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1

Santos, Rogério Lopes dos. "A RELAÇÃO ENTRE AS MÁXIMAS DE DIÓGENES DE ENOANDA E A FILOSOFIA DE EPICURO." Revista Dialectus - Revista de Filosofia, no. 16 (March 27, 2020): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.30611/2020n16id43647.

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O presente artigo tem como objetivo apresentar a relação entre as máximas de Diógenes de Enoanda e o quetemos de genuinamente epicureu, ou seja, com o material (cartas, máximas e fragmentos) admitido como deautoria incontestável de Epicuro. Com essa apresentação, nós evidenciamos a força da ortodoxia da doutrina deEpicuro, pois, de um modo geral não existem divergências entre o que Epicuro ensinava em Atenas no século IIIa.C. e o que Diógenes de Enoanda afirmava ser o Epicurismo no século II d.C. Na verdade, há uma únicamáxima que parece não seguir a doutrina de Epicuro (Diog. Oen. 107). Entretanto, essa divergência é justificadapelo fato de que essa máxima está fragmentada. Nesse sentido, acreditamos que o presente artigo consiste emuma contribuição positiva para a comunidade acadêmica que se dedica ao estudo do Epicurismo, ainda mais seconsiderarmos o fato de que se trata de um epicureu sobre o qual temos poucos artigos, sobretudo no Brasil. Paraa realização desse trabalho, nos servimos aqui das seguintes obras: (i) El sabio camino hacia la felicidad:Diógenes de Enoanda y el gran mural epicúreo, de Carlos García Gual (2016), da qual retiramos as máximasde Diógenes de Enoanda; (ii) a Carta a Heródoto, Carta a Pítocles, Carta a Meneceu, bem como as MáximasPrincipais e as Sentenças Vaticanas, de Epicuro; (iii) o Livro X da obra Vidas e Doutrinas dos FilósofosIlustres, do doxógrafo grego Diógenes Laércio.
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2

Verde, Francesco. "ONCE AGAIN ON EPICURUS’ LETTER TO HERODOTUS §§ 39–40." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (December 2018): 736–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000107.

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In this short note I would like to reflect again upon paragraphs 39–40 of Epicurus’ Letter to Herodotus and, more specifically, on the text printed in the last (superb and now indispensable) critical edition by Tiziano Dorandi, which I quote below together with the critical apparatus (758–9, lines 495–502):495 ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ (τοῦτο καὶ ἐν τῇ Μεγάλῃ ἐπιτομῇ φησι κατ’ἀρχήν καὶ ἐν τῇ α′ Περὶ φύσεως) τὸ πᾶν ἐστι <σώματακαὶ κενόν>· σώματα μὲν γὰρ ὡς ἔστιν, αὐτὴ ἡ αἴσθησις ἐπὶπάντων μαρτυρεῖ, καθ’ ἣν ἀναγκαῖον τὸ ἄδηλον τῷλογισμῷ τεκμαίρεσθαι, ὥσπερ προεῖπον. [40] τόπος δὲ εἰ500 μὴ ἦν ὃ κενὸν καὶ χώραν καὶ ἀναφῆ φύσιν ὀνομάζομεν, οὐκἂν εἶχε τὰ σώματα ὅπου ἦν οὐδὲ δι’ οὗ ἐκινεῖτο, καθάπερφαίνεται κινούμενα.495–496 de scholiis glossematibusque in tribus Epicuri epistulis et in RS i, vid. Dorandi, Epicuro 277–8 496–497 σώματα καὶ κενόν duce Gass. (πῇ μὲν σῶμα, πῇ δὲ κενόν) suppl. V. d. Muehll: σώματα καὶ τόπος Us. Traditam lectionem defendere conatur Arndt 26. Vid. K. Algra, Elenchos 15 (1994) 100 et D. Obbink, Philodemus On Piety. Part 1 (1996) 338–9 497 σώματα ΦFP4: σώμα· τὰ BP1498 πάντων om. Φ 499 τόπος δὲ Us.: τὸ πρόσθε B1: τὸ πρόσθεν B2PΦ: πρόσθεν F Cf. Lucr. 1.426–7 (locus) et vid. Sedley, Phronesis (1982) 183–4 εἰ δὲ Φ (coni. Gass.) 500 ὃ Φ: ὃ* B2: ὃν B1, ut vid.: ὂν PF ὃ post κενὸν traiecit Φ προεῖπον τὸ πρόσθεν· εἰ δὲ μὴ ἦν ὃ κενὸν Brieger, Seele 5 Vid. Dorandi, Epicuro 282–4 501 ἦν B: εἴη ΦFP4: ἔνι P1(Q) 502 οὐδ’ Us.: οὔτε B2PF: ὅτε B1503 περιληπτικῶς rec.
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3

Gyllenhammer, Paul. "Heidegger’s Epicureanism." Gatherings: The Heidegger Circle Annual 9 (2019): 60–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/gatherings201994.

