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1
Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, no. 02 (February 7, 2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.
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Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.
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Pellerin, Camille Louise. "The aspiring developmental state and business associations in Ethiopia – (dis-)embedded autonomy?" Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 4 (December 2019): 589–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1900051x.
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AbstractThis article investigates how the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front's (EPRDF) attempt to build a developmental state influenced and shaped its relationships with the Ethiopian private sector. Through a case study of the chambers of commerce system in Ethiopia, the research reveals that the EPRDF's relationship to the private sector was characterised by the twin objectives of (1) curbing the private sector's power to prevent challenges to the EPRDF rule and (2) mobilising the private sector as part of the ruling coalition's developmental state programme. However, these twin objectives, were, in several cases, perceived as mutually exclusive by the EPRDF which, at times, led to a focus on control at the expense of developmental objectives. The ensuing lack of embeddedness posed problems for the operationalisation of the developmental state policies, reducing the EPRDF's ability to institutionalise collaborative relationships with the private sector.
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Lyons, Terrence. "The Origins of the EPRDF and the Prospects for the Prosperity Party." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1051–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007658.
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This paper presents the historical development of the authoritarian Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) with particular attention to its origins in civil war and its use of multi-national federal structures to balance centralizing dynamics and demands for regional autonomy. It argues that the reform process launched by Prime Minister Abiy and the formation of the successor Prosperity Party failed to overcome the challenges and political logics that undermined the EPRDF. The article concludes by examining the prospects of the center to manage these contradictions and bind together the distinct and highly polarized regions and political interests.
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Shoa, Dame Dereba, and Hana Mekonen Gizaw. "Political Dynamics the Rift of EPRDF Coalitions Since the Outbreak of Qerro’s Protest to the Nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed in Ethiopia." Journal of Society and Media 5, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jsm.v5n1.p1-18.
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Ethiopia has been under the rule of EPRDF coalitions, a vanguard party ruling the country since the collapse of Derg regime. This article is therefore, intended to explore the political dynamics associated with the rift of EPRDF coalitions since the outbreaks of Qerro’s protest. To meet the study purposes, qualitative research design was employed to collect the data. The study reveals that the broke out of Qerro’s protest against integrated master plan of Addis Ababa and tyrannical rule of EPRDF used to be the key dawn towards the step down of titular OPDO officials and empowerment of reformist ODP officials in place that eventually split ruling coalitions in to conservative and reformist. Broad spectrum of political dynamics like: declaration of state of emergency, massive displacement of Oromo people from Ethio-Somali region, wider public protests accompanied by sectorial boycotts, political unrest, apprehension of contrabandist, resignation of late prime minister, Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn and nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed in place and others were ensued from the rift of ruling coalitions. The study implicate that polarized political interests amidst the ruling parties (TPLF and PP) could be extended to the oppositions and wider people that may escalate ethnic tensions and thereby ensue in the state fragility.
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Labzaé, Mehdi, and Sabine Planel. "“We Cannot Please Everyone”: Contentions over Adjustment in EPRDF Ethiopia (1991–2018)." International Review of Social History 66, S29 (March 12, 2021): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859021000158.
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AbstractThis article looks at how rural inhabitants navigated state power under a regime led by a former socialist party that negotiated its conversion to a market economy while keeping tight control on the whole society. In that regard, it addresses adjustment in a very specific context, by analysing a distinctive chronology, raising the ruling party's ability to negotiate with the international financial institutions, and considering popular reactions from a rural point of view. The regime led by the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) managed to delay measures of structural adjustment during the 1990s and 2000s while deepening structures of state control it partly inherited from the former military junta. Brutal structural adjustment plans were refused, while international financial institutions were kept away from the Ethiopian government's policy mix, by way of elaborate ideological and institutional arrangements. The EPRDF coined its own version of the “developmental state” and renewed state control of the economy while deepening its articulation to global markets. Under the EPRDF, all sectors of society and especially peasantries were closely monitored and mobilized in the name of development. But although the open expression of dissent remained rare, peasants resorted to many strategies to cope with political control and to some extent divert it. By taking agricultural policies as a case study, the article describes peasant practices and questions differences between resistance, false compliance, and diversion, underlining how blurred such labels can actually be.
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Teklie Tesfamariam Berhe. "The Status of Democratic Developmental State in Ethiopia: Is It Rolling Back or Rolling Forward?" PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 124–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2916.
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The Democratic Developmental State (DDS) model was attempted during the tenure of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front’s (EPRDF) in Ethiopia. In this paper, an effort has been made hence to explore some economic blessings and political curses incurred, cases for launching and now terminating DDS, and the reform-led changes and continuities in the political economy of Ethiopia. In doing so, the researcher has depended on a qualitative approach and in-depth content analysis of secondary data sources. The finding revealed that the ideological confrontations and lusts for power coupled with the fragile institutional and structural profiles of the EPRDF-led government have precipitated the abortion of the embryonic DDS. Indeed, in the pursuit of DDS, a trade-off between promoting democracy and achieving economic development has remained at a tolerable cost. In consequence, protracted popular grievances against the unequal distribution of benefits have been accompanied by paving the birth of a new leadership submissive to the Neo-Liberal recipes. Now, the state seems as it goes to start from scratch despite some belief that the new leadership appears to regurgitate the footsteps of its predecessor EPRDF rebranding the infamous legacy. It has been found that the reformist part of the government has been facing coordination problems to materialize the political and economic reforms. To this effect, early costs of the beginnings of the reform have been encountered. For that reason, the researcher suggests that the incumbent government should constitutionally and inclusively overcome the state-wide leadership crisis to ensure positive synergy.
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Stremlau, Nicole. "Media, Participation and Constitution-Making in Ethiopia." Journal of African Law 58, no. 2 (September 23, 2014): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855314000138.
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AbstractThe role of communications in facilitating public participation in constitution-making is often neglected and misunderstood, particularly in post-war state-building when mass media may be weak. In the early 1990s, Ethiopia's ruling party, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), drafted one of Africa's most ambitious constitutions, allowing for ethnic federalism, decentralization and democratic reforms. The constitution has been highly controversial and many of its aspirations remain unrealized. This article explores how the EPRDF sought to use the media to explain and encourage acceptance of the constitution. It offers a framework for analysis that is relevant for countries beyond Ethiopia by examining: the role of media policies in providing domestic and international legitimacy for constitutions; the ways in which media can provide a space for non-violent political conflict or negotiation, where elites can navigate political struggles and debate ideology; and the use of media to implement the constitution's most ambitious goals.
