft the campaign aims as well as design a systematic strategy. (The booklet, which is currently being re-drafted, is published by Oxfam Australia and registered under a creative commons licence. For those interested, copies are available by emailing j.arvanitakis (at) uws.edu.au.) Much research is also sourced from direct feedback given by participants in reviewing the workshops and strategies The aim of tis paper then, is to sketch out the initial findings as well as an agenda for more formalised research. The initial findings have identified the heterogenous nature of citizenship that I have separated into four ‘citizenship spaces.’ The term space is used because these are not stable groupings as many quickly move between the areas identified as both the structures and personal situations change. 1. Marginalisation and Citizenship Deficit The first category is a citizenship deficit brought on by a sense of marginalisation. This is determined by a belief that it is pointless to interact with civic institutions, as the result is always the same: people’s opinions and needs will be ignored. Or in the case of residents from areas such as Macquarie Fields, the relationship with civic institutions, including police, is antagonistic and best avoided (White par. 21). This means that there is no connection between the population and the civic institutions around them – there is no loyalty or belief that efforts to be involved in political and civic processes will be rewarded. Here groups sense that they do not have access to political avenues to be heard, represented or demand change. This is leading to an experience of disconnection from political processes. The result is both a sense of disengagement and disempowerment. One example here emerged in discussions with protesters around the proposed development of the former Australian Defence Industry (ADI) site in St Marys, an outer-western suburb of Sydney. The development, which was largely approved, was for a large-scale housing estate proposed on sensitive bushlands in a locality that resident’s note is under-serviced in terms of public space. (For details of these discussions, see http://www.adisite.org/.) Residents often took the attitude that whatever the desire of the local community, the development would go ahead regardless. Those who worked at information booths during the resident protests informed me that the attitude was one best summarised by: “Why bother, we always get stuffed around any way.” This was confirmed by my own discussions with local residents – even those who joined the resident action group. 2. Privatisation and Citizenship Deficit This citizenship deficit not only applies to the marginalised, however, for there are also much wealthier populations who also appear to experience a deficit that results from a lack of access to civic institutions. This tends to leads to a privatisation of decision-making and withdrawal from the public arena as well as democratic processes. Consequently, the residents in the pockets of wealth may not be acting as citizens but more like consumers – asserting themselves in terms of Castells’s ‘collective consumption’ (par. 25). This citizenship deficit is brought on by ongoing privatisation. That is, there is a belief that civic institutions (including government bodies) are unable or at least unwilling to service the local community. As a result there is a tendency to turn to private suppliers and believe that individualisation is the best way to manage the community. The result is that citizens feel no connection to the civic institutions around them, not because there is no desire, but there are no services. This group of citizens has often been described as the ‘Aspirationals’ and are most often found in the growth corridors of Sydney. There is no reason to believe that this group is this way because of choice – but rather a failure by government authorities to service their needs. This is confirmed by research undertaken as early as 1990 which found that the residents now labelled Aspirational, were demanding access to public infrastructure services including public schools, but have been neglected by different levels of government. (This was clearly stated by NSW Labor MP for Liverpool, Paul Lynch, who argued for such services as a way to ensure a functioning community particularly for Western Sydney; NSWPD 2001.) As a result there is a reliance on private schools, neighbourhoods, transport and so on. Any ‘why bother’ attitude is thus driven by a lack of evidence that civic institutions can or are not willing to meet their needs. There is a strong sense of local community – but this localisation limited to others in the same geographical location and similar lifestyle. 3. Citizenship Surplus – Empowered Not Engaged The third space of citizenship is based on a ‘surplus’ even if there is limited or no political engagement. This group has quite a lot in common with the ‘Aspirationals’ but may come from areas that are higher serviced by civic institutions: the choice not to engage is therefore voluntary. There is a strong push for self-sufficiency – believing that their social capital, wealth and status mean that they do not require the services of civic institutions. While not antagonistic towards such institutions, there is often a belief is that the services provided by the private sector are ultimately superior to public ones. Consequently, they feel empowered through their social background but are not engaged with civic institutions or the political process. Despite this, my initial research findings show that this group has a strong connection to decision-makers – both politicians and bureaucrats. This lack of engagement changes if there is a perceived injustice to their quality of life or their values system – and hence should not be dismissed as NIMBYs (not in my backyard). They believe they have the resources to mobilise and demand change. I believe that we see this group materialise in mobilisations around proposed developments that threaten the perceived quality of life of the local environment. One example brought to my attention was the rapid response of local residents to the proposed White City development near Sydney’s eastern suburbs that was to see tennis courts and public space replaced by residential and commercial buildings (Nicholls). As one resident informed me, she had never seen any political engagement by local residents previously – an engagement that was accompanied by a belief that the development would be stopped as well as a mobilisation of some impressive resources. Such mobilisations also occur when there is a perceived injustice. Examples of this group can be found in what Hugh Mackay (13) describes as ‘doctor’s wives’ (a term that I am not wholly comfortable with). Here we see the emergence of ‘Chilout’: Children out of Detention. This was an organisation whose membership was described to me as ‘north shore professionals’, drew heavily on those who believed the forced incarceration of young refugee children was an affront to their values system. 