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Heidegger and Epicurus seem to be separated by a great divide. Where Epicurus seeks ataraxia by minimizing anxiety and our concern with death, Heidegger describes how anxiety and death are factored into authentic living. But looks can be deceiving. A close study of Heidegger’s critique of das Man reveals a distinctly Epicurean line of thinking. His account of curiosity, in particular, parallels Epicurus’s own criticism of normal life as being mired in unnatural/empty desires due to an unconscious fear of death. Despite this similarity, Heidegger’s interest in ontological anxiety, i.e., homelessness, contrasts deeply with Epicurus’s goal of mental tranquility. Yet this difference is overcome, in part, in Heidegger’s turn to peaceful dwelling as an expression of authentic Being-in-the-world. Indeed, Heidegger’s account of the fourfold as the essence of dwelling can be seen as an Epicurean four-part cure to suffering (tetrapharmakos), bringing Heidegger into dialogue with the tradition of philosophical therapy.
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4

PALMERINO, CARLA RITA. "PIERRE GASSENDI'S DE PHILOSOPHIA EPICURI UNIVERSE REDISCOVERED*." Nuncius 14, no. 1 (1999): 263–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539199x00850.

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Abstracttitle RIASSUNTO /title Fra i manoscritti della British Library stato trovato un codice contenente una copia non autografa dei libri VIII-XI del De vita et doctrina Epicuri, la prima versione manoscritta a noi pervenuta del SYNTAGMA PHILOSOPHICUM di Pierre Gassendi. Se i libri IX-XI, composti fra il 1636 ed il 1637 e dedicati alla canonica epicurea, erano gi conosciuti attraverso il Ms. Carpentras 1832, il libro VIII, terminato nel marzo del 1634, invece quel De philosophiaEpicuri universe, che Pintard, Rochot e Bloch segnalavano come perduto. Questo articolo analizza il contenuto del De philosophia Epicuri universe e mostra come le parti di esso che non furono riversate da Gassendi nel Liber promialis del SYNTAGMA PHILOSOPHICUM (De philosophia universe) vennero integrate nell'apologia De vita et moribus Epicuri pubblicata nel 1647. Contrariamente a quanto si pensava, quest'opera, scritta fra il 1633 ed il 1634, fu infatti modificata da Gassendi prima di essere data alle stampe.
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5

Ansell-Pearson, Keith. "Heroic-Idyllic Philosophizing: Nietzsche and the Epicurean Tradition." Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement 74 (June 30, 2014): 237–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1358246114000010.

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AbstractThis essay looks at Nietzsche in relation to the Epicurean tradition. It focuses on his middle period writings of 1878–82 – texts such as Human, all too Human, Dawn, and The Gay Science – and seeks to show that an ethos of Epicurean enlightenment pervades these texts, with Epicurus celebrated for his teaching of modest pleasures and cultivation of philosophical serenity. For Nietzsche, Epicurus is one of the greatest human beings to have ever graced the earth and the inventor of ‘heroic-idyllic philosophizing’. At the same time, Nietzsche claims to understand Epicurus differently to everybody else. The essay explores the main figurations of Epicurus we find in his middle period and concludes by taking a critical look at his later and more ambivalent reception of Epicurus.
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6

Benigni, Fiormichele. "Caso o necessitŕ: Bayle interprete di Spinoza." PARADIGMI, no. 2 (July 2009): 181–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/para2009-002016.

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- The convergence of Stratonism and Epicurism in Bayle's thought made a consistent use of Epicure against Straton dysfunctional within the complex polemical grid of the "Spinoza" article in the Historical and Critical Dictionary. But Epicurean atomism was crucial for Bayle's opposition to Spinoza. So, we may conclude that the aporetic structure of this text is proof of the limits of its general comparative strategy, while showing at the same time the originality of Bayle's position with respect to the trends prevailing in the culture of the age.Keywords: Stratonism, Epicurism, Spinozism, Accident, Necessity, Marxism.Parole chiave: Stratonismo, Epicureismo, Spinozismo, Caso, Necessitŕ, Marxismo
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7

Marlow, Neil, Yanyan Ni, Rebecca Lancaster, Emmi Suonpera, Marialivia Bernardi, Amanda Fahy, Jennifer Larsen, et al. "No change in neurodevelopment at 11 years after extremely preterm birth." Archives of Disease in Childhood - Fetal and Neonatal Edition 106, no. 4 (January 27, 2021): 418–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/archdischild-2020-320650.