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Lyons, Terrence. "Closing the Transition: the May 1995 Elections in Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (March 1996): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055233.
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The Ethiopian transition, that began with the overthrow of military dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in May 1991, formally ended with the swearing in of the newly elected Government of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia in August 1995. The intervening four years were a contentious time of clashes among rival political forces to determine the rules under which the transition would be conducted and hence which forces would be favoured. The first act of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) after deposing Mengistu was to convene a National Conference and establish a Council of Representatives that initially included a wide array of political groups. The EPRDF led throughout this transitional period and capitalised on its commanding position to consolidate its power. The party dominated the political landscape by virtue of its military power, effective organisation and leadership, and control of the agenda and rules of competition. It structured the transition around new ethnically defined regions, a constitution that emphasised self-determination, and a series of largely uncontested elections.
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Feyissa, Dereje. "Aid negotiation: the uneasy “partnership” between EPRDF and the donors." Journal of Eastern African Studies 5, no. 4 (November 2011): 788–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2011.642541.
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Gebregziabher, Tefera Negash. "Ideology and power in TPLF’s Ethiopia: A historic reversal in the making?" African Affairs 118, no. 472 (May 29, 2019): 463–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adz005.
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Abstract The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has led Ethiopia for close to three decades as a core party within the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) coalition. Various ideological claims permeated the consolidation of power by the TPLF, which now seems to be questioned by the new leadership in the EPRDF. This article locates the critical junctures in the history of the party and analyses how those junctures relate to power concentration rather than to ideological shifts as purported by the party. It argues that the circumstances surrounding the ‘shifts’ in ideologies by the TPLF show that ideologies were used to consolidate power within the party and later impose domination at the state level. A thorough investigation of the ideological history of the TPLF is crucial as Ethiopia seems to be standing at a critical ideological crossroad. Through a deep hermeneutic interpretation, the article concludes that leftist ideological threads such as a focus on vanguard rule, party-directed economy, and Stalinist understandings of ethnicity run throughout the ideological shifts of the TPLF. The article synthesizes the cosmetic ideological shifts in the context of a pragmatic party that has been applying market socialism.
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Gudeta Adula, Negera. "Ethiopian Foreign Policy Under Military and EPRDF Regimes: Changes and Continuities." Journal of Political Science and International Relations 2, no. 1 (2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20190201.14.
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Shiferaw Chanie, Bantanyehu, and John Ishiyama. "Political Transition and the Rise of Amhara Nationalism in Ethiopia." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1036–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211015322.
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Ethiopia is currently undergoing a significant political transition, a transition that began with the ascendency of Abiy Ahmed as a new chairman of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and Prime Minister of the country. In a span of a little over a year, bold political reforms have been introduced. At the same time, these reforms have exacerbated ethnic tensions in the country. In a country that has experimented with ethnic federalism and where ethnicity is the main political organizing principle, the pressure towards ethno-national political movements is quite strong. This pressure has transformed the political identity of many groups, including the Amhara. Despite its longtime role as a major constituency for pan-Ethiopianist movements, many Ethiopians claim that the Amhara, the second largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, has recently exhibited a trend towards ethnonationalism. In this paper we explore two questions. First, is there evidence that an Amhara nationalism is emerging? And if so, what may be causing this? Using recent data from both the Afrobarometer and World Values Survey, we find a growing sense of defensive Amhara nationalism among Amhara respondents, although there is no indication of a general abandonment of the “Ethiopianist ( Ethiopiawinet)” ideal. We argue that this defensive nationalism is a product of a “security dilemma” dynamic facing the Amhara as the result of the continuation of the “Oppressor/Oppressed” narrative that has been adopted by the EPRDF regime. This ethnonational appeal resonates with young Amhara males, and those who believe that their group has been unfairly treated by the current regime.
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Stockmans, Jep, and Karen Büscher. "A spatial reading of urban political-religious conflict: contested urban landscapes in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 55, no. 1 (February 2, 2017): 79–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1600077x.
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ABSTRACTThis article presents a spatial approach to the recent history of conflict and confrontation between the Ethiopian Government and Ethiopian Muslim Communities in Addis Ababa. Based on original ethnographic data and inspired by existing academic studies on political-religious relationships in Addis Ababa, this study takes a closer look at the significance of the urban public landscape in power-struggles between the EPRDF and the Muslim communities. The article argues that political-religious struggle in Addis Ababa shapes the current urban landscape, as use of and control over urban public space and place forms a crucial element in the strategies of public authority of all involved actors.
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Sonessa, Wondimu Legesse. "Rethinking Public Theology in Ethiopia: Politics, Religion, and Ethnicity in a Declining National Harmony." International Journal of Public Theology 14, no. 2 (July 7, 2020): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341609.
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Abstract Ethiopia is a country of multi-ethnic and multi-religious society. Almost all of its citizens claim affiliation with either Christianity, Islam, or African traditional religions. Adherents of these religions have been coexisting in respect and peace. However, there is a growing tension between the citizens since the downfall of the dictatorial military government of Ethiopia, which was displaced by the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), in 1991. Politics, religion, and ethnicity are the major causes of the declining national harmony under the current government. My claim is that addressing the declining national harmony caused by the religious, political, and ethnic tensions in Ethiopia requires of the EECMY to rethink its public theology in a way that promotes a national harmony that values peace, equality, justice, democracy, and human flourishing.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Ambiguous elections: the influence of non-electoral politics in Ethiopian democratisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 449–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004005.
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ABSTRACTThe ‘non-electoral context’ of elections is often overlooked in democratisation studies, in order not to obscure an otherwise clear model or theory of transition. A key challenge for research on democratisation processes is to balance electoral ‘formalities’ with contextual factors, qualitative perceptions and non-electoral issues, in order to reach a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of democratic transitions. This article advocates a multilayered approach to – or a ‘thick description’ of – elections, as this will capture the diversity of real life experiences and expose alternative power discourses competing with the electoralist one in influencing the path of democratisation. In so doing, it casts light on the crucial impact of the Eritrean–Ethiopian war on Ethiopia's 2005 election, in addition to other qualitative and contextual factors, which lead to the conclusion that the advancement of democracy through multiparty elections in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has failed.