4. Insurgent Citizenship – Empowered and Engaged The final space is the insurgent citizen: that is, the citizen who is both engaged and empowered. This is a term borrowed from South Africa and the USA (Holston 1) – and it should be seen as having two, almost diametrically opposed, sides: progressive and reactionary. This group may not have access to a great deal of financial resources, but has high social capital and both a willingness and ability to engage in political processes. Consequently, there is a sense of empowerment and engagement with civic institutions. There is also a strong push for self-sufficiency – but this is encased in a belief that civic institutions have a responsibility to provide services to the public, and that some services are naturally better provided by the public sector. Despite this, there is often an antagonistic relationship with such institutions. From the progressive perspective, we see ‘activists’ promoting social justice issues (including students, academics, unionists and so on). Organisations such as A Just Australia are strongly supported by various student organisations, unions and other social justice and activist groups. From a reactionary perspective, we see the emergence of groups that take an anti-immigration stance (such as ‘anti-immigration’ groups including Australia First that draw both activists and have an established political party). (Information regarding ‘anti-refugee activists’ can be found at http://ausfirst.alphalink.com.au/ while the official website for the Australia First political part is at http://www.australiafirstparty.com.au/cms/.) One way to understand the relationship between these groups is through the engagement/empowered typology below. While a detailed discussion of the limitations of typologies is beyond the scope of this paper, it is important to acknowledge that any typology is a simplification and generalisation of the arguments presented. Likewise, it is unlikely that any typology has the ability to cover all cases and situations. This typology can, however, be used to underscore the relational nature of citizenship. The purpose here is to highlight that there are relationships between the different citizenship spaces and individuals can move between groups and each cluster has significant internal variation. Key here is that this can frame future studies. Conclusion and Next Steps There is little doubt there is a relationship between attitudes to citizenship and the health of a democracy. In Australia, democracy is robust in some ways, but many feel disempowered, disengaged and some feel both – often believing they are remote from the workings of civic institutions. It would appear that for many, interest in the process of (formal) government is at an all-time low as reflected in declining membership of political parties (Jaensch et al. 58). Democracy is not a ‘once for ever’ achievement – it needs to be protected and promoted. To do this, we must ensure that there are avenues for representation for all. This point also highlights one of the fundamental flaws of the aforementioned citizenship test. According to the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, the test is designed to: help migrants integrate and maximise the opportunities available to them in Australia, and enable their full participation in the Australian community as citizens. (par. 4) Those designing the test have assumed that citizenship is both stable and, once achieved, automatically ensures representation. This paper directly challenges these assumptions and offers an alternative research agenda with the ultimate aim of promoting high levels of engagement and empowerment. References Anderson, A. “The Liberals Have Not Betrayed the Menzies Legacy.” Online Opinion 25 Oct. 2004. < http://www.onlineopinion.com.au/view.asp?article=2679 >. Arvanitakis, J. “Highly Affected, Rarely Considered: The International Youth Parliament Commission’s Report on the Impacts of Globalisation on Young People.” Sydney: Oxfam Australia, 2003. Baldassar, L., Z. Kamalkhani, and C. Lange. “Afghan Hazara Refugees in Australia: Constructing Australian Citizens.” Social Identities 13.1 (2007): 31-50. Burchell, D. “Dysfunctional Dumping Grounds.” The Australian 10 Feb. 2007. < http://www.theaustralian.news.com.au/story/0,20867,21199266-28737,00.html >. Burnley, I.H. The Impact of Immigration in Australia: A Demographic Approach. Melbourne: Oxford UP, 2001. Castells, M. “European Cities, the Informational Society, and the Global Economy.” New Left Review I/204 (March-April 1994): 46-57. Chamberlain, C., and D. Mackenzie. Homeless Careers: Pathways in and out of Homelessness. Melbourne: RMIT University, 2002. Chari, R., J. Hogan, and G. Murphy. “Regulating Lobbyists: A Comparative Analysis of the United States, Canada, Germany and the European Union.” The Political Quarterly 78.3 (2007): 423-438. Collins, J. “Chinese Entrepreneurs: The Chinese Diaspora in Australia.” International Journal of Entrepreneurial Behaviour & Research 8.1/2 (2002): 113-133. Dee, M. “Young People, Citizenship and Public Space.” International Sociological Association Conference Paper, Brisbane, 2002. Della Porta, D. “Globalisations and Democracy.” Democratizations 12.5 (2005): 668-685. Fagan, B., R. Dowling, and J. Longdale. “Suburbs in the ‘Global City’: Sydney since the Mid 1990s.” State of Australian cities conference. Parramatta, 2003. Frew, W. “And the Most Polarised City Is…” Sydney Morning Herald 16-17 Feb. 2008: 7. Gleeson, B. Australian Heartlands: Making Space for Hope in the Suburbs. Crows Nest: Allen and Unwin, 2006. Gleeson, B. “What’s Driving Suburban Australia?” Australian Policy Online 15 Jan. 2004. < http://www.apo.org.au/webboard/results.chtml?filename_num=00558 >. Gow, G. “Rubbing Shoulders in the Global City: Refugees, Citizenship and Multicultural Alliances in Fairfield, Sydney.” Ethnicities 5.3 (2005): 386-405. Hahn, C. L. “Citizenship Education: An Empirical Study of Policy, Practices and Outcomes.” Oxford Review of Education 25.1/2 (1999): 231-250. Hawley, S. “Sir Donald Bradman Likely to Be Dumped from Citizenship Test.” ABC Local Radio Online. 29 Jan. 2008. < http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2007/s2148383.htm >. Hoare, D. “Bradman’s Spot in Citizenship Test under Scrutiny.” ABC Local Radio online. 29 Jan. 2008. < http://www.abc.net.au/pm/content/2008/s2149325.htm >. Holston, J. Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil. California: Cloth, 2007. Jaensch, D., P. Brent, and B. Bowden. “Australian Political Parties in the Spotlight.” Democratic Audit of Australia Report 4. Australian National University, 2004. Mackay, H. “Sleepers Awoke from Slumber of Indifference.” Sydney Morning Herald 27 Nov. 2007: 13. NSWPD – New South Wales Parliamentary Debates. “South Western Sydney Banking Services.” Legislative Assembly Hansard, 52nd NSW Parliament, 19 Sep. 2001. Portney, K.E., and L. O’Leary. Civic and Political Engagement of America’s Youth: National Survey of Civic and Political Engagement of Young People. Medford, MA: Tisch College, Tufts University, 2007. Price, S. “Stress and Debt Make Sydney a Violent City.” Sydney Morning Herald 13 Jan. 2008: 16. Pusey, M. The Experience of Middle Australia: The Dark Side of Economic Reform. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2003. White, R. “Swarming and the Social Dynamics of Group Violence.” Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice 326 (Oct. 2006). < http://www.aic.gov.au/publications/tandi2/tandi326t.html >. Wolfe, P. “Race and Citizenship.” Magazine of History 18.5 (2004): 66-72.

