Relevant bibliographies by topics / Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea

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Academic literature on the topic 'Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea"

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Bereketeab, Redie. "The Morality of the U.N. Security Council Sanctions against Eritrea: Defensibility, Political Objectives, and Consequences." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.46.

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Abstract:This article seeks to examine the sanctions imposed on Eritrea by the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) based on Eritrea’s alleged involvement in Somalia and its border dispute with Djibouti. It argues that the UNSC’s failure to sanction the parties for reneging on their commitment to implement the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s verdict on the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia casts doubt on the morality of the sanctions. It also argues that the decision may have been driven by political motives. These sanctions will hurt the people of Eritrea and the Eritrean nation, and indeed, there is a real risk that the outcome of the sanctions could be the collapse of the Eritrean state.
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Riley, Dylan, and Rebecca Jean Emigh. "Post-Colonial Journeys: Historical Roots of Immigration and Integration." Comparative Sociology 1, no. 2 (2002): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913302100418484.

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AbstractThe effect of Italian colonialism on migration to Italy differed according to the pre-colonial social structure, a factor previously neglected by immigration theories. In Eritrea, precolonial Christianity, sharp class distinctions, and a strong state promoted interaction between colonizers and colonized. Eritrean nationalism emerged against Ethiopia; thus, no sharp break between Eritreans and Italians emerged. Two outgrowths of colonialism, the Eritrean national movement and religious ties, facilitate immigration and integration. In contrast, in Somalia, there was no strong state, few class differences, the dominant religion was Islam, and nationalists opposed Italian rule. Consequently, Somali developed few institutional ties to colonial authorities and few institutions provided resources to immigrants. Thus, Somali immigrants are few and are not well integrated into Italian society.
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Haile, Semere. "The Origins and Demise of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Federation." Issue 15 (1987): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700505988.

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In the late 1970s, the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict and the Ethiopia-Somalia border war over the Ogaden region has centered world attention on Soviet-Cuban activities in the Horn of Africa. Although the Somali army was defeated by the combined powers of the Ethiopians and the Soviet-Cuban forces in mid-March 1978, the tension between the two countries was still high. Among the other problems facing the region is that of the Eritrean struggle for self-determination.
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Pospielov, Andrii. "The first period of double interstate military conflict on the African horn (1960-1977)." Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, no. 2 (2019): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-108-113.

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The article is devoted to the first period of the interstate military conflict in the Horn of Africa. The events of 1960-1977 are revealed. In two conflict zones. On the one hand, the buildup and manifestation of an interstate military-political confrontation between Ethiopia and the Republic of Somalia, and on the other hand, aspects of the emergence of an intrastate military conflict in Ethiopia itself related to the Eritrean issue are analyzed. Moreover, it is noted that the province of the Ethiopian Empire, and since 1974 the Republic of Eritrea, de facto was not so much an internal structure of the indicated state as a semi-legal state, fought for its independence. This process was provoked in 1945-1959. Great Britain, Italy and the UN. These world players created a situation of the unification of British and Italian Somalia into a single state - the Republic of Somalia, depriving it after the creation of those territories that were inhabited by related tribes. Thus, Western countries pushed Somalia to search for ways to unite with the territories of Ogaden and Kenya exclusively by military means. And Somalia, which was experiencing the shortcomings of all Somalia, was forced to seek a partner who would provide official Mogadishu with the means of warfare, against the background of constant help not to her, but exclusively to neighboring Ethiopia. That is why the Republic of Somalia has become an exclusively Soviet ally since the late 1960s. An example of the creation of a single Republic of Somalia and an attempt to have Western countries as an ally, and after 1974 the countries of socialism, the maritime power of Ethiopia, actually created a complex of double interstate conflict in this region of East Africa. It was in him that the status of Somalia as a country without related territories and Eritrea as the usual province of Ethiopia was fixed, which did not suit their peoples and leaders.
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Duncan, Derek. "In the Wake: Postcolonial Migrations from the Horn of Africa." Forum for Modern Language Studies 56, no. 1 (December 23, 2019): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/cqz055.