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Young, John. "The Tigray and Eritrean Peoples Liberation Fronts: a History of Tensions and Pragmatism." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (March 1996): 105–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055221.
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The Tigray Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), and by extension the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the multi-ethnic coalition that it established and still dominates, is frequently considered to be a creation of, and beholden to, the Eritrean Peoples Liberation Front (EPLF). From this perspective the foreign loyalties of the TPLF made it an unsuitable, if not illegitimate, movement to lead the Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) in 1991, and since 1995, the newly created Federal Democratic Republic. By way of contrast, this article attempts to demonstrate that the developing relationship between the TPLF and the EPLF during the course of their respective revolutionary struggles has been far more problematic and beset with tensions than critics are either aware of, or acknowledge, and that an understanding of their nature casts light on present and possible future differences between the respective regimes of Ethiopia and Eritrea.
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Aalen, Lovise. "The Revolutionary Democracy of Ethiopia: A Wartime Ideology Both Shaping and Shaped by Peacetime Policy Needs." Government and Opposition 55, no. 4 (February 7, 2019): 653–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.54.
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AbstractThe Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), victor in the civil war in 1991, has since transformed into an authoritarian party. While this transition is well covered in the literature, few studies have explored how the party’s ideology has adapted after its position was consolidated. This article addresses this gap, by analysing the EPRDF’s ideology of revolutionary democracy, and how the interpretation of it has changed over time. The Ethiopian case shows that wartime ideologies should not be considered as static remnants of the past. Instead, the ideology has served as a flexible political tool for controlling the state and for justifying or concealing major policy changes. More recent protests and ruptures in the ruling party, however, indicate that revolutionary democracy may have an expiry date. There seems thus to be a limit to how long a wartime ideology can provide power to uphold a rebel government’s hegemony and coherence.
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Bitew, Birhanu. "Matrimony of Discordant: Developmental State and Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia, 2001–2018." Bandung 8, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 60–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21983534-08010004.
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Abstract Since the coming of Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (eprdf) into power, Ethiopia has oscillated with the trial of different economic models. In 2001, the regime adopted developmental state model along with ethnic federalism while abandoning liberalism. Taking these facts into account, this paper assesses the tension and compatibility between developmental state and ethnic federalism. The findings of this paper reveal that there are no problems associated with the developmental state in terms of rhetorical points of view. It can improve development if the governments strictly observe and implement the pillars that the developmental state needs to have. However, the marriage between developmental state and ethnic federalism incurs the possibility of the non-enforcement of the main pillars of the developmental state. The nature of the developmental state and the way Ethiopia’s federal system structured is incompatible, which I call such a relation the ‘matrimony of discordant’.
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Besfat Dejen Engdaw. "Decentralization and District-Level Decentralization in Amhara Region." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 8, no. 1 (January 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2021010101.
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This paper examines the process of decentralization and district level decentralization programs in the Amhara region. It addresses the decentralization processes in Imperial, Derg, and EPRDF regimes. The depth and degree of decentralization in the three consecutive regimes were different as the process of decentralization in the current government meant to be deeper and extensive and pushed powers, functions, and roles into the local government. The process of decentralization in the current government has transferred powers and functions to the districts. However, the district level decentralization process has faced many challenges. The paper revealed that unclear assignments of powers and functions, executive dominations, upward accountabilities, top-down planning, lack of skilled manpower, lack participatory systems, failure of the councils in holding the executive accountable, lack of adequate budget, lack of revenue mobilization capacity, lack of responsiveness, and accountability among councils were the main challenges that impede in the process of the DLD process.
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Ishiyama, John. "Is Ethnonationalism Growing in Ethiopia and Will it Lead to the Dissolution of the Country? Evidence from the World Value Survey 2007–2020." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1024–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007650.
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In this paper, I examine whether ethnopolitical identities have grown in Ethiopia since the introduction of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s reforms in 2018, using the most recent Ethiopian survey data from the World Values Survey (wave 5, from 2007 and wave 7, from 2020). I find that although there remains a general popular commitment to a national (Ethiopian) identity, among younger people (especially males) there is a growing sense of an “ethnic” identity and a growing intolerance of other ethnic groups. Further, I find that those who express ethnonational identities are significantly more likely to engage in protest and demonstrations. In conclusion, I suggest that this may not portend well for the future of Ethiopian unity. I also suggest that whether this happens also depends on the institutional transformation of the Prosperity Party (the successor the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)) and the level of external support the regime receives from its foreign benefactors.
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Hagmann, Tobias. "Beyond clannishness and colonialism: understanding political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region, 1991–2004." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 4 (October 24, 2005): 509–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001205.
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This article proposes an alternative interpretation of political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Regional State since the rise to power of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. Some observers have perceived contemporary politics in the former Ogaden as an example of ‘internal colonisation’ by highland Ethiopians. Others attribute political instability to the ‘nomadic culture’ inherent in the Somali clan structure and the ineptness of its political leaders. This study argues that neither of these two politicised narratives grasps the contradictory interactions between the federal Ethiopian government and its Somali periphery, nor the recursive relations between state and society. With reference to the literature on neo-patrimonialism, I elucidate political disorder in the Somali Region by empirically describing hybrid political domination, institutional instability, and patronage relations, showing how neo-patrimonial rule translates into contested statehood in the region and political devices ranging from military coercion to subtle co-optation. Rather than unilateral domination, a complex web of power and manipulation between parts of the federal and regional authorities animates political disorder in Ethiopia's Somali Region.
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Woldesenbet, Wassihun Gebreegizaber. "The tragedies of a state dominated political economy: shared vices among the imperial, Derg, and EPRDF regimes of Ethiopia." Development Studies Research 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21665095.2020.1785903.
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Grinberg, Daniel. "Chilling Developments: Digital Access, Surveillance, and the Authoritarian Dilemma in Ethiopia." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 3/4 (August 9, 2017): 432–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6623.
