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Journal articles on the topic 'Epigramm'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Isak, Jelena. "Meleager: Epigramm (Ubersetzung)." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 5, no. 1 (2003): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.5.1.109-110.

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Schäfer, Thomas. "„Verschwiegene Lieder” - ein instrumentales „Requiem” für Paul Celan." Die Musikforschung 50, no. 3 (2021): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.52412/mf.1997.h3.992.

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Der Beitrag verfolgt eine doppelte Zielsetzung. Zum einen wird Peter Ruzickas 1970 entstandene Komposition <... fragment ... Fünf Epigramme für Streichquartett> hinsichtlich der Kategorie des Fragmentarischen untersucht, die für verschiedene Werke der zeitgenössichen Musik und besonders für diesen Komponisten wichtig ist. Zum anderen wird versucht, das Werk, das eine Hommage an Paul Celan ist, als instrumentales Requiem zu lesen. Insbesondere im letzten Epigramm, in dem Gustav Mahlers selbst Fragment gebliebene 10. <Symphonie> zitiert wird, zeigt sich eine enge Verbindung zu ästhet

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3

Giangrande, Giuseppe. "Ein Epigramm des Bianor." L'antiquité classique 59, no. 1 (1990): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1990.2289.

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4

Gutzwiller, Kathryn, and Walter Steinbichler. "Die Epigramme Des Dichters Straton Von Sardes: Ein Beitrag Zum Griechischen Paiderotischen Epigramm." Classical World 93, no. 2 (1999): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352409.

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5

Mattiacci, Silvia, José Amarante, and Renato Ambrosio. "QUANDO A IMAGEM NECESSITA DA PALAVRA: REFLEXÕES SOBRE A POÉTICA DA ÉCFRASE NO EPIGRAMA LATINO | WHEN THE IMAGE NEEDS THE WORD: REFLECTIONS ON THE POETICS OF EKPHRASIS IN THE LATIN EPIGRAM." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 62 (June 26, 2019): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ell.v0i62.32074.

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<p>Este artigo se centra em alguns epigramas de Marcial (7, 84; 9, 76; 10, 32; 1, 109; 9, 43-44) e Ausônio (<em>epigr</em>. 12; <em>Biss</em>. 5; <em>epigr</em>. 11 Green) com o objetivo de refletir sobre a relação complexa entre arte e texto. Os exemplos selecionados destacam as estratégias com as quais o epigrama ecfrástico pretende apresentar-se não como o pálido reflexo do poder de uma imagem, mas como um produto criativo e competitivo que expressa algo que a imagem visual não consegue expressar.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong

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Isak Kres, Jelena. "Helenistični literarni epigram in rimski pesniki avgustejske dobe." Keria: Studia Latina et Graeca 12, no. 1 (2010): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/keria.12.1.133-160.

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Znano je, da so rimski pesniki klasičnega, še zlasti avgustejskega obdobja občasno posnemali ali celo aludirali na helenistični epigram, ki ga je pogosto mogoče zaslutiti v ozadju njihove poezije. Helenistični epigram se je v njihovem času kot žanr sicer že poslovil od svojih najslovitejših dni, vendar je še vedno cvetel. Nekateri epigramatiki so celo živeli v Rimu, zaradi česar se je v njihovih epigramih pogosto zrcalila rimska civilizacija, hkrati pa so rimskim pesnikom posredovali tudi grške literarne zglede. Poleg tega lahko do neke mere razmišljamo celo o vplivu avgustejskih pesnikov na s

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BERNSDORFF, HANS. "Goethes erstes Venezianisches Epigramm und seine antiken Vorbilder." Antike und Abendland 47, no. 1 (2001): 164–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110241594.164.

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8

Jones, Kenneth R. "ALCAEUS OF MESSENE, PHILIP V AND THE COLOSSUS OF RHODES: A RE-EXAMINATION OF ANTH. PAL. 6.171." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (2014): 136–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000591.