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Abstract Abu Bakr Khaal’s African Titanics (written in Arabic) and Jonny Steinberg’s A Man of Good Hope (written in English) track diasporic movements from the former Italian colonies of Eritrea and Somalia. Focusing on mobility as well as memory, both books trace complicated and unpredictable patterns of forced displacement and precarious settlement. African Titanics charts the journey from Eritrea to the shores of the Mediterranean and the sea crossing to Europe, while A Man of Good Hope follows the movement overland from Somalia to South Africa. Both texts delineate communities networked across national borders and propose an alternative geography formed by cultural commonality rather than geopolitical division. The essay draws on Christina Sharpe’s concept of the ‘wake’ as a means of understanding how migrant subjectivity and community are formed through the multiple forms of racialized violence experienced in transnational mobility.
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Shuriye, Abdi O., and Mosud T. Ajala. "The Future of Statehood in East Africa." Journal of Sustainable Development 9, no. 2 (March 30, 2016): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v9n2p221.

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<p>With the deterioration of political and security situations in Somalia and Kenya’s involvement in the war against al-shabaab as well as its political miscalculation and the lack of exit plan, add to this, the fading democratic conditions in Eritrea, accompanied by the political uncertainties in Ethiopia, since the demise Meles Zenawi Asres and the extermination of the opponents, as shown in last general election, as well as the one-man-show political scenario in Uganda and the likely disintegration of Tanzania into Zanzibar and Tanganyika, indicated by the ongoing elections; the political future of East African governments is predictably taking erroneous turns. It seems therefore, God forbids, there is a political catastrophe in the making as far as the state as an authoritative institution is concerned in East Africa.<br />One observes that the social fabric of these states, take Kenya, which used to be a solid in its social and political values, as an example, is drastically changing into a pattern-of-Somali-like tribal syndrome. The expiration of the government institutions, civil societies, law and order in Eritrea, the austere political future of Djibouti, the irrepressible and incurable wounds of Burundi and Rwanda are shrilling pointers of such fear.<br />Not to forget, the strained Muslim-Christian relations, which is now deeply rooted in these communities and states, the thick-headedness of most East Africa’s political leaders and the rapid increase of the youth population as well as the proxy war in business between China and the West on the region. These factors are the core indicators of the future of state and strong government in East Africa. The study covers several nations in East Africa including Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda.</p>
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Bruzzi, Silvia, and Meron Zeleke. "Contested Religious Authority: Sufi Women in Ethiopia and Eritrea." Journal of Religion in Africa 45, no. 1 (August 14, 2015): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340028.

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The African experience in works dealing with Sufi women shows a concentration of classical and more recent works in the Maghreb and in West Africa. There is an observable gap in academic writings on the Horn of Africa where only scarce and fragmentary studies are available on women’s involvement and leadership in Sufism. Works focusing on Somalia address such themes as women’s oral literature, religious practices, and everyday religion. The challenges Sufi women face in legitimizing their power, their experiences in a strong patriarchal society, the dominant discursive gendering strategy in defining religious orthodoxy, and the different mechanisms used by these women to establish and protect their religious power are marginalized themes in the region. Furthermore, by clearly showing the different coping mechanisms adopted by two religious figures and the different activities they lead as custodians of Sufi shrines, this paper stresses the need to go beyond the dominant academic discourse that overshadows the agency of women and instead magnify the passive status women have in the African sociopolitical landscape. This paper focuses on these themes and contributes to this gap through a comparative case study of two prominent Sufi figures from two different parts of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia and Eritrea.
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Kochetov, Dmitriy. "Colonial Past in Italian Relations with the Former African Colonies." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2 (54) (September 4, 2021): 214–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2021-54-2-214-225.

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The subject of article is influence of the colonial past on the relations of former metropole, namely Italy, with its former colonies in Africa. The question is considered in the context of the fact that the British, French or even Portuguese colonialisms definitely left interstate entities. In other words, they continue to considerably influence the relations with their former African colonies. Italian one, in its turn, left nothing like the Commonwealth of Nations, the International Organisation of La Francophonie or the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. However, by 2021 even in relations with each individual former colony of Rome in Africa (Eritrea, Somalia and Libya), it was replaced by the current agenda. Only in the case of Eritrea, which emerged as a result of Italian rule, there is probability, that in the nearest future the colonial past will affect its relations with Italy. Somalia, and especially Libya, which had been a reminder of the need to repair colonial damage for more than half a century, ceased to exist as single states. As a result, the long-ended colonialism ceased to be vital for their relations with the former metropole in a positive and negative way. Moreover, the author highlights that for any former colony, not only in Africa, or a country with big Italian community, Rome did nothing comparable with at least the Dutch Language Union. It means, that the elimination of any trace of Italian colonialism from international affairs is related not only to its weakness, but also to the lack of efforts made by modern Italy.
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Abdilahi, Abdilahi Ismail. "Discussing Opportunities and Crisis in The Horn of Africa (Hoa)." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT SCIENCE AND BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION 5, no. 4 (2019): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.54.1005.