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This article examines digital surveillance in Ethiopia under the repressive EPRDF regime. It considers the EPRDF’s responses to the Authoritarian Dilemma, in which repressive leaders must decide between extending digital access to their citizens and further tightening their own grip on power. The consequences of this choice are especially significant in the context of an economically and technologically developing nation like Ethiopia. Thus far, its government has largely chosen to use its control of digital networks to clamp down on freedoms in the face of opposition. However, its desire for robust growth has also prompted it to pursue higher rates of digital adoption. In an effort to both maintain control and promote development opportunities, the government is increasingly drawing on a range of digital surveillance techniques. I outline some of the monitoring and targeting techniques it deploys against both the general population and the critics it views as threats to its unilateral authority. Ultimately, I argue that the intensification of digital surveillance is a reckless approach to addressing the Authoritarian Dilemma. The detrimental impacts of state surveillance cannot help but also chill the possibilities of digital usage and adoption and forestall the full potential of national development.
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Di Nunzio, Marco. "THUGS, SPIES AND VIGILANTES: COMMUNITY POLICING AND STREET POLITICS IN INNER CITY ADDIS ABABA." Africa 84, no. 3 (July 23, 2014): 444–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972014000357.
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ABSTRACTThe implementation of community policing schemes and development programmes targeting street youth in inner city Addis Ababa, intended to prevent crime and unrest, has resulted in an expansion of structures of political mobilization and surveillance of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the party that has ruled the country since 1991. Yet the fact that the government managed to implement its programmes does not imply that the ruling party was entirely successful in tackling ordinary crime as well as political dissent. As neighbourhoods continued to be insecure, especially at night, the efficacy of the ruling party's politicized narratives on community policing and crime prevention was questioned. An appreciation of the shortcomings of government action on the streets of the inner city raises questions about the extent of the reach of the EPRDF's state into the grass roots of urban society as well as about the ways in which dissent is voiced in a context where forms of political surveillance and control are expanding. This paper investigates these issues in order to contribute to the study of the Ethiopian state and to the broader debate on community policing and crime prevention on the African continent.
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Et. al., Temesgen Thomas Halabo,. "The Quest for Minority Rights in Federal Ethiopia: Legal Promise and Challenges." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 11, 2021): 1170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.1139.
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Ethiopia has adopted ethnic-based federal system as a response to National Questions in the country during the reign of EPRDF regime. As this federal system is based on ethnicity, ethnic identity has become the key instrument regarding entitlement, representation and state organization. Now, the key to get access to the resources of the state is to acquire a separate ethnic identity and an ethnically defined administrative structure.
Based on the analytical literature review, the study has examined the challenges posed by ethnic-based federal system to protect the rights of minority groups and individuals residing within ethnically designated regional states. The federal system has created its own types of political challenges for the protections of the rights of non-indigenous minority groups. It is constraining rather than enlarging the political space for an overall citizenship. The idea of overarching citizenship that transcends ethnic identity is lacking in the federal system. The ethnic federal system also lacks mechanism for monitoring human rights at ethnically designated sub-state levels. The study, therefore, suggest reformulating the federal system, strictly respecting the principles of the federal constitution and revisiting regional state constitutions to avoid contradiction to the supreme federal constitution.
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Emmenegger, Rony. "DECENTRALIZATION AND THE LOCAL DEVELOPMENTAL STATE: PEASANT MOBILIZATION IN OROMIYA, ETHIOPIA." Africa 86, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000048.
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ABSTRACTThis article explores the politics of decentralization and state–peasant encounters in rural Oromiya, Ethiopia. Breaking with a centralized past, the incumbent government of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) committed itself to a decentralization policy in the early 1990s and has since then created a number of new sites for state–citizen interactions. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, however, decentralization has been interpreted as a means for the expansion of the party-state at the grass-roots level. Against this backdrop, this article attempts a more nuanced understanding of the complex entanglements between the closure of political space and faith in progress in local arenas. Hence, it follows sub-kebele institutions at the community level in a rural district and analyses their significance for state-led development and peasant mobilization between the 2005 and 2010 elections. Based on ethnographic field research, the empirical case presented discloses that decentralization and state-led development serve the expansion of state power into rural areas, but that state authority is simultaneously constituted and undermined in the course of this process. On that basis, this article aims to contribute to an inherently political understanding of decentralization, development and their entanglement in local and national politics in rural African societies.
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Mohammed, Girma. "Ethiopian Conceptions of the Human Person and their Implications for Development: Covenant Revisited." International Journal of Public Theology 3, no. 4 (2009): 480–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163//187251709x12474522834918.
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AbstractThis article is a critical appraisal of the Ethiopian conception(s) of covenant as a device for defining the human person, among other things. After analysing the conceptions of human person in three historical areas, I show their implications for development work. The first part is therefore devoted to the conception of the human person in the Ethiopian Orthodox Church (EOC), where the notion of covenant is shaped by political monism and philosophical/theological dualism. I explore the reason for such a conceptual enigma, before drawing out its implications for development. The second part explores the Marxist attempt at demystification of the human person at the expense of covenantal understanding. The third part explores the ethnic compartmentalization that was introduced by the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Front (EPRDF) against the covenantal backdrops. In the final part, I argue that using the notion of covenant to understand the human person is essential in the Ethiopian context. Even then, I contend that that there is a need to employ a different epistemology (from the traditional one). Consequently, I argue that (re)conceptualization helps us to avoid repeating historical mistakes and allows us to have a better understanding of the human person with a more progressive approach to development.
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Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "Nation-Building Predicament, Transition Fatigue, and Fear of State Collapse." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 32–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.3.