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ObjectiveTo determine whether improvements in school age outcomes had occurred between two cohorts of births at 22–25 weeks of gestation to women residents in England in 1995 and 2006.DesignLongitudinal national cohort studies.SettingSchool-based or home-based assessments at 11 years of age.ParticipantsEPICure2 cohort of births at 22–26 weeks of gestation in England during 2006: a sample of 200 of 1031 survivors were evaluated; outcomes for 112 children born at 22–25 weeks of gestation were compared with those of 176 born in England during 1995 from the EPICure cohort. Classroom controls for each group acted as a reference population.Main outcome measuresStandardised measures of cognition and academic attainment were combined with parent report of other impairments to estimate overall neurodevelopmental status.ResultsAt 11 years in EPICure2, 18% had severe and 20% moderate impairments. Comparing births at 22–25 weeks in EPICure2 (n=112), 26% had severe and 21% moderate impairment compared with 18% and 32%, respectively, in EPICure. After adjustment, the OR of moderate or severe neurodevelopmental impairment in 2006 compared with 1995 was 0.76 (95% CI 0.45 to 1.31, p=0.32). IQ scores were similar in 1995 (mean 82.7, SD 18.4) and 2006 (81.4, SD 19.2), adjusted difference in mean z-scores 0.2 SD (95% CI −0.2 to 0.6), as were attainment test scores. The use of multiple imputation did not alter these findings.ConclusionImprovements in care and survival between 1995 and 2006 are not paralleled by improved cognitive or educational outcomes or a reduced rate of neurodevelopmental impairment.
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8

Mollea, Simone. "NATVRALES QVAESTIONES4APRAEF. 20 ANDEP. 34.2: APPROACHING THE CHRONOLOGY AND NON-FICTIONAL NATURE OF SENECA'SEPISTVLAE MORALES." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (May 2019): 319–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000363.

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It is undeniable that the form of Seneca'sEpistulae Moraleswe currently read is a work of literature, literature being here defined as a piece of work the author intended to publish. What Seneca claims inEp. 21.3–5 is clear evidence of this:exemplum Epicuri referam. cum Idomeneo scriberet et illum a uita speciosa ad fidelem stabilemque gloriam reuocaret, regiae tunc potentiae ministrum et magna tractantem, ‘si gloria’ inquit ‘tangeris, notiorem te epistulae meae facient quam omnia ista quae colis et propter quae coleris’. […] quod Epicurus amico suo potuit promittere, hoc tibi promitto, Lucili: habebo apud posteros gratiam, possum mecum duratura nomina educere.
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9

Vander Waerdt, P. A. "The Justice of the Epicurean Wise Man." Classical Quarterly 37, no. 2 (December 1987): 402–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030597.

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In this essay I discuss an important but neglected controversy in which the Stoics sought to discredit Epicurus' teaching on justice by showing that the Epicurean wise man, if immune from detection or punishment, will commit injustice whenever he may profit from it. Under the influence of this criticism, tradition has developed a view of Epicurus' position that makes it so weak and vulnerable that it is difficult to see how Epicureans could have defended it over the course of several centuries. There is decisive evidence, however, that Epicurus' critics seriously misrepresented his position, and that the tradition influenced by their polemic stands in need of fundamental revision.1 My purpose here is to prove that the Epicurean wise man will not commit injustice, secretly or openly, because it is in his self–interest to be just; to reconstruct Epicurus' arguments for this teaching; to show how he defends his position against natural right theorists; and to clarify the larger issues at stake in his controversy with the Stoics. I begin by sketching the Stoic criticisms and the Epicurean response (section I).
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10

Kragelund, Patrick. "Epicurus, Priapus and the Dreams in Petronius." Classical Quarterly 39, no. 2 (December 1989): 436–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037502.

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[Lichas] ‘videbatur mihi secundum quietem Priapus dicere: “Encolpion quod quaeris, scito a me in navem tuam esse perductum”.’ exhorruit Tryphaena et ‘putes’ inquit ‘una nos dormiisse; nam et mihi simulacrum Neptuni, quod Bais <in> tetrastylo notaveram, videbatur dicere: “in nave Lichae Gitona invenies”.’ ‘hinc scies’ inquit Eumolpus ‘Epicurum hominem esse divinum, qui eiusmodi ludibria facetissima ratione condemnat.’ <*> ceterum Lichas ut Tryphaenae somnium expiavit: ‘quis’ inquit ‘prohibet navigium scrutari, ne videamur divinae mentis opera damnare?’(Petr. Sal. 104.1–4)Priapus and Epicurus have frequently been claimed to be major influences, each in their particular way, on the plot and composition of the Satyrica.
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11

Nisavic, Ivan. "Epicurus and sense data." Theoria, Beograd 58, no. 4 (2015): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1504121n.

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Epicurean epistemology, which gives perception full credibility as a key factor and an infallible source of receiving information regarding the external word, is completely dependable on materialist-atomistic view of natural science. As such, it is fundamental for a clear understanding of Epicurus' ethical ideas. This paper seeks to reconstruct his position and subsume it under one of the contemporary theories of perception, as an apologetic view on Epicurus and his, at first glance, rigid standpoints. Insistence on the truth of all perceptions is attempted to be alleviated and understood by modern perspective. Thus, classifying Epicurean views of perception as a certain form of indirect realism provides to the seemingly unacceptable Epicurus' theory of perception a shape which may be plausible and acceptable.
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12

Klauck, Hans-Josef. "Epikurs Briefsammlung und POxy 76.5077." Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft 110, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znw-2019-0015.