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Among the poems of the Greek Anthology is one (Anth. Pal. 6.171) which purports to be the dedicatory inscription of the Colossus of Rhodes built to celebrate the Rhodians' successful resistance to the siege of their island by Demetrius Poliorcetes in the years 305–304 b.c. It has long been assumed by scholars that this epigram represents the authentic dedicatory inscription carved on the base of the Colossus, which was completed in the 280s and stood for some sixty years before being destroyed by an earthquake that rocked the island of Rhodes in the 220s. There are, however, strong reasons to

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9

Fleischer, Kilian. "Eine Verfeinerung von Speusipps einzigem Epigramm – Geschenke von und für Musen." Hermes 147, no. 3 (2019): 366. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2019-0031.

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10

Wollin, Carsten. "Dactilico metro vacuus. Ein Epigramm über die Kastration des Petrus Abaelardus." Sacris Erudiri 50 (January 2011): 483–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.1.102634.

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11

Höschele, Regina. "Inszeniertes Lesevergnügen: Das inschriftliche Epigramm und seine Rezeption bei Kallimachos (review)." Classical World 101, no. 1 (2007): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2007.0102.

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12

Begass, Christoph. "Kaiserkritik in Konstantinopel. Ein Spottepigramm auf Kaiser Anastasius bei Johannes Lydus und in der Anthologia Palatina." Millennium 14, no. 1 (2017): 103–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2017-0004.

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Abstract In De magistratibus John Lydus refers to an epigram of eight lines insulting emperor Anastasius (491-518) as a money-collecting Charybdis. A similar version of this poem can be found in the Greek Anthology where it is divided into two epigrams of four lines each (AP XI 270 -71). In a first step, a critical edition of the epigram is established. On this basis it becomes clear that the earlier version referred to by Lydus comes close to the original poem. A detailed commentary reveals it as work of an able and witty poet who was familiar with both classical epic poetry and the formulas

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13

Bettenworth, Anja. "Doris Meyer: Inszeniertes Lesevergnügen. Das inschriftliche Epigramm und seine Rezeption bei Kallimachos." Gnomon 85, no. 8 (2013): 679–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2013_8_679.

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Wollin, C. "Hero und Leander an der Themse. Ein unbekanntes Epigramm Peters von Blois." Sacris Erudiri 39 (January 2000): 383–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.2.303677.

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15

METWALLY, Nadia. "ZWISCHEN MANIERISMUS UND MORALISIERUNG Zum deutschen Epigramm im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert." Kairoer Germanistische Studien 6, no. 1 (1991): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/kgs.1991.182152.

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16

Hansen, P. A. "Early Greek Funerary Epigrams - Ute Ecker: Grabmal und Epigramm: Studien zur frühgriechischen Sepulkraldichtung. (Palingenesia, 29.) Pp. 285. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1990. Paper, DM 76." Classical Review 42, no. 2 (1992): 410–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x0028445x.

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17

Silva, Douglas Cristiano. "Três epigramas de Calímaco." Em Tese 19, no. 1 (2013): 288. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1982-0739.19.1.288-292.

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Overduin, Floris. "Drie broers en een schipbreukeling." Lampas 52, no. 4 (2019): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/lam2019.4.005.over.

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Summary In this article I will apply an intertextual perspective to a selection of epigrams from the Greek Anthology in order to assess the role of variation within these epigrams. Within the tradition of the literary epigram, the element of variation had always been important, yet some Hellenistic and Imperial epigrammatists, such as Archias and Zosimus, took this dimension of the genre to extremes, in creating strings of epigrams which intentionally vary on their Imperial models and on their Imperial models´ Hellenistic models. This article charts some of these epigrammatic ‘chain reactions’

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Ruiz Sánchez, Marcos, and María Ruiz Sánchez. "Elementos iconográficos y emblemáticos en los epigramas de Interián de Ayala." IMAGO. Revista de Emblemática y Cultura Visual, no. 10 (February 4, 2019): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/imago.10.13132.

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ABSTRACT: The Neo-Latin poetry of Interián conveys the interest of the author of the Pictor Christianus in iconography and emblems. This interest is expressed in all of his compositions. But it is in the epigrams in particular where this side of the Mercedarian writer can be best observed.   KEYWORDS:Juan Interián de Ayala,Epigrams, Iconography, Emblems.   RESUMEN: La poesía neolatina de Interián refleja el interés del autor del Pictor Christianus por la iconografía y los emblemas. Este interés se manifiesta en todas sus composiciones. Pero es sobre todo en los ep

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Livingstone, Niall, and Gideon Nisbet. "I The Inscriptional Beginnings of Literary Epigram." New Surveys in the Classics 38 (2008): 22–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990192.