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Ethiopia, evolved from Tigray, is known by its history of having been an empire (e.g., the Axumite kingdom) and having been independent. The fundamental weakness of the Ethiopian state has been the lack of inclusive national consensus, hampered by national oppression and the dilemma of democratizing a feudal state. The post-1991 TPLF-EPRDF-led Ethiopia has been experimenting with federalist nation-building to address Ethiopia’s historical contradictions: national and class oppression. The 1995 FDRE Constitution established a federal system and subsequently recognized the right of nations to self-determination including secession, self-administration, and local development. The constitution also declared that the Ethiopian nations were the “sovereign owners” of the constitution. However, the coming of Abiy Ahmed to power and his policy reforms based on ‘neo-pan-Ethiopianism’ opened the box of Pandora of secessionist, irredentist, and federalist forces opposing his plan to recentralize the ethnic federation, as it happened similarly in the case of former Yugoslavia. PM Abiy’s reforms have been branded as those of the ‘Mikael Gorbachev of Ethiopia’ for his sweeping campaign against the 27 years of federalist control. The article investigates the nation-building aspirations, transition fatigue, the predicaments of secessionist, federalist, and assimilationist narratives, and the subsequent fear of ‘state collapse’ in the post-2018 crisis in Ethiopia.
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Abebe, Desta, and Ephrem Ahadu. "Nexus between Ethnic Federalism and Creating National Identity Vis-À-Vis Nation Building in Contemporary Ethiopia." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 7, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i1.1327.
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The current regime of Ethiopia (EPRDF) implemented ethnic federalism and reshaped the state along ethnic lines as soon as it assumes political power in 1991. As an exception to the general pattern in Africa the Ethiopian government, though not explicitly, encourages political parties to organize beside ethnic lines, and champions an ethicized federal state with a secession option, it is a worthy case study. This desk study, used secondary sources of data got from numerous literatures, aims to identify the nexus between ethnic federalism in creating national identity in relation with nation building. Although the Constitution embodies a doctrine of balance between unity and diversity to build one economic and political community by rectifying” past injustices”, politicization of ethnicity under the context of ethnic federalism has encouraged ethnic cleavages by forming distinctiveness and differences which is a backlash against nation building and shared aspirations. Therefore, there is the need for visionary thinking outside the box of past injustices so that the antithesis for these injustices is not taken too far to the extent of derailing shared identity and shared aspirations. Ethnic Federalism may lead the country into never-ending ethnic wars and eventually to disintegration. Thus, ethnic conflicts prevailing in Ethiopia may be caused by such technicality problems and the ethnic federal arrangement in Ethiopia needs an urgent reconsideration before the case moves to the worst scenario.
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Muluye, Ketemaw Tiruneh. "Holding Together, Coming Together or Putting Together? A [Re]examination on the Formation of Ethiopia’s Federation." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-1-70-82.
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Federations are institutional and structural arrangements with the tenets of shared rule and self-rule. These federations may be formed through coming together, holding together or putting together processes. Both holding together and coming together federations are established through democratic bargain while putting together federation is imposed coercively by the winners. Hence, this article aims to situate Ethiopia in to one of these three variants through critical [re]examination of the transitional activities. The data were collected through interviews and document analysis. A qualitative analysis was employed to analyze the data. Accordingly, the paper argues that Ethiopia is a putting together federation because of the major flaws committed during the transition. Particularly, the absence of an organization that could represent Amhara during the Peace Conference, exclusion of the major political organizations from the conference and the aftermath processes as well as the inhuman and extrajudicial treatments against those who were explaining their discontent in the restructuring processes are some of the justification to level Ethiopia’s federation as putting together. Moreover, the electoral frauds that forced the major political parties to boycott the elections (the 1992 and 1994 elections) and the manipulation of the drafting and ratification processes of the constitution by TPLF/EPRDF can justify this position. Hence, it is recommended to restructure the federation through democratic bargaining for the putting nature of the federation is facing a legitimacy crisis due to the different questions rooted in the formation processes.
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Feyera Senbeta. "The Paradox of Ethiopia’s Underdevelopment: Endogenous Factors in Retrospect." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2907.
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Ethiopia is a country of diverse historical, cultural, geographical, archeological, and ecological resources and is well known as the cradle of humanity. It is also the tenth-largest country in Africa and endowed with vast land and water resources. This country was unable to translate these potential resources into positive development outcomes. This paper examines the historical perspective of Ethiopia’s underdevelopment mystery under the last three regimes (i.e., Haile Selassie (Imperial), Derg, and the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)). Qualitative approaches mainly interview, discussion, document analysis, and personal experiences were employed in generating relevant data that were analyzed and presented thematically. The results show that Ethiopia ranked the least in many global human development indexes such as Human Development Index, Corruption Index, and Global Hunger Index in the last decade. The underlying historical development challenges include political instability, despotic leadership, corruption, dependence on foreign aid and assistance, controlled freedom of expression, lack of diversity within unity, and inconsistent development policies. Over the last three successive regimes, the state-society relationship has been characterized by conflict, disagreement, and supremacy of state which messed up available national development opportunities. If Ethiopia has to come out of poverty and underdevelopment, it needs to improve its political stability and governance. It must be governed by ‘popularly elected’ not by ‘self-elected leader’ and put in place a system of accountability for a better future and wellbeing of its population. Consistent and pro-poor policy, good working culture, and unity in diversity must be other areas of concern for future development.
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Venkataraman, Manickam, and Solomon M. Gofie. "The dynamics of China-Ethiopia trade relations: economic capacity, balance of trade & trade regimes." Bandung: Journal of the Global South 2, no. 1 (February 5, 2015): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40728-014-0007-1.
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China’s trade with Ethiopia currently at 1.3 billion USD annually is expected to rise to US$3 billion by 2015. This not only informs the level of bilateral trade ties that Ethiopia has had with China as compared to any other country in the region but also signifies the highest and the closest level of bilateral relations that Ethiopia has built upwith China over the past decade since the new government under Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) took over power in 1991. There have been extensive debates on China’s role in Africa - whether it could be viewed as a constructive partner or otherwise. This essay puts forward the argument that while trade ties as one important channel of bilateral relations that China has embarked with the outside world and particularly with Africa is uneven and lop-sided. This is true of the Ethiopian context as well particularly when we look at the economic capacity, balance of trade and at the two countries relations with international trade regimes. While China is a full member of WTO for over a decade Ethiopia on the other hand has been aspiring to become a member for some time now and hence one of the important aspect of Ethio-China trade relations is the heavy reliance on bilateral/international trade regimes. Therefore, this research is aimed at unraveling the dynamics in Sino-Ethiopia trade relations with emphasis on the economic capacity of the two countries, balance of trade and explore whether Ethiopia’s attempts to join WTO would lead to a more predictable trade relations between the two countries. In this attempt the research would largely rely on the analysis of relevant archival resources and literatures directly relating to the themes in this paper.