L’entrepreneuriat de nécessité/opportunité revêt des enjeux scientifiques et pratiques importants en particulier dans les pays en développement. Cette thèse étudie les processus motivationnels des entrepreneurs de nécessité et d’opportunité.La recherche vise à comprendre dans le temps, les motivations de nécessité et d’opportunité des entrepreneurs durant le processus de démarrage. L’analyse des recherches sur le contenu et des recherches sur le processus des motivations de nécessité/opportunité souligne l’intérêt d’adopter une perspective processuelle dans l’étude du phénomène. L’étude empirique s’inscrit dès lors dans une perspective interprétative et mobilise une méthodologie qualitative longitudinale. Huit entrepreneurs du Burkina Faso ont été suivis à travers des entretiens approfondis sur une période de 15 mois. Les résultats indiquent d’abord que les outils de mesure de type GEM ne saisissent pas toujours pertinemment le phénomène des motivations de nécessité/opportunité. Ils montrent ensuite que durant le processus de démarrage, des phases motivationnelles de nécessité/mixité/opportunité transitent vers des phases de nature différente. Ils suggèrent enfin que les transitions motivationnelles sont sous-tendues par l’apparition/disparition de raisons relatives à l’environnement, à l’individu, aux résultats et aux actions. Ces résultats appellent à nuancer la dichotomie opérée entre les deux types d’entrepreneuriat, cette dichotomie apparaissant finalement instable pour les entrepreneurs étudiés. Ils interpellent également les politiques publiques d’accompagnement excluant les entrepreneurs de nécessité et suggèrent de prévoir des formes d’accompagnement flexibles afin qu’elles s’adaptent aux besoins des entrepreneurs dans le temps
Necessity and opportunity-driven entrepreneurship implies important scientific and practical issues, especially in developing countries. This research investigates the motivational processes of necessity and opportunity entrepreneurs. The research aims to understand necessity and opportunity motivations of entrepreneurs during the start-up process.The analysis of prior content and process research on necessity and opportunity entrepreneurship underlines the importance of adopting a process perspective in the study of the phenomenon. The empirical study follows an interpretive perspective and mobilizes a longitudinal qualitative methodology. Eight entrepreneurs in Burkina Faso have been studied through in-depth interviews for 15 months.The results indicate firstly that the GEM-type measurement tools do not always grasp the phenomenon of necessity / opportunity motivations. The results then show that during the start-up process, the motivational phases of necessity / mix / opportunity transit to phases of different nature. Finally, the results suggest that motivational transitions are underpinned by the appearance / disappearance of reasons related to the environment, the individual, the results obtained and actions undertaken.Two types of contributions are outlined. The results first invite to mitigate the dichotomy between necessity and opportunity-driven entrepreneurship, which appears in fact quite unstable for the entrepreneurs studied. Second, they question public policies that deliberately exclude necessity entrepreneurs from their program and call them to develop more flexible support policies that adapt to the need of the entrepreneurs in time