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As was seen in the Introduction, the generic identity of epigram is governed by two senses of the Greek preposition epi: an epigram may be physically inscribed ‘on’ an object, or ‘on the subject of’ an object (or something else: a person, an event). This chapter is concerned with epigrams physically inscribed on a stone or other object. In spite of the fact that inscribed epigram comes first chronologically (beginning as early as the eighth century BCE), includes some of the most famous lines in Greek literature (such as those above), and numbers famous names such as Simonides among its expone

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Guasti, Duccio. "A Strange Epigram and the Date of Hegesander." Trends in Classics 11, no. 2 (2020): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/tc-2019-0017.

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AbstractThis paper is on an epigram reported by Hegesander of Delphi (LGGA F 11), which was constituted exclusively of neologistic compounds. Its peculiarity, in attacking the hypocrisy of Cynics, is the complete disregard of any morphological rules as in no other known Greek text. I analyze this poem from the point of view of language, context, and content. I consider also other epigrams on the same theme. I will discuss the stereotype of the pseudo-Cynic charlatan, common in texts from the imperial period, on the base of which I suggest changing the date of the epigram (and consequently of H

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22

Henriksén, Christer. "Book review: Martials Dichtergedichte. Das Epigramm als Medium der poetischen Selbstreflexion, written by Neger, M." Mnemosyne 67, no. 4 (2014): 665–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341726.

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Bértola, Julián. "Ephraim of Ainos at work: a cycle of epigrams in the margins of Niketas Choniates." Byzantinische Zeitschrift 114, no. 3 (2021): 929–1000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bz-2021-0052.

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Abstract This article offers the first critical edition of a cycle of epigrams found in the margins of six manuscripts of Niketas Choniates’ History. This paper also proposes the attribution of the poems to Ephraim of Ainos, an author mainly known for his verse chronicle, which has Niketas Choniates as a source. Our poems occur in a group of manuscripts which we already knew Ephraim had used for his chronicle. Many formal parallels between the epigrams and the chronicle point to the same author and a book epigram connects one important manuscript with the city of Ainos. This paper reassesses t

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24

Maxwell-Stuart, P. G. "W. Steinbichler: Die Epigramme des Dichters Straton von Sardes. Ein Beitrag zum griechischen paiderotischen Epigramm. Pp. 261. Berlin, etc.: Peter Lang, 1998. Paper, DM 31. ISBN: 3-631-329245." Classical Review 51, no. 2 (2001): 385. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.385.

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25

Garthwaite, John. "Theatre Sports and Martial's Literary Programme inEpigrams, Book One." Antichthon 35 (November 2001): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006647740000126x.

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In spite of their amorphous appearance Martial's books of epigrams are carefully crafted, especially at the beginning of the volumes where the poet typically sets the scene and outlines ideas to be expanded in the body of the collection. Any analysis of the opening of Book 1, however, is complicated by the likelihood that the surviving text is a revised version (subsequently published as part of a codex edition of two or more books), the original having been released on its own in traditional roll form. So, among others, 1.1 and 1.2 are generally considered to be later additions, written for t

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Vergados, Athanassios. "Nicarchus AP 11.328 and Homeric Interpretation." Mnemosyne 63, no. 3 (2010): 406–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852510x456165.

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AbstractIn this paper I argue that Nicarchus AP 11.328 is not merely a parody of the tripartite division of the cosmos recounted at Iliad 15.189-93. This epigram also exploits ancient lexicographical research (i.e. the precise meaning of the adjective ερεις) as well as scholarly discussions on Homeric interpretation (i.e. the allegorical reading of Il. 15.189-93 as a reference to the four elements; the meaning of πντα at Il. 15.189; and the issue of Olympus’ relation to earth and sky). The result is a scoptic epigram that cleverly parodies both Homer and certain interpretive strategies of anci

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Chapman, Honora Howell. "Reading the Judeans and the Judean War in Martial's Liber spectaculorum." Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 22, no. 2 (2012): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951820712467895.