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Gardachew, Bewuketu Dires, Gebeyehu Mengesha Kefale, and Getahun Antigegn Kumie. "The Pitfalls of Ethnolinguistic-Based Federal Experiment in Ethiopia." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 661–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-661-672.
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In 1991, when Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) became a leading party within the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), Ethiopia introduced a system of ethnic-based federalism, which had never been practiced in the political history of the state before. The recognition of Ethiopian ethnic diversity became one of the country’s fundamental principles, with the federal system largely consisting of ethnic-based territorial units. Since its inception, Ethiopia's ethnic federalism has been the subject of heated debate among various political organizations in the country, as well as among observers and scholars both in and outside the country. The key objective of this paper is to appraise the pitfalls of ethnic-based federalism in Ethiopia, which has been functioning in the country for more than two and half decades. The authors believe ethnic-based federalism to be a political arrangement that succeeds to maintain balance of centrifugal and centripetal forces. They see it as an appropriate and viable strategy for a sustainable nation-building effort in the context of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity. At the same time, the authors observe that in the case with ethnicity-based political arrangements, unless they are implemented with maximum care, the risk outweighs the benefit. When a state like Ethiopia, which had been highly centralized for many years, is trying to experiment with a seemingly federal arrangement, the equilibrium of diversity and unity should be maintained. If the political environment focuses primarily on diversity and ignores shared values and common identity, it leaves room for the elites to manipulate the differences and pursue their own parochial political interests, which would eventually serve against the public benefit. The pioneers of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism believe that the contemporary ethnolinguistic-based federal arrangement is a panacea for problems related to identity politics. However, the authors argue that, from a practical perspective, for the past two and half decades (probably in the future too, unless re-designed) ethnic federalism in Ethiopia has been highly politicized (manipulated by political dealers promoting their own selfish interests).
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Gorelik, Tatiana E., Reinhard Neder, Maxwell W. Terban, Zhongbo Lee, Xiaoke Mu, Christoph Jung, Timo Jacob, and Ute Kaiser. "Towards quantitative treatment of electron pair distribution function." Acta Crystallographica Section B Structural Science, Crystal Engineering and Materials 75, no. 4 (August 1, 2019): 532–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1107/s205252061900670x.
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The pair distribution function (PDF) is a versatile tool to describe the structure of disordered and amorphous materials. Electron PDF (ePDF) uses the advantage of strong scattering of electrons, thus allowing small volumes to be probed and providing unique information on structure variations at the nano-scale. The spectrum of ePDF applications is rather broad: from ceramic to metallic glasses and mineralogical to organic samples. The quantitative interpretation of ePDF relies on knowledge of how structural and instrumental effects contribute to the experimental data. Here, a broad overview is given on the development of ePDF as a structure analysis method and its applications to diverse materials. Then the physical meaning of the PDF is explained and its use is demonstrated with several examples. Special features of electron scattering regarding the PDF calculations are discussed. A quantitative approach to ePDF data treatment is demonstrated using different refinement software programs for a nanocrystalline anatase sample. Finally, a list of available software packages for ePDF calculation is provided.
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Jones, G. L., C. G. Lane, E. E. Daniel, and P. M. O'Byrne. "Release of epithelium-derived relaxing factor after ozone inhalation in dogs." Journal of Applied Physiology 65, no. 3 (September 1, 1988): 1238–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/jappl.1988.65.3.1238.
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Airway epithelium has been reported to release epithelium-derived relaxing factor (EpDRF), which inhibits contraction of airway smooth muscle. This study tested the hypothesis that airway hyperresponsiveness after inhalation of ozone in dogs results from an inability to produce EpDRF. Two groups of five dogs each were studied; one group inhaled ozone, the other dry room air. Ozone-treated dogs developed airway hyperresponsiveness, whereas the control group did not. The acetylcholine provocative concentration decreased from 4.17 (%SE 1.35) to 0.56 mg/ml (%SE 1.24) (P = 0.0006) in the ozone-treated dogs and was 18.76 (%SE 2.04) and 29.77 mg/ml (%SE 2.07) in the air-treated dogs (P = 0.47). In vitro the presence of airway epithelium reduced the constrictor responses to acetylcholine, histamine, serotonin, and KCl in trachealis strips from the control dogs. This effect of epithelium was still present in trachealis strips from dogs with airway hyperresponsiveness. These results demonstrate that EpDRF is released from canine tracheal epithelium, that this function is not impaired in dogs with airway hyperresponsiveness after inhaled ozone, and that loss of EpDRF is not responsible for the development of airway hyperresponsiveness after inhaled ozone in dogs.
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Kemal, Miftah Mohammed. "Investment Opportunities in Somali Regional State Putting the Pastoralists Political Economy in Perspective." Volume 5 - 2020, Issue 9 - September 5, no. 9 (September 22, 2020): 416–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.38124/ijisrt20sep326.
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Modern states and societies development can hardly be achieved without an appropriate policy and action that delivers greater economic outcomes. To this end, all states starting from the ancient times to the modern era practiced economic policies that rely greatly on the accumulation of wealth through different means of the production process that leads to extraction hence accumulation of wealth based on which the state builds and maintains its internal as well as external sovereignty. It was in yesterday this motive for achieving unlimited growth and accumulation of wealth that drives the first British East Indian company to open its first overseas production plant in India in the 18th century.Today the multiple economic social and technological imperative of investment and that of foreign direct investment have become clear. Foreign direct investment is the most important engine based on which sates economy gain income in terms of National Gross Domestic Production, foreign exchange earnings and employment opportunity as well as technological and capital transfer. To this end, countries compete for attracting capitals to flow to their economy in the form of investment. This has greatly benefited countries of South East Asia in the last couple of decades. Africa, though not benefited as much as the what the Asian tigers and other eastern economies gained from foreign direct investment, many of African states are striving to use the advantage of investment in their national endeavor to achieve economic and socio-political development .Yet, the pattern of the distribution of this gain from the foreign direct investment is limited in its scope and not enabled states to benefiting the different sections of their population equally.This problem of uneven distributions of gains from economic development has been common problem in many of the emerging economies.Ethiopia is not peculiar.Despite the progress made in atracting more investors to the national economy,the distribution of these has been uneven.Most of the FDI gains are concentrated in few clusters in the major regions of the country. One of the least benefited livelihhod and economic areas has been the pastoralist roaming areas. Comparatively speaking,thus far,the Somali regional state gained little or no foreign direct investment since the new EPRDF government came into power 30 years ago .This has been despite the region has a huge potential for making gain from FDI given that the required attention and intervention is made.This article makes a description of the investment potentials in Somali regional state baed on the political economy framework. The review concludes that The review fininds out that the region has a huge potential for investment given the right attention by both policymakers and investors.