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Abstract Epicurus is well known as the letter writer par excellence among ancient philosophers. This is shown by examples from Alciphron, Diogenes Laertios, Seneca, and Plutarch. Additionally, the long list of partially preserved letters in the collections of fragments by Usener and Arrighetti is analyzed. These quotes demonstrate the use of letter collections originating with Epicurus and his first students. A new valuable testimony is provided by the publication in 2011 of POxy 5077. Its three fragments are clearly taken from a collection of letters of Epicurus. We find his name in a typical prescript: “Epicurus (to NN), greetings”. Leonteus and Mithres of the founding generation are mentioned. The copying of letters and the exchange of documents within the Epicurean community are fully on display. The little known shipwreck suffered by Epicurus is alluded to. All this is not without interest for students of early Christian letter collections.
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13

Verde, Francesco. "I pathe di Epicuro tra epistemologia ed etica." Elenchos 39, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 205–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2018-0014.

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Abstract The focus of this paper is the analysis of the epistemological and practical role played by pathe/affections in Epicurus’ philosophy. Epicurus firstly considered the affections not as emotional/passional conditions, but as firm criteria of truth and more specifically as the third criterion of the canonic (i.e. the epistemological part of his philosophical system). In this article the critical reactions (in particular by the Peripatetic side: Aristocles of Messene) against the Epicurean position about the function of the affections will be investigated too. Finally, two parts of this paper are devoted to the Cyrenaic tripartition of pathe (in all likelihood, a subject criticized by Epicurus) and to the probable doctrinal relationship between Epicurus’ pathe and Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics Book 2.
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14

Hur, Seo-yeon. "Epicurean in Hume and original Epicurus." Cogito 89 (October 31, 2019): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.48115/cogito.2019.10.89.323.

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Rego, Rui Maia. "Ética epicurista − "Tetraphármakos": Algumas inquirições no pensamento filosófico português." Studia Iberystyczne 18 (December 31, 2019): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/si.18.2019.18.16.

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Poderemos alcançar uma vida boa, suportar a dor e eliminar o medo da morte? Qual o papel da filosofia e do filósofo ante inquietudes práticas e especulativas? A filosofia de Epicuro (341-270 a.C.) visa “a saúde da alma” através do rigoroso conhecimento do Universo. O presente artigo procura analisar a proposta ética do filósofo − o seu tetraphármakos (quádruplo remédio para libertar o homem). Apresentam-se, seguidamente, duas objeções ao seu pensamento: por um lado, Agostinho da Silva, criticando a filosofia epicurista enquanto método meramente defensivo da dor; e, por outro lado, a caracterização do legado epicureu como irrealizável enquanto ambição práxica, tal como propõe o heterónimo de Fernando Pessoa, Ricardo Reis.
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McConnell, Sean. "DEMETRIUS OF LACONIA AND THE DEBATE BETWEEN THE STOICS AND THE EPICUREANS ON THE NATURE OF PARENTAL LOVE." Classical Quarterly 67, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 149–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838817000313.

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Epicurus denies that human beings have natural parental love for their children, and his account of the development of justice and human political community does not involve any natural affinity between human beings in general but rather a form of social contract. The Stoics to the contrary assert that parental love is natural; and, moreover, they maintain that natural parental love is the first principle of social οἰκείωσις, which provides the basis for the naturalness of justice and human political community. The Stoics are, therefore, obliged to refute Epicurus’ denial of the naturalness of parental love in order to support their own theory of social οἰκείωσις; and we have good evidence for the arguments that they employed against the Epicureans on this account. Likewise, the Epicureans are obliged not only to defend their own position but also to undermine the competing Stoic theory of social οἰκείωσις; and the foundational premise of a natural bond between parent and child is an obvious target. However, beyond dogmatically restating Epicurus’ denial of natural parental love, the evidence for the Epicurean line of attack against the Stoics is currently unclear. In this paper I argue that we can go some way towards uncovering it via an analysis of some fragmentary passages from an unidentified work of the Epicurean Demetrius of Laconia (c.150–75b.c.) that contain a puzzling discussion of Epicurus’ stance on parental love.
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17

Beltrão, Claudia. "Imágenes de los dioses en Cicerón." Auster, no. 23 (November 16, 2018): e042. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23468890e042.

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En De natura deorum, Cicerón presenta una crítica contundente a los límites y contradicciones de la teología antropomórfica epicúrea. Dirigiéndose especialmente a Epicuro en lo que se refiere al tema del deus effigies hominis et imago (Nat. D. I.103), Cicerón solicita a los epicúreos una definición más rigurosa de las relaciones entre la imagen de culto (una forma histórica de la figuración de lo divino) y los simulacra/imagines emanados directamente de los cuerpos de los dioses, denotando la insuficiencia del abordaje epicúreo sobre las imágenes divinas para fundamentar la pietas romana. Traducción de María Emilia Cairo y Roxana Inés Calvo
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Baltzly, Dirk, and Lisa Wendlandt. "Knowing Freedom: Epicurean Philosophy Beyond Atomism and the Swerve." Phronesis 49, no. 1 (2004): 41–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852804773617406.