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Martial's Liber spectaculorum celebrates spectacles at the Flavian amphitheatre, which was most likely built with money gained from the Judean War. This article contextualizes epigrams from Martial's Liber spectaculorum with evidence from the histories of Josephus and other sources, finding possible references to the Judeans in specific epigrams with anthropomorphized animals. It also takes into consideration an epigram from the Florilegium Gallicum, which has been published at the end of the Liber since the sixteenth century. In the Liber spectaculorum, Martial engages in a strategy of virtua

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Egan, Rory B. "Two complementary epigrams of Meleager (A.P. vii 195 and 196)." Journal of Hellenic Studies 108 (November 1988): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632628.

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Among the sepulchral epigrams comprising Book 7 of the Palatine Anthology, these two by Meleager occur in a sequence (189–216) having to do with animals, mainly birds or insects, that appears to derive from Meleager's Garland. The prose translation above will reveal that the interpretation to be proposed differs considerably from previous readings of either poem, specifically in that it runs counter to the following common beliefs or assumptions. 1. That the poems, while having many features in common, are to be read as two discrete works with no integral connection between them. 2. That the t

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Philbrick, Rachel. "THE LITERARY POLEMICS OF ANTH. PAL. 11.275." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (2020): 261–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000452.

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Καλλίμαχος τὸ κάθαρμα, τὸ παίγνιον, ὁ ξύλινος νοῦς,αἴτιος ὁ γράψας Αἴτια Καλλίμαχος.Callimachus [means] trash, trifle, wooden mind:the cause is the Callimachus who wrote Causes.This abusive epigram, probably composed in the first century c.e. by a certain Apollonius ‘Grammaticus’, has become famous on account of its false attribution to Apollonius of Rhodes and of its consequent identification as ‘evidence’ for the literary feud between Apollonius and Callimachus. Its literary features have attracted less interest. Cameron, for one, dismissed it, finding ‘no coherent literary thrust to the pol

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Schneider, Werner. "Phidiae Putavi Martial und der Hercules Epitrapezios des Novius Vindex." Mnemosyne 54, no. 6 (2001): 697–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685250152952158.

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AbstractMartial introduces the sitting figure of a Hercules Epitrapezios in two epigrams of his ninth book (9. 43, 44). The first of them highlights the artistic qualities of the small statuette supposed to be of Lysippan origin. Its glory is further enhanced by the illustrious series of highborn predecessors whose table the little figurine had previously adorned. The verses of this first epigram are flamboyant in style with a strong epic colouring whereas the second epigram treats the same subject in a very different manner. The final point of this more modest piece with its allusion to Phidi

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Livrea, Enrico. "From Pittacus to Byzantium: the history of a Callimachean epigram." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (1995): 474–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043524.

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Callimachus,ep. 1 Pfeiffer (= LIV Gow-Page =AP7.89) relates an anecdote about Pittacus: when consulted by a stranger from Atarneus who was wondering whether to marry a woman of his own social class or one of a higher status, he suggests the question is answered by the cries of the children playing with tops, τν κατ ｃαντν ἔλα. The chequered history of the transmission and interpretation of the poem is beset by a number of unfavourable or patronizing judgements which, I hope to show, have their origin in a series of misunderstandings. The poem seems to lack the sharp point characteristic of epig

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Teixeira de Oliveira, Leonardo. "Filodemo de Gádara: seleção de epigramas." Belas Infiéis 9, no. 2 (2020): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/belasinfieis.v9.n2.2020.27203.

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A poesia do filósofo epicurista Filodemo de Gádara (c. 110 ”“ c. 40 a.C.) é situada na epigramática helenística, com a transformação do epigrama clássico e sua fusão com a elegia por predecessores como Asclepíades de Samos (c. 320 a.C.), Calímaco (310/305 ”“ 240 a.C.) e Meleagro (séc. I a.C.). Escritos em grego, seus epigramas foram elogiados por Cícero (106 ”“ 43 a.C.) e coletados na “Antologia” de Filipe de Tessalônica, no século I d.C., que terminou por ser inclusa na Anthologia Palatina, do século X, assegurando a sua transmissão até a nossa era. Na seguinte seleção, foram traduzidos em ve

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Livingstone, Niall, and Gideon Nisbet. "IV Epigram in the Second Sophistic and After." New Surveys in the Classics 38 (2008): 118–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383509990222.