750 000 emplois à sauvegarder. Ce nombre – mis en avant par l'ancienne députée de l'Hérault, Fanny Dombre-Coste, – souligne toute l'influence de la reprise de PME dans le développement de l'économie locale voire nationale. Toutefois, le repreneur, qui est un entrepreneur à part entière, est un acteur encore peu étudié, tant par les organismes professionnels que par les universitaires. Nous engageons alors une recherche pour combler ce manque et, sous une perspective entrepreneuriale, essayons de mieux comprendre le profil du repreneur. Pour circonscrire la question du profil, nous utilisons un concept central en entrepreneuriat : l'opportunité. Dès lors, en prenant appui sur la logique de Kirzner, la fonction du repreneur devient plus claire : il doit identifier des opportunités. Comment peut-il faire ? Il va utiliser sa vigilance. Cela nous amène à poser la problématique suivante : comment la vigilance entrepreneuriale du repreneur influence-t-elle la performance financière de la reprise ? Pour apporter des éléments de réponse, nous utilisons un raisonnement hypothético-déductif et réalisons une recherche quantitative. Cela nous amène à formuler des hypothèses pour in fine construire un modèle de recherche. Nous posons ainsi un lien entre la vigilance entrepreneuriale (Tang et al., 2012) et deux variables médiatrices : l'identification des opportunités (Ozgen et Baron, 2007) et l'orientation entrepreneuriale (Covin et Slevin, 1989). Ces deux variables sont ensuite reliées à la performance financière de la reprise – qui est une mesure subjective quant à l'évolution de huit indicateurs. Après avoir montré que la procédure MICIOM autorise une démarche comparative, nous testons notre modèle sur tous les repreneurs (n = 278) et procédons à une comparaison – qualitative puis grâce à une analyse multigroupe – entre les repreneurs mentorés (n = 199) et non mentorés (n = 79), et entre les repreneurs mentorés avant (n = 79) et après la reprise (n = 120). Les résultats de cette recherche montrent que la vigilance entrepreneuriale est un antécédent de la performance financière. Par ailleurs, ce travail souligne que le mentorat permet de mieux comprendre comment un entrepreneur réussit – au moins sur un plan financier – une reprise de PME. Dès lors, il semble pertinent de développer un volet cognitif dans les programmes d'accompagnement du repreneur mais également de travailler sur la relation de mentorat dans ce contexte singulier
750 000 employments to keep. This number, highlight by the former deputy of Herault, Fanny Dombre-Coste, underline influence of SME takeovers on development of local economy. However, buyer, an entrepreneur, is understudied. We then engaged an academic research in order to fill in this gap and, using an entrepreneurial perspective, we try to better understand buyer profile. To confine profile question, we use a central concept in entrepreneurship: opportunity. Then, leaning on Kirzner logic, buyer function become clearly: he has to identify opportunity. How can he do it? He is going to use his alertness. So, we ask the following problematic: how does buyer entrepreneurial alertness influence takeover financial performance? To answer, we use an hypothetico-deductive reasoning and realise a quantitative research. This lead us to formulate hypotheses and build a research model. We put a link between entrepreneurial alertness (Tang et al., 2012) and two mediator's variables: opportunity identification (Ozgen et Baron, 2007) and entrepreneurial orientation (Covin et Slevin, 1989). Then, this two variables are linked to takeover financial performance – which is a subjective measure of the evolution of height indicators. After used MICOM procedure, we test our model on all buyers (n = 278) and make a comparison – qualitative and using a multi-group analysis – between buyers supported by a mentor (n = 199) and non-supported (n = 79), and between buyers supported before (n = 79) and after takeover (n = 120). Firstly, results show that entrepreneurial alertness is an antecedent of financial performance. On the other hand, our research underline that mentorship has the potential to add substantially to our understanding of how buyer succeed – at least on an financial plan – SME takeover. Consequently, it seems relevant to develop a cognitive part in buyer support program and to work on mentorship in this singular context