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AbstractThis paper argues that Epicurus held a non-reductionist view of mental states that is in the spirit of Davidson's anomalous monism.1 We argue for this conclusion by considering the role that normative descriptions play in the peritropē argument from On Nature 25. However, we also argue that Epicurus was an indeterminist. We can know that atoms swerve because we can know that we make choices that are up to us and this is incompatible with the ancestral causal determination of mental states by atomic processes. Epicurus escapes the traditional criticism of indeterminist libertarians because the swerve is not meant to explain how choices may be free. The anti-reductionist stance on the mental means that nothing about atomic processes could possibly explain any particular mental event. Moreover, because of the practical and therapeutic nature of Epicurean philosophy, it is not necessary that Epicurus provide an explanation of how the swerve subserves freedom of choice. We know all that we need to know for eudaimonia when we know that some choices are up to us.
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Charrue, Jean-Michel. "Plotin et Epicure." Emerita 74, no. 2 (December 30, 2006): 289–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.2006.v74.i2.19.

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Liebersohn, Yosef Z. "Epicurus’ Varietas and ἡ κινητικὴ ἡδονή." Mnemosyne 71, no. 5 (September 13, 2018): 777–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342428.

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AbstractAccording to Epicurus’ view which locates the summit of pleasure in the absence of all pain, once pain has been removed pleasure cannot be increased, but it can be embellished. This article has two main aims. Firstly I shall deal with this embellishment, namely the pleasure beyond the absence of pain (thevarietas), and discuss its exact place within the Epicurean theory of pleasures; I argue thatvarietaspertains only to pleasures concerning the body. Secondly, and on the basis of my findings concerning the Epicureanvarietas, I shall offer a redefinition of the concept of kinetic pleasures and argue that the pair natural-unnatural is the axis by which the kinetic pleasures are to be divided into pleasures concerning the body and pleasures concerning the soul respectively. I shall end by referring to a well disputed question concerning the Epicurean way of living, namely the question: “was Epicurus an ascetic?”.
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Kamvar, Zhian N., Jun Cai, Juliet R. C. Pulliam, Jakob Schumacher, and Thibaut Jombart. "Epidemic curves made easy using the R package incidence." F1000Research 8 (January 31, 2019): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.18002.1.

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The epidemiological curve (epicurve) is one of the simplest yet most useful tools used by field epidemiologists, modellers, and decision makers for assessing the dynamics of infectious disease epidemics. Here, we present the free, open-source package incidence for the R programming language, which allows users to easily compute, handle, and visualise epicurves from unaggregated linelist data. This package was built in accordance with the development guidelines of the R Epidemics Consortium (RECON), which aim to ensure robustness and reliability through extensive automated testing, documentation, and good coding practices. As such, it fills an important gap in the toolbox for outbreak analytics using the R software, and provides a solid building block for further developments in infectious disease modelling. incidence is available from https://www.repidemicsconsortium.org/incidence.
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22

Rosen, F. "UTILITY AND JUSTICE: EPICURUS AND THE EPICUREAN TRADITION." Polis 19, no. 1-2 (July 19, 2002): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-019-01-90000008.

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This article explores the relationship between utility and justice in the ancient Epicurean tradition, and as it developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries following the revival of Epicureanism in the writings of Pierre Gassendi. It focuses on the significance of various allusions to a line from Horace, ‘utilitas, justi prope mater et aequi’ (utility, the mother of justice and equity), which appeared in writings of Hugo Grotius, David Hume, and Jeremy Bentham, and was used to give utility a prominence in modem thought that it had not hitherto received. The article attempts to provide the context for Hume's belief in the Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals that the foundation of justice was utility and for Bentham placing utility at the foundation of his system.
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Rosen, F. "Utility and Justice: Epicurus and the Epicurean Tradition." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 19, no. 1-2 (2002): 93–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000041.

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This article explores the relationship between utility and justice in the ancient Epicurean tradition, and as it developed in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries following the revival of Epicureanism in the writings of Pierre Gassendi. It focuses on the significance of various allusions to a line from Horace, ‘utilitas, justi prope mater et aequi’ (utility, the mother of justice and equity), which appeared in writings of Hugo Grotius, David Hume, and Jeremy Bentham, and was used to give utility a prominence in modern hought that it had not hitherto received. The article attempts to provide the context for Hume’s belief in the Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals that the foundation of justice was utility and for Bentham placing utility at the foundation of his system.
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24

Bown, Alexander. "Epicurus on Truth and Falsehood." Phronesis 61, no. 4 (September 15, 2016): 463–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685284-12341315.

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Sextus Empiricus ascribes to Epicurus a curious account of truth and falsehood, according to which these characteristics belong to things in the world about which one speaks, not to what one says about them. I propose an interpretation that takes this account seriously and explains the connection between truth and existence that the Epicureans also seem to recognise. I then examine a second Epicurean account of truth and falsehood and show how it is related to the first.
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Antonio, Keoma Ferreira. "TRANSHUMANISMO E JARDIM." Kínesis - Revista de Estudos dos Pós-Graduandos em Filosofia 12, no. 31 (July 21, 2020): 339–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/1984-8900.2020.v12n31.p339-356.