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‘After [the Alexandrian era] comes nothing new but the jokes of Rome’, ‘corrupted by the lusts of Rome and the decadence of the East’. These and similar reactions to post-Hellenistic epigram – explicitly teleological and, from a twenty-first-century perspective, often startlingly racist – are typical of the late nineteenth century and much of the twentieth. Scholars felt almost as strongly about Greek epigrammatists under Rome as they did about Rome's own major epigrammatist, Martial (discussed in the previous chapter). His fellow travellers in genre came too late in epigram's history: they co

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Nervegna, Sebastiana. "SOSITHEUS AND HIS ‘NEW’ SATYR PLAY." Classical Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2019): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000569.

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Active in Alexandria during the second half of the third century, Dioscorides is the author of some forty epigrams preserved in the Anthologia Palatina. Five of these epigrams are concerned with Greek playwrights: three dramatists of the archaic and classical periods, Thespis, Aeschylus and Sophocles, and two contemporary ones, Sositheus and Machon. Dioscorides conceived four epigrams as two pairs (Thespis and Aeschylus, Sophocles and Sositheus) clearly marked by verbal connections, and celebrates each playwright for his original contribution to the history of Greek drama. Thespis boasts to ha

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Agnolon, Alexandre. "Os biblioepigramas do livro Apoforeta de Marcial." Cadernos de Literatura em Tradução, no. 15 (April 18, 2016): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2359-5388.i15p139-150.

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O objetivo do artigo é apresentar tradução poética inédita de quatorze epigramas pertencentes ao livro Apoforeta, segundo as edições modernas, o décimo quarto livro de epigramas de Marcial. Os poemas que vertemos constituem um ciclo de epigramas todo ele dedicado aos livros com que, ao londo dos banquetes das Saturnais, os convivas poderiam ser presenteados. "Poemas-cartões" que eram, remetiam, de um lado, à função originária do epigrama como "inscrição", e, de outro, conforme a subespécie "enigma", da epigramática helenística, convidavam o destinatário presente a adivinhar o que ganhara, aspe

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Da Cunha Lima, Ricardo. "O Cancioneiro de Clínia: epigramas amorosos de Jean Visagier em tradução poética." Rónai – Revista de Estudos Clássicos e Tradutórios 8, no. 1 (2020): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34019/2318-3446.2020.v8.30084.

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Jean Visagier, membro do círculo humanístico de Lyon, publicou quatro obras em latim, dedicadas ao gênero epigramático, entre os anos de 1536 e 1538. Obediente às normas clássicas do epigrama, compôs a grandemaioria deles em dístico elegíaco. A temática é muito variada, como é característico no gênero. Deixando de lado os epigramas encomiásticos e vituperiosos, a presente tradução se concentra em um conjunto de 30 epigramas amorosos, nos quais aparece como personagem central uma puella, chamada Clínia, que serve para representar as mais diversas cenas do relacionamento amoroso, tal como na ele

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Graf, Fritz. "Early Histories Written in Stone: Epigraphy and Mythical Narratives." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 16, no. 1 (2015): 209–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2014-0012.

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Abstract Mein Aufsatz will zeigen, wie im Hellenismus und der Kaiserzeit mythische Erzählungen, die sich in öffentlichen Inschriften niedergeschlagen haben, die traditionelle Funktion des Mythos als Begründung für politische und religiöse Institutionen aufrecht erhalten und weiterleben lassen. Eine Inschrift aus Aigai in Kilikien (spätes 2. oder frühes 3. Jh. n.Chr.), welche die Rede des Sophisten Antiochos von Aigai enthält, begründet die enge Bindung dieser Stadt mit Argos, und mithin ihren griechischen Charakter,mit der Gründungdurch Perseus. Eine inschriftlicher Brief der Prytanen von Tlos

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Tarán, Sonya Lida. "ΕΙΣΙ ΤΡΙΧΕΣ: an erotic motif in the Greek Anthology". Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (листопад 1985): 90–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631524.