L'objet de cette recherche est d'étudier l'utilisation d'une approche émergente dans la détermination par une startup de ses produits et ses marchés en situation d'incertitude forte. Nous définissons un modèle permettant de décrire les trajectoires de développement des startups au moyen de sept variables. Nous étudions comment l'équipe entrepreneuriale manipule ces variables pour déterminer les produits et les marchés au moyen d'une heuristique combinant conception et expérience. Le pilotage délibéré par l'équipe de cette heuristique permet un rendement croissant de l'apprentissage, facteur d'efficacité croissante du processus de détermination, qui converge progressivement vers une opportunité et la résolution de l'incertitude. Ce processus de détermination s'avérant souvent long et incertain, nous étudions la création par l'équipe de son identité sociale pour comprendre comment elle se structure pour que le processus puisse aboutir. Nous synthétisons ces résultats en proposant un modèle d'identité stratégique de la firme entrepreneuriale pilotant son développement par l'apprentissage.

Esta pesquisa, propondo uma metodologia auxiliar para a disciplina de empreendedorismo originou-se de uma análise mais aprofundada ocorrida dentro da universidade, onde se questiona a falta de efetividade dos conteúdos programáticos e metodologias empregadas na educação empreendedora. De um modo geral as Instituições de Ensino Superior (IES), formam mais futuros empregados que empregadores. Várias instituições oferecem inúmeros cursos e disciplinas de empreendedorismo ou afins, mas continuam colocando no mercado cada vez mais jovens que irão competir à um posto de trabalho por não conseguirem ver o empreendedorismo como opção de carreira. Uma possível resposta estaria associada por fatores identificados em estudos recentes que afirmam que é de suma importância entender melhor como funciona o cérebro dos empreendedores para que se possa oferecer metodologias mais assertivas. Para muitos autores o processo de descoberta de oportunidades de negócios é uma das principais características do comportamento empreendedor e entender como este processo ocorre no cérebro dele abriria novas perspectivas. Esta pesquisa, desenvolvida a partir de dois experimentos, busca contribuir no âmbito universitário com uma proposta metodológica, desenvolvida à luz da neurociência, para a disciplina de Empreendedorismo. No primeiro experimento, denominado de teste piloto, com o objetivo de verificar possíveis padrões nos clusters neurais dos empreendedores, quando identificam uma oportunidade, foi realizado o Mapeamento Cognitivo Cerebral com o uso de eletroencefalograma em 14 indivíduos do sexo masculino, sendo sete “empreendedores estabelecidos” e sete não empreendedores. Os resultados dos testes mostraram que os mapas neurais dos empreendedores sugeriram que as áreas frontais direita e esquerda dos cérebros foram acionadas tanto no momento de descoberta de oportunidades quanto no momento de propensão a assumir riscos, enquanto os não empreendedores mostraram organizações neurais bem distintas durante os dois momentos. Este resultado aliado a outros estudos realizados por pesquisadores de empreendedorismo levou ao segundo experimento: o desenvolvimento de uma proposta metodológica auxiliar, que melhorasse a performance de alunos no processo de identificação de oportunidades de negócios. Esta proposta metodológica, cerne deste estudo, foi apresentada em um objeto de aprendizagem denominado: MADE-PERFIO, Módulo Auxiliar para Disciplina de Empreendedorismo-Performance na Identificação de Oportunidades, um curso de 40 horas, direcionado para melhorar a performance do aluno na identificação de oportunidades. A pesquisa sobre a efetividade da metodologia oferecida através do Módulo foi feita com 45 professores de graduações e de pós graduações e com 50 alunos de pós graduação de diversas faculdades e universidades maranhenses. Através de um curso de capacitação os professores puderam acessar o objeto de aprendizagem, testar a metodologia proposta e desenvolver suas performances cujos resultados foram extremamente encorajadores. Em média, os professores submetidos à nova metodologia melhoraram em 21% suas capacidades em identificarem oportunidades de negócios. Com relação à metodologia apresentada através do MADE-PERFIO, 45% classificaram com o conceito “ótimo” e 40% com o conceito “muito bom”. A metodologia foi apresentada aos alunos no formato de Módulo Auxiliar, pois todos declararam já ter tido contato com a disciplina de Empreendedorismo, mas ainda não haviam empreendido. A pesquisa com os alunos mostrou um acréscimo médio de 23% em suas capacidades de identificarem oportunidades e 65% deles classificaram como “excelente” a relevância do conteúdo.
This research, which proposes an auxiliary method for the entrepreneurship subject, was originated from a more deeply analysis made within the university, where it is argued about the lack of effectiveness in the program contents and methods used in the entrepreneurial education. In general, the higher level educational institutions (IES - Instituições de Ensino Superior) produce more future employees than employers. Several institutions may offer countless entrepreneurial and other related courses and subjects but continue increasingly placing in the labor market the youngsters who will try to find a job instead of starting some entrepreneurship as a career. A possible answer would be associated to factors identified in recent studies that claim to be of utmost importance to better understand how the entrepreneurs' brains work in order to offer more assertive methodologies. For many authors the process of business opportunities discovery is one of the main characteristics of the entrepreneur behavior and new perspectives could be open by understanding how this process works in the brain. The research, developed from two experiments, seeks to contribute in the university field with a methodological proposition to the subject of Entrepreneurship developed by the light of neuroscience. In the first experiment, called pilot test, which had the aim to check eventual standards in the entrepreneurs' neural clusters when they identify an opportunity, it was provided a Cognitive Brain Mapping by using electroencephalogram in 14 male individuals: seven were "established entrepreneurs" and seven were non-entrepreneurs. The test results showed that the entrepreneurs' neural maps suggested that the right front and the left front areas of the brain were set in motion both at the moment the opportunities were discovered and at the moment of taking risks, while non-entrepreneurs showed neural organizations much different in both moments. This result, combined to other studies made by entrepreneurship researchers, led to a second experiment: the development of an auxiliary methodological proposal that could improve the students' performance in the process of identification of business opportunities. This methodological proposal, main objective of this study, was presented in a learning issue called MADE-PERFIO, Módulo Auxiliar para Disciplina de Empeendedorismo-Performance na Identificação de Oportunidades (Auxiliary Module for the Entrepreneurship-Performance Subject to identify Opportunities), a 40-hour course designed to improve the student performance in the opportunities identification process. Research studies on the effectiveness of methodology offered through the Module was made with 45 graduation and post-graduation teachers and with 50 post-graduation students from several colleges and universities of Maranhão. Teachers, by means of a qualification course, had the chance to access the learning object, to test the proposed methodology and develop its performance whose results were thoroughly encouraging.Teachers submitted to the new technology improved in 21% their abilities in the business opportunity identification. With respect to the methodology presented through MADE-PERFIO, 45% considered the concept as "excellent" and 40% as "very good". The methodology was presented to the students in an Auxiliary Module format, since all of them pointed that they had contact with Entrepreneurship course but none had good understanding. Research studies with the students showed an average increase of 23% in their opportunities identification abilities and 65% considered "excellent" on the content of the material showed by MADE-PERFIO.