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Abeykoon, A. M. Milinda, Hefei Hu, Lijun Wu, Yimei Zhu, and Simon J. L. Billinge. "Calibration and data collection protocols for reliable lattice parameter values in electron pair distribution function studies." Journal of Applied Crystallography 48, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 244–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1107/s1600576715000412.
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Different protocols for calibrating electron pair distribution function (ePDF) measurements are explored and described for quantitative studies on nanomaterials. It is found that the most accurate approach to determine the camera length is to use a standard calibration sample of Au nanoparticles from the National Institute of Standards and Technology. Different protocols for data collection are also explored, as are possible operational errors, to find the best approaches for accurate data collection for quantitative ePDF studies.
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Hassenpflug, Joachim, and Andreas Hey. "EPRD wächst und baut Geschäftsführung aus." Orthopädie und Unfallchirurgie - Mitteilungen und Nachrichten 04, no. 05 (September 29, 2015): 466. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0041-104746.
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Vanhoutte, Paul M. "Airway epithelium-derived relaxing factor: myth, reality, or naivety?" American Journal of Physiology-Cell Physiology 304, no. 9 (May 1, 2013): C813—C820. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajpcell.00013.2013.
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The presence of a healthy epithelium can moderate the contraction of the underlying airway smooth muscle. This is, in part, because epithelial cells generate inhibitory messages, whether diffusible substances, electrophysiological signals, or both. The epithelium-dependent inhibitory effect can be tonic (basal), synergistic, or evoked. Rather than a unique epithelium-derived relaxing factor (EpDRF), several known endogenous bronchoactive mediators, including nitric oxide and prostaglandin E2, contribute. The early concept that EpDRF diffuses all the way through the subepithelial layers to directly relax the airway smooth muscle appears unlikely. It is more plausible that the epithelial cells release true messenger molecules, which alter the production of endogenous substances (nitric oxide and/or metabolites of arachidonic acid) by the subepithelial layers. These substances then diffuse to the airway smooth muscle cells, conveying epithelium dependency.
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Jansson, Volkmar, Alexander Grimberg, Oliver Melsheimer, Carsten Perka, and Arnd Steinbrück. "Orthopaedic registries: the German experience." EFORT Open Reviews 4, no. 6 (June 2019): 401–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1302/2058-5241.4.180064.
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National joint registries are gaining more and more importance in the fields of implant monitoring/outlier detection and quality of care. The German Arthroplasty Registry (EPRD) was established in 2010 for the purpose of observing the impact of primary hip and knee arthroplasty on the German population. Having now over one million documentations, we introduce the structure of the EPRD and detail the process of data collection. We report on some preliminary trends and contrast these with findings from other joint registries. We introduce the overhauled Arthroplasty Library, that resulted from an international collaboration with National Joint Registry of England, Wales and Northern Ireland. Cite this article: EFORT Open Rev 2019;4 DOI: 10.1302/2058-5241.4.180064
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Ghalayani Esfahani, Arash, Lina Altomare, Lorenzo Bonetti, Fereshteh Nejaddehbashi, Francesca Boccafoschi, Roberto Chiesa, Federica Boschetti, Vahid Bayati, and Luigi De Nardo. "Micro-Structured Patches for Dermal Regeneration Obtained via Electrophoretic Replica Deposition." Applied Sciences 10, no. 14 (July 21, 2020): 5010. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/app10145010.
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Artificial substrates supporting the healing of skin wounds require specific structural and chemical architectures that promote a recapitulation of the complexity of the native organ. Bottom-up fabrication technologies are emerging as effective strategies to fine tune biochemical, morphological, and structural features intended for regenerative applications. Here, we proposed an electrophoretic replica deposition (EPrD) approach to realize chitosan three-dimensional structures specifically designed to treat patients with serious cutaneous damages or losses. The EPrD process has been optimized to consistently obtain random porosity vs. hierarchical lattice structures, showing mechanical properties in the range of skin tissue (E = 0.2–20 MPa). The obtained patches were tested in vivo via a one-stage grafting procedure in a full thickness skin wound rat model. Chitosan patches showed no adverse reactions throughout the experimental period (14 days). Hair follicles and sebaceous glands were observed in histological sections, indicating the regeneration of a thin epidermal layer with more skin appendages. Immunohistochemistry results demonstrated that keratin 10 was mostly expressed in basal and suprabasal layers, like normal skin, in structures with random porosity and with smaller lattice structures. The obtained results show the potential of EPrD to innovate the design of artificial substrates in skin healing therapies.
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Lawler, A. G. "American Eccentric Cinema, Kim Wilkins (2019)." Film Matters 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 129–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fm_00141_5.
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Review of: American Eccentric Cinema, Kim Wilkins (2019)New York: Bloomsbury Academic, 224pp.,ISBN: 9781501336928 (ebk), $35.95,ISBN: 9781501336935 (epdf), $35.95,ISBN: 9781501368110 (pbk), $39.95,ISBN: 9781501336911 (hbk), $120.00
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Watts, Tylen. "Eastern Approaches to Western Film: Asian Reception and Aesthetics in Cinema, Stephen Teo (2019)." Film Matters 11, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 167–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/fm_00118_5.