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Pretendemos, neste artigo, estabelecer, defronte as proposições centrais do movimento transhumanista – expresso aqui na filosofia de FM-2030 – e o discernimento helenístico de Epicuro, (I) pontos de tangência e (II) fundamentação/corroboração do segundo ao primeiro. A morte, asserta FM-2030, deve ser superada. Tomando esta proposição como ponto arquimediano do pensamento transhumanista, investigamos na sabedoria de Epicuro um possível fortalecimento deste alicerce proposicional no afã de, para além do caráter formal de sua consistência, somar ao movimento contemporâneo o comedimento do hedonismo epicúreo, uma vez que as potencialidades provenientes da tecnociência podem ampliar os efeitos da desmesura humana. Tentamos, portanto, mostrar que um movimento com olhos para o futuro pode ser fortalecido com o mestre Epicuro. Nos focando no transhumanismo de FM-2030 e, em contraste com Epicuro e sua teoria dos desejos, buscamos elucidar que o filósofo legitimaria uma vida longeva, uma vez que a longevidade ou mesmo a imortalidade não implicamdescomedimento.
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26

Zorrilla, Natalia Lorena. "FATALISMO Y AZAR EN EL SYSTÈME DE LA NATURE DE D’HOLBACH." Praxis Filosófica, no. 42 (June 18, 2016): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/pfilosofica.v0i42.3172.

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El objetivo de este artículo es estudiar la articulación del fatalisme del Barónd’Holbach en su Système de la nature. D’Holbach parece inscribirse en latradición del atomismo epicúreo, afirmando que nada existe por fuera dela Naturaleza. Sin embargo, nos proponemos mostrar que el Barón buscadiferenciarse de Epicuro y Lucrecio, exponiendo cómo la noción de hasard,criticada y rechazada por d’Holbach, se vincula al concepto de parénklisiso clinamen epicúreo-lucreciano. Así, se ofrece además una elucidación dela utilidad y el alcance de dicho concepto, el cual adquiere relevancia nosólo en cuestiones físicas o cosmológicas sino principalmente en asuntosético-morales. Finalmente, procuramos examinar cómo d’Holbach respondea las inquietudes morales que no les permitirían a Epicuro y a Lucreciopronunciarse a favor de una filosofía de la necesidad.
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27

Leith, David. "Pores and Void in Asclepiades’ Physical Theory." Phronesis 57, no. 2 (2012): 164–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852812x629005.

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AbstractThis paper examines a fundamental, though relatively understudied, aspect of the physical theory of the physician Asclepiades of Bithynia, namely his doctrine of pores. My principal thesis is that this doctrine is dependent on a conception of void taken directly from Epicurean physics. The paper falls into two parts: the first half addresses the evidence for the presence of void in Asclepiades’ theory, and concludes that his conception of void was basically that of Epicurus; the second half focuses on the precise nature of Asclepiadean pores, and seeks to show that they represent void interstices between the primary particles of matter which are the constituents of the human body, and are thus exactly analogous to the void interstices between atoms within solid objects in Epicurus’ theory.
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28

Aurora Luque and Mark Aldrich. "Epicurus' Siesta." Sirena: poesia, arte y critica 2008, no. 2 (2008): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sir.0.0040.

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29

Bitsori, Maria, and Emmanouil Galanakis. "Epicurus? death." World Journal of Urology 22, no. 6 (September 15, 2004): 466–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00345-004-0448-2.

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30

Woolf, Raphael. "What Kind of Hedonist was Epicurus?" Phronesis 49, no. 4 (2004): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568528043067014.

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AbstractThis paper addresses the question of whether or not Epicurus was a psychological hedonist. Did he, that is, hold that all human action, as a matter of fact, has pleasure as its goal? Or was he just an ethical hedonist, asserting merely that pleasure ought to be the goal of human action? I discuss a recent forceful attempt by John Cooper to answer the latter question in the affirmative, and argue that he fails to make his case. There is considerable evidence in favour of a psychological reading of Epicurean hedonism, evidence that includes some of the very texts that Cooper cites in support of the ethical reading.
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31

Bietenholz, Peter. "Felicitas (eudaimonia) ou les promenades d'Érasme dans le jardin d'Épicure." Renaissance and Reformation 30, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 37–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v30i1.9132.

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An examination of Erasmus' changing views of Epicureanism must primarily rely on statements by himself that refer to Epicurus or indicate awareness of, and perhaps affinity with, some aspects of his philosophy. A brief first part will survey the intermediate sources for Epicurus' system, classical and patristic, appreciative or critical, with which Erasmus was familiar. Thereafter the procedure will be chronological, examining first the early traces of Erasmus' acquaintance with Epicurus, leading to an attempt to reconcile his moral philosophy with the Gospel teachings. Next Erasmus' years in Italy are considered. Italy had recently experienced a marked revival of interest in Epicurean thought, leading to a positive revaluation. Here Erasmus' familiarity with the work of Lorenzo Valla obtains a crucial importance. Valla turned Erasmus, to put it boldly, into a sort of convert to Epicureanism, as will be shown by a fresh look at his Moriae encomium. After the Moria Erasmus' statements relevant to Epicureanism tend to be more casual and inconsistent. In the end, however, we notice a reawakening of concern and almost a return to his initial endorsement of a Christian Epicureanism. The history of Epicureanism is an ongoing, often radical, quest for enduring felicity, although not always proceeding from the same intellectual premises. Finally, a brief attempt is made to assign Erasmus his modest place in that history.
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32

Konstan, David. "Fantasía epicúrea." ΠΗΓΗ/FONS 5, no. 1 (December 18, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/fons.2020.5049.

