Academic literature on the topic 'Equal Employment Opportunity Commission'

Ali Boureslan, a naturalized U.S. citizen of Lebanese descent, was employed by the Arabian American Oil Co. (Aramco) as a cost engineer. Boureslan began his tenure with Aramco in 1979 in its Houston, Texas, office, but a year later he requested and received a transfer to the company’s offices in Saudi Arabia. Boureslan alleged that in the ensuing four years he was the victim of racial and religious harassment from his immediate supervisor. He was finally dismissed on June 16, 1984, for allegedly poor work performance.

In South Korea, specific work procedures have not been established to activate the alternative dispute resolution before and after labor disputes in the relief procedure. In particular, there is no special law that can uniformly and consistently apply the alternative solutions to labor disputes, and the subjects, procedures, and contents of the application are scattered in the Trade Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act or the Labor Relations Commission Act. Nevertheless, the Labor Relations Commission actively participates from the collective bargaining stage, or the local labor commission leads the cooperation from the local governments to deploy the experts of alternative dispute resolution from the community. Therefore, in order for South Korea to actively introduce and revitalize the methods of alternative dispute resolution in labor cases, it is firstly necessary to establish the legal bases, procedures, and contents for the alternative dispute resolution. Therefore, this paper aims to derive implications after examining the ADR procedure in the case of unfair labor practices and employment discrimination in the United States. Firstly, the ADR procedure in the United States provides the legal basis in accordance with the Administrative Dispute Resolution Act of 1996, a federal law. Specifically, the ADR procedures and contents of unfair labor practices and employment discrimination cases can be found through the Federal Code of Regulations. Secondly, the agency conducts the ADR procedures according to the work in charge of each agency. In other words, it means that the division of labor by agency is possible depending on the task in charge. Thirdly, the timing of the commencement for the ADR procedure is possible even before applications for unfair labor practices and employment discrimination relief are received. In other words, the ADR procedure may proceed at any stage before and after the issuing for relief. Fourthly, the ADR procedures are based on spontaneity, neutrality, confidentiality, and enforceability. Therefore, either party may withdraw the ADR at any time, and is left at the sole discretion of the party, without incurring any charges or expenses. Fifthly, the National Labor Relations Board has signed the agreement with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to provide mediators, while the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission uses not only internal mediators but also external contract mediators. Sixthly, the Employment Equality Opportunity Commission enters into the universal mediation agreement with employers. In other words, the Employment Equality Opportunity Commission encourages employers to enter into the universal mediation agreement to utilize the mediation at the regional, local, or national level. Seventhly, the National Labor Relations Board's ADR reconciliation and withdrawal rate and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission's adjustment resolution rate exceed 70%, so its effectiveness is excellent.

This Viewpoint describes key provisions of the Pregnant Workers Fairness Act and discuss the proposed Equal Employment Opportunity Commission rule, as well as its application to health care employment in particular.

This article was first published in Radical History Review No. 25, 1986. Since then the controversy has escalated dramatically, with articles in the New York Times and Ms magazine and editorials in the Washington Post. Most of the media have used the controversy as a vehicle to attack women's history and women's studies in general. Had I known the direction that this publicity would take I would have written a much stronger piece. Feminist Studies is planning to publish a piece by Ruth Milkman outlining the issues involved in the case, and Signs will publish some of the written testimony in forthcoming issues.

Legislation, court decisions, and the changing political and social climate provide evidence of the importance of the outcomes of EEO litigation involving challenged selection procedures for transfer, training and development, and promotion. These selection procedures are being challenged by more informed employees and, in many cases, result in costly litigation. Thus, organizations must be aware of the continuing developments in employment law especially as found in court decisions and related legislation. This study investigates judicial and EEOC decisions in discrimination cases to provide answers to these questions: Are organizations aware of the outcomes of EEO litigation involving challenged selection procedures for transfer, training and development, and promotion? Are organizations aware of what constitutes a discriminatory practice in the selection of employees for transfer, training and development, and promotion? Does management recognize and follow nondiscriminatory procedures in selecting personnel for transfer, training and development, and promotion? The purposes of the study are 1. To analyze outcomes of EEO litigation involving challenged selection procedures for transfer, training and development, and promotion; 2. To develop a model set of guidelines to aid organizations in developing nondiscriminatory procedures for use in selecting employees for transfer, training and development, and promotion. This study concludes that many employers are aware of the outcomes of EEO litigation involving challenged selection procedures for transfer, training and development, and promotion. Many employers are also aware of what constitutes a discriminatory practice in the selection of employees for some employment advantage. However, management does not always recognize and follow nondiscriminatory procedures when selecting employees for transfer, training and development, and promotion. The number of cases in which selection procedures were found discriminatory supports this conclusion.