Dissertação de Mestrado Integrado em Psicologia apresentada à Faculdade de Psicologia e de Ciências da Educação
Este trabalho, dividido em dois estudos, procura validar psicometricamente a escala oportunidades e recursos para empreender(Pereira, 2001) e estudar o efeito das oportunidades e dos recursos para empreender no potencial empreendedor de estudantes, controlando os efeitos da preparação académica para o empreendedorismo e o desejo pessoal de empreender. Assim como, compreender quais os fatores que mais e melhor predizem o potencial empreendedor dos estudantes. A amostra foi constituída por 6532 estudantes das 17 instituições de ensino superior politécnico português associadas ao programa Poliempreende, que responderam a um questionário composto por 22 itens sobre oportunidades e recursos para empreender (Parreira, Pereira, & Brito, 2011). Na análise de dados do primeiro estudo foi realizada uma análise fatorial exploratória com metade da amostra dividida aleatoriamente, da qual emergiram quatro fatores (F1- 22.38, F2- 19.77, F3- 10.73, F4- 7.50), responsáveis por 60.37% da variância total. Com a segunda parte da amostra foi realizada uma análise fatorial confirmatória, que apresentou bons índices de ajustamento, NFI =.949, CFI = .954, TLI = .945, RMSEA = .050. A escala apresentou boas qualidades ao nível da fiabilidade e validades convergente e discriminante.O estudo sustentou a robustez psicométrica do instrumento, contribuindo para a sua validação para a população portuguesa. No segundo estudo foram utilizadas as estatísticas descritivas e realizada uma matriz de intercorrelações entre as medidas oportunidades e recursos para empreender, preparação académica, desejo de empreender e potencial empreendedor e, posteriormente, efetuada uma regressão múltipla hierárquica. Os resultados obtidos indicam que o potencial empreendedor é em grande medida influenciado pelo desejo de empreender, pela preparação académica obtida, pela estabilidade do negócio percebida e pela perceção de disponibilidade de recursos para empreender. Assim, a aposta da academia no desenvolvimento de competências empreendedoras deve assumir um carácter central para o futuro do empreendedorismo em Portugal (Parreira, Salgueiro-Oliveira, Castilho, Melo, Graveto, Gomes, Vaquinhas, Carvalho, Mónico, Brito, 2016). Algumas limitações e recomendações para investigações futuras serão discutidas.
This work, divided into two studies, seeks to psychometrically validate the scale of opportunities and resources to undertake (Pereira, 2001) and to study the effect of opportunities and resources to undertake on the entrepreneurial potential of students, controlling the effects of academic preparation for entrepreneurship and the personal desire to undertake. As well as understanding what factors better predict the entrepreneurial potential of students. The sample consisted of 6532 students from the 17 Portuguese polytechnic institutions associated with the Poliempreende program, who answered a questionnaire composed of 22 items about opportunities and resources to undertake (Parreira, Pereira, & Brito, 2011). In the data analysis of the first study, an exploratory factorial analysis was performed with half the randomly divided sample, from which four factors emerged (F1-22.38, F2-19.77, F3-10.73, F4-7.50), accounting for 60.37% of the total variance. With the second part of the sample, a confirmatory factorial analysis was performed, which presented good adjustment indices, NFI = .949, CFI = .954, TLI = .945, RMSEA = .050. The scale presented good qualities in terms of convergent and discriminant reliability and validity. The study supported the psychometric robustness of the instrument, contributing to its validation for the Portuguese population. In the second study, descriptive statistics were used and a matrix of intercorrelations between the measures opportunities and resources to undertake, academic preparation, desire to undertake and entrepreneurial potential was carriedout, and then a hierarchical multiple regression was performed. The results indicate that the entrepreneurial potential is influenced to a great extent by the desire to undertake, through the academic preparation obtained, the perceived stability of the business and the perception of the availability of resources to undertake. Thus, the bet of the academy in the development of entrepreneurial skills must assume a central character for the future of entrepreneurship in Portugal (Parreira, Salgueiro-Oliveira, Castilho, Melo, Graveto, Gomes, Vaquinhas, Carvalho, Mónico, Brito, 2016). Some limitations and recommendations for future investigations will be discussed.

This book explores the institutional conditions of the origin of innovation, arguing that prior to the emergence of competitive entrepreneurial firms and the onset of new industries is a little-understood but crucial phase of cooperation under uncertainty: the innovation commons. An innovation commons is a governance institution to incentivize cooperation in order to pool distributed information, knowledge, and other inputs into innovation to facilitate the entrepreneurial discovery of an economic opportunity. In other words, the true origin of innovation is not entrepreneurial action per se, but the creation of a common-pool resource from which entrepreneurs can discover opportunities. The true origin of innovation, and therefore of economic evolution, occurs one step further back, in the commons. Innovation has a cooperative institutional origin. When the economic value or worth of a new technological prospect is shrouded in uncertainty—which arises because information is distributed or is only experimental obtained—a commons can be an economically efficient governance institution. Specifically, a commons is efficient compared to the creation of alternative economic institutions that involve extensive contracting and networks, private property rights and price signals, or public goods (i.e., firms, markets, and governments). A commons will often be an efficient governance solution to the hard economic problem of opportunity discovery. This new framework for analysis of the origin of innovation draws on evolutionary theory of cooperation and institutional theory of the commons and carries important implications for our understanding of the origin of firms and industries, and for the design of innovation policy.