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En este artículo, examino el papel de la phantasia en la teoría epicúrea de la percepción y el pensamiento. Aprovechando de los fragmentos, recién editados, de la Peri phuseôs de Epicuro, y de nuevas interpretaciones de la función de phantasia según Aristóteles, además de textos transmitidos de Epicuro y de Lucrecio, considero problemas altamente discutidos tales como la manera en que los eidôla o simulacra se reducen de tamaño para que puedan entrar en el ojo, y los canales por los cuales se transmiten desde el ojo a la mente. Trato también de la naturaleza de la phantastikê epibolê , es decir, “la proyección de la phantasia ”, y su función en las actividades de pensar y recordar.
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33

Tsouna, Voula. "Epicurean Dreams." Elenchos 39, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 231–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2018-0015.

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Abstract Most ancient philosophers accept that dreams have prophetic powers enabling humans to relate somehow to a world beyond their own. The only philosophers known to make a clean and explicit break with that tradition are the Epicureans, beginning with Epicurus himself and reaching his last eminent follower, Diogenes of Oinoanda. They openly reject the idea that dreams mediate between the divine and the human realms, or between the world of the living and the world of the dead. They demystify the phenomenon of dreaming by explaining sleeping and dreaming in terms of their materialistic physical theory. Importantly, they examine dreams and their content from different perspectives and explore their relevance to our lives. The general aim of this paper is to offer a synthetic account of the Epicurean view about dreaming and dreams, advance certain new hypotheses that seem worthy of consideration, and show how Epicurus and his followers integrate dream theory into their philosophy as a whole.
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Santos, Rogério Lopes dos. "TRADUÇÃO DOS FRAGMENTOS SOBRE A FÍSICA EPICUREA TRANSMITIDOS POR DIÓGENES DE ENOANDA." Kínesis - Revista de Estudos dos Pós-Graduandos em Filosofia 11, no. 30 (December 31, 2019): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/1984-8900.2019.v11.n30.14.p200.

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O presente trabalho consiste em uma tradução dos ensinamentos de Epicuro acerca da Física (physiologia) transmitidos por Diógenes de Enoanda. A fonte bibliográfica da qual nos servimos em nossa tradução é a recente obra "El sabio camino hacia la felicidad: Diógenes de Enoanda y el gran mural epicúreo" de Carlos García Gual.
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35

Roskam, Geert. "CICERO AGAINST CASSIUS ON PLEASURE AND VIRTUE: A COMPLICATED PASSAGE FROM DE FINIBVS (1.25)." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 2 (November 11, 2019): 725–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000892.

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In the first two books of De finibus (= Fin.), Cicero deals with the Epicurean view of the final goal of life. This philosophical discussion, which is preceded by a rhetorical proem that stands on itself, is framed as a dialogue between Torquatus, who defends the Epicurean position, Cicero, who attacks it, and Triarius, who confines himself to a few critical interventions. If philosophy starts in wonder, according to the celebrated passage from Plato's Theaetetus (155d), the company meets this criterion admirably well, for the actual discussion starts with Torquatus’ surprise about Cicero's aversion to the Epicurean view (Fin. 1.13). He even suggests that this aversion has nothing to do with a fundamental disapproval of Epicurus’ doctrines but that it should rather be sought in stylistic concerns.
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36

Celkyte, Aiste. "Epicurus and aesthetic disinterestedness." Mare Nostrum (São Paulo) 7, no. 7 (March 27, 2017): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2177-4218.v7i7p56-74.

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O desinteresse estético é um dos conceitos centrais da estética, e Jerome Stolnitz, o mais proeminente teórico do desinteresse no século XX, afirmou que (i) o envolvimento dos pensadores antigos com esta noção era superficial e pouco desenvolvido e, consequentemente, (ii) a emergência do desinteresse no século XVIII marca o nascimento da estética como disciplina. Neste artigo, pretendo usar os trabalhos existentes de Epicuro para mostrar que o filósofo antigo não apenas tinha conceitos similares, como também os usava de maneiras cuidadosas e complexas. Eu argumento que, no enquadramento teórico de Epicuro, as artes pertenciam a categoria dos desejos "meramente naturais", e esta classificação, combinada com aquilo que sabemos da rejeição de Epicuro da crítica da arte, mostra que ele tinha desenvolvido cuidadosamente razões que fundamentavam a ideia de que a arte deveria ser abordada terminalmente, ao invés de instrumentalmente. Por fim, eu comparo a noção de desinteresse estético com as visões de Epicuro acerca da arte e argumento que de muitas maneiras a última não é inferior a primeira, e que, portanto, deve pertencer a história da estética.
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37

Tsouna, Voula. "Epicurean Preconceptions." Phronesis 61, no. 2 (March 1, 2016): 160–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685284-12341304.