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In Book xii of the Greek Anthology many of the old motifs of erotic poetry are applied to the love of boys. Among these motifs a form of the carpe diem calls our attention. Youth and the beloved's charms are there granted a very short span: the growth of hair marks the end of a boy's attraction. Of this basic idea we find numerous variations in over thirty epigrams, Hellenistic and late, not unlike those on the more general motif of fleeting youth. We shall group the poems and interpret them according to the variations of this motif.The boy is now willing to love when it is too late: the hairs

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Soifer, Aviam. "The Paradox of Paternalism and Laissez-Faire Constitutionalism: United States Supreme Court, 1888–1921." Law and History Review 5, no. 1 (1987): 249–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/743942.

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In 1898, the year Americans first sailed forth to fight in other countries to protect purported victims of imperialism, A. V. Dicey steamed into Harvard University to deliver his lectures on Law and Public Opinion in England. Like William Blackstone, Vinerian Professor before him, Dicey deployed a number of memorable epigrams to capture what seemed basic truths of his day. Dicey's assertion that ‘protection invariably involves disability’ appeared to state the obvious to Americans at the turn of the century.In this essay I will consider how the United States Supreme Court embraced Dicey's epig

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Snyder, H. Gregory. "The Discovery and Interpretation of the Flavia Sophe Inscription: New Results." Vigiliae Christianae 68, no. 1 (2014): 1–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341146.

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Abstract New archival material relating to the discovery of the Flavia Sophe inscription is presented and arguments made that the inscription was discovered in situ. Careful attention to the epigraphical, palaeographical, and metrical aspects of the poem, as well as its use of nuptial imagery lead to new proposals for reconstructions. Arguments for a date in the second century are re-examined and strengthened. The language of the inscription is placed within the context of other Greek funeral epigrams to show that the writer of the epigram was well aware of the conventions Hellenistic funeral

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Zoltan, Farkas. "A bizánci szónok: Michaél Psellos." Antik Tanulmányok 65, no. 1 (2021): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/092.2021.00001.

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Egy epigramma (poem. 86 Westerink), egy szentéletrajz (Vita Auxentii) és a kortörténet (Chronographia) néhány szemelvényének elemzésével a tanulmány azt mutatja be, hogy a szónoki képzés során oktatott beszédgyakorlatok (összehasonlítás, jellemábrázolás, leírás) hogyan jelennek meg a bizánci szónok, Michaél Psellos irodalmi műveiben, akinek történetírását különösen a korban fokozatosan átalakuló műfajban, a kortörténetben alkalmazott jellemrajzok teszik egyedivé. Analysing an epigram (poem. 86 Westerink) and passages from the Life of St Auxentius and Chronographia the paper focuses on how the

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Sänger, Astrid. "Martin Luther and the Roman Process in the Neo-Latin Epigraphs of the Humanist Poet Euricius Cordus (1486-1535) (Martin Luther und der Römische Prozess in den neulateinischen Epigrammen des humanistischen Dichters Euricius Cordus (1486–1535))." Daphnis 45, no. 1-2 (2017): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-04502004.

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Euricius Cordus (1486–1535), professor of medicine at Marburg University, wrote approximately 1250 epigrams, reflecting his life and environment. Like many fellow humanists, Cordus fervently supported Luther’s ideas and was disturbed by the Papal campaign against him. This paper looks at three examples illuminating literary strategies Cordus employed to express enthusiasm for Luther and to defend him against controversialist opponents. It understands Cordus’ literary support of Luther as part of his humanist identity and a vehicle of self-fashioning. Der hessische Humanist Euricius Cordus (148

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Goldhill, Simon. "FORMS OF ATTENTION: TIME AND NARRATIVE IN ECPHRASIS." Cambridge Classical Journal 58 (November 26, 2012): 88–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270512000036.

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This paper investigates differing forms of attention entailed by the ecphrastic gaze in epic and epigram as a way of considering issues of time and narrative as crucial elements of ecphrasis. Its first section focuses particularly on Paulinus of Nola, who has been almost wholly ignored in recent discussions of ecphrasis, but who not only provides the first example of an ecphrasis of an ecphrasis – the description of an ecphrastic inscription attached to a work of art – but also provides a set of poems which construct the viewer's experience of visiting a church. This is taken as exemplary of a

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Kazansky, Nikolai N. "Two Latin Epigrams by Daniel Gotlieb Messerschmidt Dedicated to Iohannes Philipp Breyn (1680–1764)." Philologia Classica 15, no. 2 (2020): 230–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2020.204.