This book analyses the role that the diaspora play when returning as entrepreneurs to their homeland. Returnee entrepreneurs are defined as individuals who have moved away from their home country and lived as part of the diaspora, and have later returned home to live, invest, or both. With increased movements of people around the world, the role of transnational economic activity is becoming ever more significant, yet little is still understood about the motivations and contribution of those who return to their homeland to undertake entrepreneurial activity. The book examines return to post-conflict economies, with the returnees initially forced to move due to war. In doing so, it examines policy approaches to return and the intentions of returnees, and highlights the important role that emotional attachment plays in harnessing return. The book recognises the undoubted potential of diaspora entrepreneurs to benefit their homeland. Yet it also recognises the challenges in doing so. Not all diaspora entrepreneurship will be beneficial. Not all policy interventions will be effective, despite good intentions. Yet the lessons contained within this book are that by understanding the challenges and opportunities associated with diaspora return entrepreneurship, more effective strategies can be put in place.

Entrepreneurship as a research topic has been approached from different disciplines. After justifying the importance of its study, we define it as a process of discovery, assessment, and exploitation of opportunities. As part of this process, it also becomes important to study the person behind these actions. In fact, the personality approach is one of the most classic approaches in the study of entrepreneurship, albeit at same time one of the most controversial. This chapter summarizes relevant literature on personality traits and entrepreneurship, and differences are also established between broad traits (e.g., Big Five) and more specific traits (e.g., Opportunity Recognition or Locus of Control). Due to space constraints, this chapter does not do justice to all the existing developments that have analyzed the relationship between personality traits and entrepreneurship; however, it also includes a section dedicated to cognitive ability as a line of work that can complement the trait-based approach. The authors finalize this chapter with conclusions from the selected literature.

In this chapter, the authors present a part of an analysis of the organizational culture of micro and small tourist companies in the state of Colima, Mexico. It is the result of mixed research that belongs to an exploratory study carried out from a systemic perspective of tourism organizations. The purpose of the study was to identify elements capable of triggering the productivity, competitiveness, and innovation of Mexican micro and small tourism companies based on their language and organizational structure. The results obtained revealed that the “Clan” type culture is predominant in this type of company in the state of Colima. Hence, a transformation of the mental structure of senior management is necessary and urgent, as it requires a change in an organizational culture focused on the “Market” to achieve its permanence in the sector.

Women are increasingly taking part in the business market, especially in the case of tourism. However, studies reveal that entrepreneurial women, besides the business, have other tasks, such as domestic and family obligations, being the majority responsible for the family management. The main purpose of this chapter is to investigate the contribution of entrepreneurial women in tourism companies in rural areas. A survey was applied, through a semi-structured interview, to a total of 13 tourism companies located in the municipality of Sever do Vouga (Portugal). The results indicate that although women are fewer and working together with their husbands, they are already retired, which facilitates dedication and commitment to the business on a full-time basis. Younger women with children may encounter barriers that make it harder for them to dedicate themselves to the enterprise. This research contributes to a better definition of the profile and behaviour of entrepreneurial women in rural areas, as well as identifying the motivations and barriers to invest in rural tourism.

An emerging country like India demands a high level of entrepreneurial development for its economic growth as the scope of entrepreneurship is tremendous here. There is a particular reason that developing countries are trying to put in to entrepreneurship education in the higher education institutions (HEIs). Higher education institutions (HEIs) have been playing a major part in current economic development through innovation grant program. The idea of entrepreneurial university can be seen as the universities those have proved to be the best in critical economic development condition. The prime focus of this chapter is to understand the concept of academic entrepreneurship efficiently, to analyze the entrepreneurial challenges in Indian technology universities and how it is related to regional growth. The literature on these entrepreneurial pillars are still quite sparse, and the authors have tried to focus on all the important aspects of them. These orientations of this archetype for facilitating Indian economic growth are discussed, and the challenges are identified.

The main goal of this chapter is to originally analyze one of the irreversible factors of the international competitiveness of the companies that are related to the entrepreneurial economic intelligence. The originality of this research lies on the assimilation of the actions related to the identification and exploitation of opportunities and thus, the entrepreneurial orientation, as an integral part of the entrepreneurial economic intelligence which is able to stimulate the international competitiveness of the companies in the specific case of Tunisia.

This chapter looks at how “human-centered design” (HCD)—a form of ethnographically guided, experimental design practice branded in Silicon Valley—operationalizes empathy to guide entrepreneurial actors toward opportunity to transform the world “at scale.” Both empathy and opportunity were key ways that enterprising people oriented toward the world they hoped to transform. Empathy promised to guide development along the grain of the masses' developmental desires rather than against them. As part of design, it became a model for understanding not just one person but many people. Design-minded citizens needed to mingle among targets of development and hypothesize vectors of mass affect that suggested areas of opportunity surfaced risks to development projects. Capitalism's reformers proposed empathy as the moral sentiment that could, at once, uncover others' wants while steering away from capitalism's excesses. Empathy guided speculation to refine the perception of opportunity.

Nothing seems to stop the big data revolution. At the same time a promise of a better world and anguish of a possible big brother, big data is the new reality of the digital economy: it is the new territory of development and creation of value for the companies. The opportunities seem endless, which is why we must appropriate the data to better understand and tame it, in order to prepare for the future towards which it seems to lead us. After the theory, let's go to the “fun” part with some examples of big data uses that you may know without realizing it. We will see in this chapter some examples of using big data in a dynamic improvement of the business strategy in order to generate value.