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In this article, an analytical framework is adopted to analyze the socio-political status and economic performance of the Horn of Africa (HOA) region, consisting of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia. We have identified the essential socio-economic factors, and constraints specific to each country. The efforts on lifting these constraints and future opportunities for growth are discussed. Such a case study approach provides valuable insight to help policymakers create a targeted strategy for development. The study explores the current state of HOA, in terms of the growth in the Horn region, taking into account factors such as poor social returns, policy, restricted access to finance, instability and market failures.
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Nosè, M., G. Turrini, and C. Barbui. "Access to mental health services and psychotropic drug use in refugees and asylum seekers hosted in high-income countries." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 24, no. 5 (July 6, 2015): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796015000578.

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In the populations of refugees and asylum seekers hosted in high-income countries, access to mental health care and psychotropic drugs, is a major challenge. A recent Swedish cross-sectional register study has explored this phenomenon in a national cohort of 43 403 young refugees and their families from Iraq, Iran, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Afghanistan. This register study found lower rates of dispensed psychotropic drugs among recently settled refugees, as compared with Swedish-born residents, with an increase in the use with duration of residence. In this commentary, the results of this survey are discussed in view of their global policy implications for high-income countries hosting populations of refugees and asylum seekers.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea"

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Omar, Musa Mohammad. "Ethnien und Nationalstaaten am Horn von Afrika : Somalia und Eritrea /." Münster : Lit, 2002. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=009657402&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Miženková, Lucia. "Konflikty v Somálsku, Etiópii a Eritrei po 2. svetovej vojne." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-114277.

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The work is concerned with political problems in the Horn of Africa region (Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea). It is focused on the course of politics, analysis and future development of both regional and mutual conflicts. First part provides general characteristics of the region as the whole. Next parts deals in detail with each state separetely. There is also given special space to the Ethiopia-Eritrea and Somalia-Ethiopia conflicts.
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Berhane, Merhawi, and Samuel Koroma. "Educational Challenges Faced By Unaccompanied Refugee Youths In Stockholm." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för socialt arbete och psykologi, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-20799.

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This research paper explores the educational challenges faced by unaccompanied refugee youths in Stockholm. It focuses on the ongoing educational challenges that stem after separating from their families or other representatives in struggling to find a safe place; and adjust to a foreign country with minimal support. The research also examines what educational services that have been made available to these unaccompanied refugee youths.  Furthermore, how successful they have been in adjusting into the Swedish educational system and achieving their educational goals.   We have conducted a qualitative research method using semi-structured interviews to provide insightful findings into this research topic. The sample included ten unaccompanied refugee youths and three professionals that are experts in the area of unaccompanied refugee youths.  The findings underscore that most of the unaccompanied refugee youths´ dropout from school before they are able to achieve their post- secondary education due to different challenges that influence their educational pursuit.    Key words: challenges, support, imbalance, education, and unaccompanied Refugee youths.
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Le, Gouriellec Sonia. "Régionalisme, régionalisation des conflits et construction de l'État : l'équation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D015.

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En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerre
In spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war
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Books on the topic "Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea"

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Guglielmo, Matteo. Il Corno d'Africa: Eritrea, Etiopia, Somalia. Bologna: Il mulino, 2013.

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The coinage of Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Italian Somalia. Garden City, N.Y: D. Gill, 1991.

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Le colonie d'Italia: Somalia, Libia, Eritrea, Etiopia, Dodecaneso. Foggia: Italia editrice new, 2007.

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Äthiopien, Eritrea, Somalia, Djibouti: Das Horn von Afrika. München: C.H. Beck, 1992.