The purpose of this study was to determine whether application forms used in Texas public schools for teachers and administrators were in compliance with federal Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and Texas Human Rights Commission Act (THRCA) regulations regarding preemployment practices. Participating in the study were 740 public school districts in Texas. The study also attempted to determine if these application forms are in violation of EEOC regulations pertaining to pre-employment practices and whether classification based on the districts' size, wealth, student ethnicity and geographical location has a bearing on the degree of compliance with and awareness of EEOC and THRCA regulations. A model employment application form and set of guidelines were developed for school districts to use in securing pre-employment information. Inferential statistics were used through various applicable designs. Three different types of analysis were utilized. These were a Descriptive Analysis, a Goodman- Kruskal Gamma (y) Coefficient—chi-square analysis and a Multiple Regression analysis. The descriptive analysis included the calculation of percentages of the suspect questions appearing on teacher and administrator application forms utilizing the Criteria Used to Determine EEO Compliance and Awareness Among Texas School Districts. The Goodman-Kruskal Gamma (y) Coefficient and the chi-square analysis were employed in order to determine differences in compliance and awareness based on the districts' size, wealth, student ethnicity and geographical location. The GAMTAU. ASC Computer Program was used to test the Gamma values, with a standard z-score. The Multiple Regression analysis was employed to determine to what extent variation in the use of total suspect questions correlated with size, wealth, ethnicity and geographical location. The results of the data analyzed reveal that the size and ethnicity of the school district had a weak but significant correlation with EEO compliance and awareness based on employment application forms for teachers and administrators and that school districts in Texas were not in compliance with EEOC and THRCA regulations regarding application form pre-employment practices.

Workplace discrimination for individuals with visual impairments in the U.S. is an ongoing issue dating before the founding of the EEOC and the enactment of the ADA. Despite laws enacted to protect against unequal treatment in the workplace, the EEOC continues to receive submissions of formal discrimination charges from individuals with visual impairments. The workplace is experiencing changes with increasing amounts of older adults, women, minorities, and the use of technology and the Internet. By examining characteristics of the discrimination charges and the resulting outcomes, the knowledge gained can describe the current situation and the historical progression of workplace discrimination for individuals with visual impairments. The purpose of this cross-sectional study is to understand through descriptive, non-parametric, and logistical regression analyses of secondary data, meaningful associations regarding workplace discrimination and Americans with visual impairments. Study results showed that charging party characteristics of age, gender, and race were found to be predictive of types of discrimination charges and resolutions outcomes. Respondent characteristics of employer region of location, size, and industry were also found to be predictive of types of discrimination charges and resolution outcomes. Differences were revealed between discrimination charges before and after the enactment of the ADAAA, yet not between resolution outcomes before and after the enactment of the ADAAA. Additionally, discrimination charges and resolution outcomes were determined to be associated with one another. Implications for employees, employers, and professionals who work with individuals with visual impairments are addressed and recommendations for further research are provided.

ABSTRACT AN ANALYSIS OF ADA TITLE I ALLEGATIONS OF WORKPLACE DISCRIMINATION AS FILED WITH THE EEOC BY PERSONS WITH MENTAL ILLNESS Jessica Erin Hurley A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Health Related Sciences—Rehabilitation Leadership Virginia Commonwealth University, 2011 Dissertation Chair: Brian T. McMahon, Ph.D., CRC This study explores employment discrimination as experienced by persons with mental illness who filed allegations under Title I (the employment provisions) of the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990. The entire universe of employment discrimination allegations filed under Title I of the ADA from July 26, 1992 (its first effective date) until the present is maintained by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in a database named the Intermission System (IMS). This database contains over 2 million allegations of workplace discrimination filed not only under Title I of the ADA, but also under all statutes in its jurisdiction. From the IMS, two extractions containing ADA Title I allegations only and ranging from July 26,1992 through December 31, 2008 [the last date before the Americans with Disabilities Act Amendments Act (ADAAA) of 2008 went into effect] were made: the first including all Title I allegations for all impairments, not just mental illness (402,291); and the second containing only those Title I allegations filed by persons with mental illness (56,846 total: depression (25,375); unknown mental illness (11,977); anxiety disorder (10,370); bipolar disorder (7,675); and schizophrenia 1,449). Using nonparametric tests of proportion, each group of allegations is compared to the balance of mental illness allegations that is left once the group of allegations is removed. In addition, each group individually, as well as the complete group of all mental illness allegations, is evaluated with an exploratory technique called the Exhaustive Chi Squared Interaction Detector. Lastly, findings are provided and implications for employees, employers, rehabilitation professionals, policy makers, and future researchers are discussed.