This chapter will examine the challenges and opportunities confronted in the commercialization of research-based technologies in a university setting. Particular focus will be brought to the identification and creation of a university-based entrepreneurial ecosystem and ways of sustaining it. To provide more detailed context, the authors will cite specific programs and outcomes from these programs, resources and strategies currently utilized and embodied by the Maryland Technology Enterprise Institute, Mtech, at the University of Maryland, College Park (UMD). Particular challenges and obstacles will be discussed including intellectual property issues, conflicts of commitment, and conflicts of interest. Finally, as a way of assisting others in creating a university-based entrepreneurial ecosystem, guidance will be given as to the resources necessary to create and sustain it.

The main goal of this paper is a theoretical and empirical analysis of selected aspects of entrepreneurship. The significance of this topic is mainly due to the role and impact of entrepreneurial activity on both the economic and social areas of the business units. Taking into consideration the variety and complexity of the entrepreneurship issues, its integral connection between economic sphere of activity and behavior, both individuals and society should be emphasized. In economic terms entrepreneurship is usually interpreted as the ability to solve business problems in creative and innovative way and its join also with the ability to use the opportunities and chances arising in business. Empirical studies aimed at to analyze and evaluate entrepreneurial attitudes have been carried out on the basis of data published by the Polish Agency for Enterprise Development, conducted as a part of the survey Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). Selected aspects of entrepreneurship in international perspective were analyzed. Particularly assessment of Poland relating to other countries were included.

This exploratory paper focuses on the well-being of diaspora returnees seeking entrepreneurial opportunities in Nigeria, with an emphasis on health, safety and development. The paper is based, in part, on a review of literature on diaspora migrants' returnees' well-being. However, in the absence of large scale quantitative research, the report presents partial and anecdotal evidence on the well-being of specific groups of migrants in Nigeria that may not readily be generalized to the whole livelihood-seeking, cross-border migrant population in the SSA region. The paper concludes that returnee entrepreneurs should prepare to contribute meaningfully to controlling occupational health and safety in informal sector of Nigerian economy.

Despite rising interest amongst students and the general public in social enterprise, it is often taught as an add-on along with sustainability in more general entrepreneurship courses. This has led to under-equipping students with the skills and knowledge they need to start a business in this area. We spoke to both academics and students, using semi-structured interviews, about their views of current social enterprise inclusion and what could be improved. The research found that entrepreneurship academics included social issues in their courses as part of entrepreneurial education, however, this was at introductory level and students were frustrated there was little opportunity to follow up on this interest, especially those in their final year, with no clear path for those interested. Focus varied between institutions and it was suggested that the institutional focus on employability statistics could be harmful for social entrepreneurship education. We suggest that more institutions have social enterprise modules which are able to be accessed university wide to allow multidisciplinarity, and separated out from general entrepreneurship at a higher level to fully focus on these issues to fully prepare those who are interested in starting or joining a social enterprise.

Technical Innovation covers the process of creating a new successful competitive product from invention to production and market introduction within a practical company related context. Typically education for this kind of complicated, open ended work requires mastering a wide range of knowledge-areas and a lot of hands-on training practice in projects and workshops. The combination of depth and width is symbolized by the “T-shape”. Well-known learning theories give a good rationale of the teaching approaches that were developed over the years and a confirmation of this approach, including the important role of the experienced tutor, is found in the study of excellent companies. Work of a “T-shaped” engineer in the technical innovation process bears many similarities to the ideal transformation process of a company, like Collins describes in his “Good to Great”. The processes have a very comparable open-ended character, a focus for essence and simple, elegant solutions, opportunities and inventions. Success seems to rely more on the right people and a concentrated shared-goal driven cooperation (“flow”), than on the right methods of work. Collins’ observations and conclusions, applied to the domain of engineering design education helps understanding the earlier reported 15 years success of the International Product Design Engineering (IPDE) course of the Hanze University Groningen, with its combination of lecturing, projects and workshops, with a high reality content and direct supervision. The IPDE-related “Open Dynamic Design” (ODD) project and the educational experiments showed similar observations. Essential is the committed experienced participation in real innovation projects and intensive workshops, lead by very experienced T-shaped supervisors/“masters”, having deep knowledge over a good part of technologies, entrepreneurial and/or design related issues and good understanding of interrelationship and consequences in the other fields. They also should have a track record on the methodologies of product innovation and product development. Like the Collins level-5 leaders, they should be able to be both creative and analytical, give the students freedom and control them at the appropriate moments. They power the theoretical most effective learning “circle” with focused introductions and assignments, their direct, knowledgeable and adequate feedback, and quiet help during contemplation. Then the workshops are really fun and effective. The Loughborough and Glasgow Design engineering courses, the new master course at the Innovation Centre of the University of Technology of Compiegne (UTC) and the one at the Hanze Institute for Technology — an upgrade from IPDE — are built on these insights. To safeguard the continuation of this approach, a pool of experienced and potential (home and guest) T-experts is founded together by the small group of universities and their industrial partners, working jointly in the workshops, projects and modules, training the trainers while training the students - in T-design.