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Ethnien und Nationalstaaten am Horn von Afrika: Somalia und Eritrea. Münster: Lit, 2002.

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Surrender or starve: Travels in Sudan, Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia. New York: Vintage, 2003.

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Terry, Stevenson, and Fanshawe John, eds. Birds of the Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, and Socotra. 2nd ed. London: Christopher Helm, 2011.

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Il Corno d'Africa nella storia e nella politica: Etiopia, Somalia e Eritrea fra nazionalismi, sottosviluppo e guerra. Torino: Società editrice internazionale, 1994.

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Patanè, Pietro. Eroi dimenticati: La contrastata sistemazione dei caduti della campagna 1935-36 in Africa orientale : la normalizzazione dei rapporti con l'Etiopia : Somalia, Eritrea, Etiopia. Napoli: Istituto grafico editoriale italiano, 2000.

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Stabile, Tommaso. Le bonifiche in Italia e nei territori d'oltremare: Eritrea, Somalia, Etiopia, Albania, in Russia, USA, Olanda, arte e bonifica, mobilitazione culturale, sindacalismo fascista e post fascista. Velletri (Roma): Vela, 2000.

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Book chapters on the topic "Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea"

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Anderson, Carol. "Rethinking Radicalism: African Americans and the Liberation Struggles in Somalia, Libya, and Eritrea, 1945–1949." In Black Power beyond Borders, 13–33. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137295064_2.

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Matthies, Volker. "Die UNO am Horn von Afrika: Die Missionen in Somalia (UNOSOM I, UNITAF, UNOSOM II) und in Äthiopien/Eritrea (UNMEE)." In Praxishandbuch UNO, 41–59. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-55674-6_4.

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Carisch, Enrico, Loraine Rickard-Martin, and Shawna R. Meister. "Asymmetric Enemies in Somalia, Cambodia, Angola, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Eritrea-Ethiopia, Liberia I–III, Congo (Zaire), Ivory Coast, Sudan II, Libya, Guinea-Bissau, Central African Republic, Yemen, South Sudan." In The Evolution of UN Sanctions, 283–407. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60005-5_13.

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Schneider, Marius, and Vanessa Ferguson. "Djibouti." In Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837336.003.0017.

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One of the smallest countries in Africa with a total area of 23,200 square kilometres (km) and a population of 956,000 in 2017, Djibouti is located in the Horn of Africa. It borders Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, the Red Sea, and the Gulf of Aden. This strategic location makes it a bridge between the Middle East and Africa. Its capital and largest city is Djibouti city. It is the cultural and economic heart of the country. Around two-thirds of the population live in Djibouti city.
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Finneran, Niall. "The Invisible Archaeology of Slavery in the Horn of Africa?" In Slavery in Africa. British Academy, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264782.003.0011.

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Any archaeological study of slavery in the Horn of Africa (Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia) must take two factors into account: first, the paucity of archaeological evidence for this system, which is historically attested as being of immense economic importance in the Aksumite and post-Aksumite period; and second, that the ‘social memory’of slavery within the modern Ethiopian psyche has fuelled an ethnohistorical — potentially racist — dichotomy between the ‘Semitic’ highlands and the ‘Cushitic’ lowlands. This dichotomy also broadly mirrors a religious Christian/Muslim separation. This chapter argues that although apparently archaeologically invisible, the long history of slavery within this region of Africa has left a profound and legible cultural imprint upon its peoples and landscapes.
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Shama, Nael, and Islam Hassan. "In Pursuit of Security and Influence." In Water and Conflict in the Middle East, 171–98. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197552636.003.0008.

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Chapter 8 focuses on the United Arab Emirates (UAE), led by Mohamed bin Zayed, and its newly assertive power projection strategy that includes establishment naval and military bases on the Red Sea, in the chokepoints of the Bab al-Mandab one of the most important global shipping lanes and the Gulf of Aden and its littoral territory—the arid nations of Djibouti, Eritrea, and Somalia to achieve dual geostrategic and economic goals including the acquisition of operational and management rights over ports and economic zones. The theoretical framework used in this chapter to asses foreign policy change employs simultaneous levels of inquiry taking into account regional and systemic effects, domestic influences, and the role of leadership adding to the literature on international relations and the Middle East in two distinct ways (1) by addressing understudied theoretical questions concerning foreign policy change in small states and (2) exploring the nature and motivations of the emerging trend of securitizing waterspace and shipping lanes in the Middle East.
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Schneider, Marius, and Vanessa Ferguson. "Ethiopia." In Enforcement of Intellectual Property Rights in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837336.003.0022.