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Review of: Eastern Approaches to Western Film: Asian Reception and Aesthetics in Cinema, Stephen Teo (2019) London: Bloomsbury Academic, 285pp., ISBN: 9781784539825 (hbk), $115.00, ISBN: 9781350113312 (epdf), $35.95, ISBN: 9781350113305 (ebk), $35.95
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Forsberg, Clyde. "Robinson, Simon. 2017. 'The Spirituality of Responsibility: Fethullah Gülen and Islamic Thought'. London: Bloomsbury. 210pp. ISBN: 978-1-3500-0928 £85.00 (hbk); ISBN: 978-1-3500-0931-8 £26.09 (ePDF); ISBN: 978-1-3500-0930-1 £26.09 (ePub)." Fieldwork in Religion 12, no. 2 (March 13, 2018): 266–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.36008.
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Robinson, Simon. 2017. The Spirituality of Responsibility: Fethullah Gülen and Islamic Thought. London: Bloomsbury. 210pp. ISBN: 978-1-3500-0928 £85.00 (hbk); ISBN: 978-1-3500-0931-8 £26.09 (ePDF); ISBN: 978-1-3500-0930-1 £26.09 (ePub).
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Mututa, Addamms Songe. "A Companion to African Cinema, Kenneth Harrow and Carmela Garritano (eds) (2019)." Journal of African Cinemas 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 87–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jac_00029_5.
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Review of: A Companion to African Cinema, Kenneth Harrow and Carmela Garritano (eds) (2019) Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 515 pp., ISBN 978-1-11910-005-8, ePDF $172.99, ISBN: 978-1-119-10031-7, h/bk $215
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Konow, Tobias, Johanna Baetz, Oliver Melsheimer, Alexander Grimberg, and Michael Morlock. "Factors influencing periprosthetic femoral fracture risk." Bone & Joint Journal 103-B, no. 4 (April 1, 2021): 650–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1302/0301-620x.103b4.bjj-2020-1046.r2.
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Aims Periprosthetic femoral fractures (PPF) are a serious complication of total hip arthroplasty (THA) and are becoming an increasingly common indication for revision arthroplasty with the ageing population. This study aimed to identify potential risk factors for PPF based on an analysis of registry data. Methods Cases recorded with PPF as the primary indication for revision arthroplasty in the German Arthroplasty Registry (Endoprothesenregister Deutschland (EPRD)), as well as those classified as having a PPF according to the International Classification of Diseases (ICD) codes in patients’ insurance records were identified from the complete datasets of 249,639 registered primary hip arthroplasties in the EPRD and included in the analysis. Results The incidence of PPFs was higher (24.6%; 1,483) than reported in EPRD annual reports listing PPF as the main reason for revision (10.9%; 654). The majority of fractures occurred intraoperatively and were directly related to the implantation process. Patients who were elderly, female, or had comorbidities were at higher risk of PPFs (p < 0.001). German hospitals with a surgical volume of < 300 primary procedures per year had a higher rate of PPFs (p < 0.001). The use of cemented and collared prostheses had a lower fracture risk PPF compared to uncemented and collarless components, respectively (both p < 0.001). Collared prostheses reduced the risk of PPF irrespective of the fixation method and hospital’s surgical volume. Conclusion The high proportion of intraoperative fractures emphasises the need to improve surgeon training and surgical technique. Registry data should be interpreted with caution because of potential differences in coding standards between institutions. Cite this article: Bone Joint J 2021;103-B(4):650–658.
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Grendell, Ruth. "Review: The Upside of Aging: How Long Life is Changing the World of Health, Work, Innovation, Policy and Purpose." Anthropology & Aging 36, no. 1 (May 22, 2015): 108–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/aa.2015.96.
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The Upside of Aging: How Long Life is Changing the World of Health, Work, Innovation, Policy and Purpose (2014). Paul H. Irving (Editor) with project editor Rita Beamish. John Wiley & Sons Inc., Publishers, Hoboken, New Jersey. ISBN 978-118-69203-5 (Hard Cover); 978-1-118-69190-8 (ePDF); 978-1-118-69191-5 (Mobi). Price: $39.95 USA/$47.95 CAN.
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Devi, UmaMaheswari C., and James H. Anderson. "Improved conditions for bounded tardiness under EPDF Pfair multiprocessor scheduling." Journal of Computer and System Sciences 75, no. 7 (November 2009): 388–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jcss.2009.03.003.
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Fedan, J. S., R. A. Johnston, J. Dortch-Carnes, A. Rengasamy, and M. R. Van Scott. "Osmotic regulation of epithelium-derived relaxing factor (EPDRF) release in airway epithelium." Comparative Biochemistry and Physiology Part A: Molecular & Integrative Physiology 126 (July 2000): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1095-6433(00)80094-x.
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Bauer, Leandra, Matthias Woiczinski, Christoph Thorwächter, Oliver Melsheimer, Patrick Weber, Thomas M. Grupp, Volkmar Jansson, and Arnd Steinbrück. "Secondary Patellar Resurfacing in TKA: A Combined Analysis of Registry Data and Biomechanical Testing." Journal of Clinical Medicine 10, no. 6 (March 16, 2021): 1227. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jcm10061227.
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The German Arthroplasty registry (EPRD) has shown that different prosthesis systems have different rates of secondary patellar resurfacing: four years after implantation, the posterior-stabilized (PS) Vega prosthesis has a 3.2% risk of secondary patellar resurfacing compared to the cruciate-retaining (CR) Columbus prosthesis at 1.0% (both Aesculap AG, Tuttlingen, Germany). We hypothesized that PS implants have increased retropatellar pressure and a decreased retropatellar contact area compared to a CR design, which may lead to an increased likelihood of secondary patellar resurfacing. Eight fresh frozen specimens (cohort 1) were tested with an established knee rig. In addition, a possible influence of the registry-based patient collective (cohort 2) was investigated. No significant differences were found in patient data–cohort 2-(sex, age). A generally lower number of PS system cases is noteworthy. No significant increased patella pressure could be detected with the PS design, but a lower contact area was observed (cohort 1). Lower quadriceps force (100°–130° flexion), increased anterior movement of the tibia (rollback), greater external tilt of the patella, and increasing facet pressure in the Vega PS design indicate a multifactorial cause for a higher rate of secondary resurfacing which was found in the EPRD patient cohort and might be related to the PS’ principle function.