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This paper provides a comprehensive study of the Epicurean theory of ‘preconception’. It addresses what a preconception is; how our preconception of the gods can be called innata, innate; the role played by epibolai (active mental focusing); and how preconceptions play a semantic role different from that of ‘sayables’ in Stoicism. The paper highlights the conceptual connections between these issues, and also shows how later Epicureans develop Epicurus’ doctrine of preconceptions while remaining orthodox about the core of that doctrine.
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38

Dempster, Wesley C. "The Foundations of Knowledge in Aristotle and Epicurus." Stance: an international undergraduate philosophy journal 1, no. 1 (September 6, 2019): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/s.1.1.20-25.

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As early proponents of foundationalism, Aristotle and Epicurus share the view that all knowledge rests on indubitable foundations. For Aristotle, these foundations are intellectual first principles. But for Epicurus, sense perception is basic. If certainty is the criterion of knowledge, then, despite their different approaches, neither philosopher succeeds in providing a mechanism sufficient to certify knowledge claims. For the foundationalist wishing to avoid nihilism, therefore, Aristotle’s and Epicurus’ failures are instructive.
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39

McConnell, Sean. "Epicureans on kingship." Cambridge Classical Journal 56 (2010): 178–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270500000312.

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Diogenes Laertius lists in his catalogue of Epicurus' works (10.28) a treatiseOn Kingship, which is unfortunately no longer extant. Owing to the Epicureans' antipathy to politics, such a work might be viewed with surprise and presumed to be virulently negative in outlook. Indeed, Plutarch reports that the Epicureans wrote on kingship only to ward people away from living in the company of kings (Adv. Col.1127a) and that they maintained that to be king oneself was a terrible mistake (Adv. Col.1125c-d). However, the scattered evidence that remains suggests the Epicurean views on kingship were both nuanced and sophisticated. In this paper I seek to reconstruct a viable account of the Epicurean position on kingship.
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40

Mitsis, Phillip, and Diskin Clay. "Lucretius and Epicurus." Classical World 79, no. 1 (1985): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349808.

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41

Smith, Martin Ferguson. "Epicurus in Lycia." Ancient Philosophy 18, no. 1 (1998): 216–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199818124.

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42

Englert, Walter. "Epicurus’ Ethical Theory." Ancient Philosophy 12, no. 2 (1992): 487–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199212231.

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Englert, Walter G. "Epicurus on Freedom." Ancient Philosophy 29, no. 2 (2009): 461–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil200929244.

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44

Di Muzio, Gianluca. "Epicurus’ Emergent Atomism." Philo 10, no. 1 (2007): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philo20071011.

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45

Englert, Walter G., and Elizabeth Asmis. "Epicurus' Scientific Method." Phoenix 40, no. 1 (1986): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088971.

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46

Long, A. A., and Elizabeth Asmis. "Epicurus' Scientific Method." Philosophical Review 97, no. 2 (April 1988): 249. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2185266.

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47

Konstan, David. "Epicurus’ Scientific Method." Ancient Philosophy 5, no. 1 (1985): 121–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19855139.

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48

Englert, Walter. "Lucretius and Epicurus." Ancient Philosophy 5, no. 2 (1985): 334–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19855216.

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49

Rosenbaum, Stephen. "Epicurus and Annihilation." Philosophical Quarterly 39, no. 154 (January 1989): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2220353.

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50

Earle, William James. "Epicurus: ‘Live Hidden!’." Philosophy 63, no. 243 (January 1988): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819100043151.

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Epicurus, though popularly and indeed nominally associated with a doctrine advocating the procurement of rather expensive pleasure, lived very simply in his garden with a circle of friends. The 14th of his Sovran Maxims or Cardinal Tenets (kuriai doxai), as collected by Diogenes Laertius, reads: ‘When tolerable security against our fellowmen is attained, then on a basis of power sufficient to afford support and of material prosperity arises in most genuine form the security of a quiet private life withdrawn from the multitude’ R. D. Hicks, the translator, gives, as an alternative to ‘power sufficient to afford support’, ‘power to expel’, but on either reading, we are to think of Epicurus's garden, both the real place and the conceptualized, or tropologized, topos of wisdom and earthly felicity, as enclosed and exclusive. This enclosure, exclusivity, and—what is also implied—abstention of its inmates from participation in the affairs of state are given apophthegmatic expression in ‘Live hidden!’ We contemplate this adage, or slogan, from an enormous cultural distance and, for most of us, ‘Live hidden!’ is much more likely to trigger secondary reflections about the relations between ethics and politics, private and public, perfection of self and improvement of the world, than it is to constitute an actual, or potential, piece of advice we might think about whether, and how, to follow.
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