Despite over 30 years of awareness, intervention, and research regarding race, class, and gender differences in educational achievement, large differences still persist. These differences have a significant impact on individuals? quality of life. Research on educational achievement gaps has been largely focused on schools or families; while policy efforts to address these gaps have been focused on schools, with limited success. This study examines the broader community context in which schools and families are embedded. Specifically, this study addressed the policy question: Is relative inequality in employment opportunity in local areas related to relative inequality in educational achievement in the same areas in North Carolina? Employment opportunity was conceptualized as quality of employment and as earnings. Relative inequality was measured by comparing a race (Black or White), class (high school education or less vs. education beyond high school), and gender group to White males with parental education beyond high school. Relative inequality in Biology and English I achievement were measured at the school level and at a modified Public Use Microdata Area (PUMA) level. Relative inequality in quality of employment and earnings were measured at the modified PUMA level, and measured separately for the local area and neighboring area. This study was unique in that it a) examined the variation in employment opportunity across communities and b) examined race, class, and gender inequality as simultaneously experienced rather than as separate inequalities. Relative inequality in local earnings had a positive relationship with relative inequality in high school Biology for most Black and White student groups. Relative inequality in local earnings had a positive relationship with relative inequality in English I for Black students. There was little support for the hypothesis that relative inequality in the local quality of employment had an effect on relative inequality in achievement. There was also little support for the effect of neighboring community employment factors on inequality in achievement. This study found reason to support policies that would reduce relative inequality in earnings in local areas as a means to reducing educational achievement gaps.

L’elaborato si pone l’obiettivo di esplorare uno dei tanti settori in cui le donne giapponesi ancora oggi non godono di piena eguaglianza: il mondo del lavoro. In particolare, l’analisi si concentrerà sulla Equal Employment Opportunity Law entrata in vigore nel 1986 e i suoi relativi effetti. La domanda di tesi, oltre ad interrogarsi sulle concrete conseguenze che questa legge ha portato nel mondo del lavoro femminile, vuole analizzare quante siano in Giappone – ma soprattutto se ci siano – al giorno d’oggi donne con cariche manageriali e in quali settori.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

The report examines the potential applications of mediation in anti-discrimination proceedings. In order to achieve an objective assessment, on one hand is considered the Bulgarian Protection against Discrimination Act and the Commission for Protection against Discrimination, as an independent specialized body, and on the other hand, the experience of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in the USA and the UK.

The report examines the potential applications of mediation in anti-discrimination proceedings. In order to achieve an objective assessment, on one hand is considered the Bulgarian Protection against Discrimination Act and the Commission for Protection against Discrimination, as an independent specialized body, and on the other hand, the experience of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission in the USA and the UK.

The research analyses the way in which online education can be addressed to very specific target groups: a) training business consultants working with firms in counseling these companies how to deal with applying the equal opportunity principle in the selection or the maintaining of persons with special needs in the company; b) training human resources departments in companies how to maintain people with special needs and how to evaluate what change management processes are needed in order to be successful for this goal; c) teaching company management how the company can focus on the process of equal opportunities in personnel selection without diminishing the quality of the services and products offered, without having a diminished profit margin or/and an increased complaints statistics and strategically planning an investment that reflects a modern vision related to corporate social responsibility. The project in which the implementation of this research has been taking place is a two-year Leonardo Da Vinci project, UEmploy (510784-LLP-1-2010-1-RO-LEONARDO-LMP) with 7 partners from BG, HU, FI, IE and RO. What this project underlines is that although in Europe employment inclusion is an important objective there is no common standardized scheme. The online component of the training is meant to contribute to the standardization of the approaches and contents. The focus of the project is modern rehabilitation, a range of services and processes designed to enable all disabled people to live their lives as fully as possible. For organizations, SMEs and professionals the project provides an opportunity to introduce/train innovative employment inclusion and rehabilitation approaches in dealing with people with disabilities throughout the work processes. The project develops methods and professional support in English and partners\' languages to help SMEs employ people with disabilities. The scheme manager’s and the consultant’s handbooks and materials for company management and HR departments have already been developed and tested in each partner country. Materials have been validated by social partners and a blended learning system is in place for all the categories of beneficiaries described. UEmploy looks into modern rehabilitation, a range of services and processes focused on enabling all disabled people to live their lives as fully as possible. At the same time, the project addresses representatives of the employers: organizations, SMEs and professionals. For this category of beneficiaries UEmploy provides training opportunities in the direction of innovative employment inclusion and rehabilitation approaches for people with disabilities. Thus UEmploy addresses the matter of employment inclusion both from the perspective of the employee and that of the employers facilitating access and working to improve approach. Many European countries still have a very low rate of disabled employment despite the progress made by the EU over the past decade towards this policy. People with disabilities are still at a major scale excluded from work activities which could provide financial support and also ensure an active profesional life and development. However, more and more companies realise that inclusive employment is an effective strategy to meet their social responsibility. With no real experience in the field employers are not properly equiped to develop on employment inclusion. Therefore, proactive cooperation with employers is necesary to counteract stereotypes and encourage them to understand skills and capacities of people with disabilities.