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Ethiopia is a landlocked country in the north-eastern part of Africa, popularly known as the Horn of Africa, with an area of 1,104 million square kilometres (km). It shares borders with North and South Sudan, Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, and Kenya. It has a total population of approximately 110 million (2017), making it the second most populous nation in Africa, second to Nigeria. The capital city and largest city in Ethiopia is Addis Ababa and a population of 3,384,589. Addis Ababa also serves as the headquarters of the African Union (AU), the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), and is home to the country’s main government institutions, departments, and offices, including the Imperial Palace (residence and office of the Prime Minister) and the Ethiopian Parliamentary Building. Government offices are open from 0830 until 1730, with one hour lunch break from 1230 to 1330 on Monday to Thursday, and from 1130 until 1330 on Friday. The Ethiopian Birr (ETB) is the currency.
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Wilcox, Vanda. "Imperialism and Irredentism in Liberal Italy." In The Italian Empire and the Great War, 18–40. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198822943.003.0002.

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For Italian nationalists, the nation was still incomplete after unification in 1861; they embraced the irredentist goal of incorporating Trento and Trieste, still in Austrian hands. The Triple Alliance which tied Italy to Germany and Austria-Hungary in a defensive pact made it hard to directly pursue this objective. Meanwhile, Italian ambitions to build a colonial empire began in the 1870s with the acquisition of Eritrea and Somalia in East Africa, before meeting a set-back with the crushing defeat by Ethiopia at Adwa in 1896. Liberals embraced an alternate, uniquely Italian vision of empire, built on emigrant colonies around the world. Advocates of traditional settler colonialism instead turned their attention to the Mediterranean and specifically to the so-called ‘Fourth Shore’ of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica. Considerable consensus emerged around attacking the Ottoman Empire in 1911; after a year of war, Italy officially acquired Libya and the Dodecanese Islands. But irredentist hopes, and ambitions in the Balkans, were not sated by this expansion.
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Faris, Endris Mekonnen. "Conflict Plagued East Africa Region and its Global Impact." In Advances in Religious and Cultural Studies, 61–70. IGI Global, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-0148-0.ch005.

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East Africa is one of the most politically complex, unstable and poorly administered parts of the world. The region has been such insecure and chaotic since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Somalia is a failed state. Sudan is still in state of both intra and interstate conflicts. The newly born South Sudan recently is in a deep crisis that already has resulted in the widely anticipated ethnic based civil war. The recent terrorist attack in Kenya is a signal of the long standing of its vulnerability. Ethiopia has been in border conflict with its former member state, Eritrea in addition to their perspective domestic political ups and downs. It is impossible to find a single country with a history of free-conflict both internally and beyond its territory. Horn of Africa is the quintessence state of conflict and remains to be center of research. This paper further investigates closely these conflicts in the region and its global impact in such away the region becomes the focus of the major global actors and international organizations.
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Abdelaaty, Lamis Elmy. "Politics Overtakes Policy in Egypt." In Discrimination and Delegation, 62–89. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197530061.003.0004.

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Chapter 4 considers refugee treatment, broadly conceived, in Egypt. Egypt is a “typical” refugee recipient: it is a developing country that has signed on to the 1951 Refugee Convention and hosts a relatively small number of refugees per capita. The chapter begins by reviewing the conventional wisdom about Egypt’s asylum policy, that is, that it has no policy. And indeed, Egypt does not have domestic refugee legislation or a single, clearly articulated official asylum policy. However, as this chapter demonstrates, there are clear patterns in Egypt’s responses to refugees. Drawing on elite interviews as well as archival sources and unpublished materials, it analyzes and compares Egypt’s post-WWII policies toward six refugee groups: Palestinians, Sudanese, Iraqis, Somalis, Eritreans, and Ethiopians. The fluctuation in policies over time and their variation by refugee group is consistent with the theory laid out in this book.
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