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The article presents a publication of two epigrams written by D. G. Messeschmidt and dedicated to I. Ph. Breyn; both are preserved in the latter’s archive. The first epigram is an inscription in verse to Breyn’s portrait and was probably sent to him from Saint Petersburg following Messerschmidt’s return from Siberia, i.e. between 1727 and 1735 (and not 1701–1800 as indicated on the site of Dresden Fotothek). It is very likely that the inscription was meant to accompany the engraving a copy of which is preserved at Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden (SKD, Kupferstich-Kabinett, Signatur/Inventar

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Milnor, Kristina. "Between Epigraph and Epigram: Pompeian Wall Writing and the Latin Literary Tradition." Ramus 40, no. 2 (2011): 198–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000400.

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It has become a scholarly commonplace to remark that the ancient Roman city had, at least after the time of Augustus, a wide, varied, and almost omni-present regime of writing in public. This regime included texts of many different types, commercial, political, dedicatory; written with charcoal, paint, stylus or chisel; on stone, wood, plaster and mortar; on private houses, public monuments, temples, shops, baths, fountains and tombs. In part, this is due to what has come to be known as the ‘epigraphic habit’, the characteristically Roman practice of recording acts and events on stone. From th

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Gärtner, Thomas. "Das Epigramm des Q. Gellius Sentius Augurinus bei Plin., epist., IV, 27, 4 (FPL p. 337 Morel/ Blänsdorf = FLP p. 365 s. Courtney)." L'antiquité classique 78, no. 1 (2009): 215–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2009.3748.

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Sullivan, J. P. "Martial." Ramus 16, no. 1-2 (1987): 177–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00003301.

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Martial presents a critical problem. On the one hand, there was his undeniable popularity and literary influence on European literature from the Renaissance to at least the end of the seventeenth century. On the other hand, there is the obvious embarrassment he presents to modern literary historians.The two viewpoints are easily contrasted. Pliny the Younger in the famous letter written about 102 had expressed doubts about Martial's literary survival, but gave him generous credit for his talent, sharp wit, candour, and mordancy. (Erat homo ingeniosus acutus acer, et qui plurimum inscribendo et

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Hansen, P. A. "Single Elegiac Distichs - Marion Lausberg: Das Einzeldistichon: Studien zum antiken Epigramm. (Studia et testimonia antiqua, 19.) Pp. 631. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1982. DM 198." Classical Review 36, no. 2 (1986): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00106067.

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Sens, Alexander. "Hedylus (4 and 5 Gow–Page) and Callimachean Poetics." Mnemosyne 68, no. 1 (2015): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12301478.

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The phrase λεπτὸν καί τι μελιχρὸν ἔπος in Hedylus 5 Gow–Page has been read as engaging with Callimachean esthetic language, though its precise significance has been debated. This paper argues that Hedylus’ engagement with Callimachean esthetic imagery and language is best understood by juxtaposing Hedylus 4 and 5 Gow–Page. The structure of the former, on a gold rhyton dedicated to Arsinoe Zephyritis, pointedly treats two Egyptian deities—one miniature, the other colossal—in language evocative of poetic composition, and does so in a way that effaces the bright oppositions between large and smal

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Watson, Lindsay. "Martial 12.32: An Indigent Immigrant?" Mnemosyne 57, no. 3 (2004): 311–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525041318010.

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AbstractWhen, in Epigrams 12.32, Martial graphically and unsympathetically depicts the eviction of Vacerra and his family from their lodgings for non-payment of rent, he is drawing upon a long-established literary tradition which viewed the penniless as legitimate targets for mockery. Of particular importance as formal models are Catullus' deeply sarcastic attack on the destitution of Furius and his relatives (Catul. 23) and the so-called parva casa motif, which Martial has here refashioned with sardonic intent. The most striking and original feature of the epigram is that, as indicated by a n

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