Including people with disabilities (PwD) in society involves educational, social, economic and political aspects. In the economic aspect, it is important to guarantee dignified and equal employment conditions. The software development market has been seen as an alternative for this public, however, it is necessary to better understand the challenges and realities of the effective inclusion of PwD in these environments, in order to provide an opportunity for participatory and proactive engagement. Therefore, this paper aims to bring up discussions about the importance of the PwD’s involvement in development teams to build a more diverse reality, both in software products and teams.

ABSTRACT Since the 1960s, the Council of Europe has developed recommendations and resolutions ensuring full participation of persons with disabilities into social and sport life. Diversity, equity, and inclusion are the elements that shape sports in the last decade. The right of people with disabilities to participate in recreational or sporting activities on equal terms as other populations through an inclusive approach is emphasized in the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. In 2021’s Briefing of the European Parliament is stated that there is a lack of centralized data collection on the participation of people with disabilities in sports at the European Union level. The Erasmus+ Sport program provides funding for sports actions, including the development of inclusive policies aiming to remove barriers and improve the participation of people with disabilities in sports. This study aims to explore the extent of inclusion of persons with disabilities in sports among the Erasmus+ Sport projects co-funded until 2020. Using a secondary research method, we analyzed data extracted from Annual reports, Compendiums, and other official European and stakeholder publications, the European Commission Erasmus+ Project Results Platform. As a result, 515 sport-related projects were identified. Applying secondary selection criteria related to disabilities and sports led to 41 projects focusing on inclusion. Development of inclusive sport policy and supporting the inclusion of persons with disabilities in sports is a long-standing demand, and a great amount of expectations are linked with Erasmus+ Sport. Despite being a funding mechanism, the Program provides an opportunity for the implementation of priorities identified in the Work Plan for Sport. Participation in projects provides opportunities for sports organizations to implement the latest European policies aligned with different aspects regarding the rights of persons with disabilities associated with sports.

Aim/Purpose. The present study aimed to understand in depth the experience of identity formation of beginning teachers (BTs), members of Gen Y in their first year at elementary school, and teaching students of Gen Alpha from the perspective of BTs and their teacher mentors (TMs). Background. The purpose of the study was to compare the aspects described by BTs and their mentor teachers of the initial experience of teaching and of shaping the professional identity of BTs, members of Gen Y, in elementary schools, from the perspective of BTs and teacher mentors (TMs). Methodology. This was a qualitative study. Two groups participated in the study: (a) 75 BTs, members of Gen Y, and (b) 40 mentors of beginning teachers. Contribution. The findings of this study indicate that the creation of an emotionally and professionally supportive community led to a fruitful discussion on issues related to the process of absorption and integration of BTs in the school. This process advanced their professional development, expanding knowledge, abilities, strategies, innovative pedagogical practices for classroom management, and meaningful teaching and learning in the classroom. The supportive community provided an emotional, professional, social-organizational, and evaluative-reflective response to the needs of BTs, facilitating meaningful interactions between the BTs and their students. It created a space for students to practice emotional training, organize and manage behavior, regulate emotions and behavior, reduce feelings of anger, and arouse a feeling of optimism. Findings. The findings show that there was a conflict between the BTs’ and TMs’ perceptions of school reality. The mentors expected the BTs to adapt to the existing system, whereas the BTs perceived the process as one of formation of their identity as teachers. It turned out that parameters important to Gen Y teachers, such as knowing the school organization and being an influential factor that brings about change, were less important to their mentors. The findings of the present study reinforce those of previous studies that investigated the employment characteristics of Gen Y. Recommendations for Practitioners. A supportive community at school is likely to increase the level of mental wellbeing of Gen Y teachers. To this end, support communities of teachers should be created by form and discipline of study. In the community, emphasis should be placed on reflection and mental resilience in all situations and challenging events that happen to the BTs to help them cope with the accumulated stress. Recommendations for Researchers. Students need a sensitive environment that is appropriate for Gen Alpha children. This environment must allow for emotional training and regulation, behavior organization, and management to arouse a feeling of optimism and reduce anger. Teachers must teach with love, sensitivity, affectivity, and empathy to develop students’ emotional, social, and cognitive abilities. Impact on Society. To retain BTs and prevent them from quitting their career, schools must ensure that members of Gen Y understand the school organization and are satisfied with the way the organization is managed. They must have a sense of being significant partners in the life of the school. Under optimal working conditions, Gen Y teachers may greatly contribute to the values of education and equal opportunity, maximizing the personal potential of each student and the classroom as a whole and making the school relevant. Future Research. Future studies should examine the characteristics of students belonging to Gen Alpha. One of the difficulties mentioned by BTs was a misunderstanding of the characteristics of Gen Alpha, which created problems in the interactions within the teaching staff and between the teachers and the students and prevented gaining authority with other teachers and with students.

Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.

As countries progress in their energy transitions, new investments have the potential to create employment. This is crucial, as countries enter their post-pandemic recovery phase. An opportunity also arises to close the gender gap in the energy sector. However, how much will need to be invested, how many jobs will be created, and for whom, remain empirical questions. Little is also known about the needs of each country and their sectors in terms of future skills and training. The present work sheds light on these questions by carrying out a harmonized firm-level survey on employment in Chile, Uruguay, and Bolivia. Findings are manifold. First, firms in emerging sectors such as energy efficiency, electric mobility, battery, storage, hydrogen, and demand management, create more direct jobs than generation firms, including renewables. Second, these firms also have the potential to create employment that is local, permanent, and direct. Finally, they can contribute to closing the gender gap. However, this employment creation will not come on its own and will not be equal between countries. It will require improving the workforces qualifications and considering each countrys labor market and market structures specificities.

This study provides baseline data on the status of the racial/ethnic and gender diversity of the transit agency workforce in the U.S. and identifies potential barriers and promising practices for diversifying this workforce. Public transit agencies function best when the diversity of their workforce represents the communities they serve, yet previous research finds an underrepresentation of women and minorities in senior and managerial roles, along with an overconcentration of men and workers of color—particularly Black workers—in operational roles (e.g., drivers, janitors). The study updates those earlier studies with newer data drawn from five discrete research tasks: 1) review of the scholarly and professional literature on the topic; 2) review of the websites of the 50 largest transit operators; 3) analysis of employee demographic data submitted by 152 transit operators as part of Equal Employment Opportunity (EEO) program plans; 4) analysis of responses to an original survey sent to the human resources personnel of transit agencies (92 responses from staff at 68 agencies), and 5) interviews with 12 professionals selected for their expertise in transportation workforce diversity monitoring, management, and/or advocacy.

In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.

This project explores workforce and occupations within the highway, street, and bridge construction industries (NAICS 237310) in Indiana. There are five specific deliverable comprised of three data reports, one policy document, and a website. The first data report includes an assessment of the workforce based on the eight-part framework, which are industry, occupations, job postings, hard-to-fill jobs, Classification of Instructional Programs (CIP), GAP Analysis, compatibility, and automation. The report defines a cluster followed by a detailed analysis of the occupations, skills, job postings, etc., in the NAICS 237310 industry in Indiana. The report makes use of specialized labor market databases, such as the Economic Modeling Specialists International (EMSI), CHMURA JobsEQ, etc. The analysis is based only on the jobs covered under the unemployment insurance or the Quarterly Census of Employment and Wages (QCEW) data. The second data report analyzes jobs to jobs flows to and from the construction industry in Indiana, with a particular emphasis on the Great Recession, by utilizing the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) data. The third data report looks into the equal employment opportunity or Section 1391 and 1392 data for Indiana and analyzes specific characteristics of that data. The policy report includes a set of recommendations for workforce development for INDOT and a summary of the three data reports. The key data on occupations within the NAICS 237310 are provided in an interactive website. The website provides a data dashboard for individual INDOT Districts. The policy document recommends steps for development of the highways, streets and bridges construction workforce in INDOT Districts.