Journal articles: 'Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea'

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Bereketeab, Redie. "The Morality of the U.N. Security Council Sanctions against Eritrea: Defensibility, Political Objectives, and Consequences." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.46.

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Abstract:This article seeks to examine the sanctions imposed on Eritrea by the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) based on Eritrea’s alleged involvement in Somalia and its border dispute with Djibouti. It argues that the UNSC’s failure to sanction the parties for reneging on their commitment to implement the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s verdict on the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia casts doubt on the morality of the sanctions. It also argues that the decision may have been driven by political motives. These sanctions will hurt the people of Eritrea and the Eritrean nation, and indeed, there is a real risk that the outcome of the sanctions could be the collapse of the Eritrean state.

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Riley, Dylan, and Rebecca Jean Emigh. "Post-Colonial Journeys: Historical Roots of Immigration and Integration." Comparative Sociology 1, no. 2 (2002): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913302100418484.

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AbstractThe effect of Italian colonialism on migration to Italy differed according to the pre-colonial social structure, a factor previously neglected by immigration theories. In Eritrea, precolonial Christianity, sharp class distinctions, and a strong state promoted interaction between colonizers and colonized. Eritrean nationalism emerged against Ethiopia; thus, no sharp break between Eritreans and Italians emerged. Two outgrowths of colonialism, the Eritrean national movement and religious ties, facilitate immigration and integration. In contrast, in Somalia, there was no strong state, few class differences, the dominant religion was Islam, and nationalists opposed Italian rule. Consequently, Somali developed few institutional ties to colonial authorities and few institutions provided resources to immigrants. Thus, Somali immigrants are few and are not well integrated into Italian society.

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Haile, Semere. "The Origins and Demise of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Federation." Issue 15 (1987): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700505988.

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In the late 1970s, the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict and the Ethiopia-Somalia border war over the Ogaden region has centered world attention on Soviet-Cuban activities in the Horn of Africa. Although the Somali army was defeated by the combined powers of the Ethiopians and the Soviet-Cuban forces in mid-March 1978, the tension between the two countries was still high. Among the other problems facing the region is that of the Eritrean struggle for self-determination.

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Pospielov, Andrii. "The first period of double interstate military conflict on the African horn (1960-1977)." Scientific Visnyk V. O. Sukhomlynskyi Mykolaiv National University. Historical Sciences 48, no. 2 (2019): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.33310/2519-2809-2019-48-2-108-113.

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The article is devoted to the first period of the interstate military conflict in the Horn of Africa. The events of 1960-1977 are revealed. In two conflict zones. On the one hand, the buildup and manifestation of an interstate military-political confrontation between Ethiopia and the Republic of Somalia, and on the other hand, aspects of the emergence of an intrastate military conflict in Ethiopia itself related to the Eritrean issue are analyzed. Moreover, it is noted that the province of the Ethiopian Empire, and since 1974 the Republic of Eritrea, de facto was not so much an internal structure of the indicated state as a semi-legal state, fought for its independence. This process was provoked in 1945-1959. Great Britain, Italy and the UN. These world players created a situation of the unification of British and Italian Somalia into a single state - the Republic of Somalia, depriving it after the creation of those territories that were inhabited by related tribes. Thus, Western countries pushed Somalia to search for ways to unite with the territories of Ogaden and Kenya exclusively by military means. And Somalia, which was experiencing the shortcomings of all Somalia, was forced to seek a partner who would provide official Mogadishu with the means of warfare, against the background of constant help not to her, but exclusively to neighboring Ethiopia. That is why the Republic of Somalia has become an exclusively Soviet ally since the late 1960s. An example of the creation of a single Republic of Somalia and an attempt to have Western countries as an ally, and after 1974 the countries of socialism, the maritime power of Ethiopia, actually created a complex of double interstate conflict in this region of East Africa. It was in him that the status of Somalia as a country without related territories and Eritrea as the usual province of Ethiopia was fixed, which did not suit their peoples and leaders.

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Duncan, Derek. "In the Wake: Postcolonial Migrations from the Horn of Africa." Forum for Modern Language Studies 56, no. 1 (December 23, 2019): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fmls/cqz055.

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Abstract Abu Bakr Khaal’s African Titanics (written in Arabic) and Jonny Steinberg’s A Man of Good Hope (written in English) track diasporic movements from the former Italian colonies of Eritrea and Somalia. Focusing on mobility as well as memory, both books trace complicated and unpredictable patterns of forced displacement and precarious settlement. African Titanics charts the journey from Eritrea to the shores of the Mediterranean and the sea crossing to Europe, while A Man of Good Hope follows the movement overland from Somalia to South Africa. Both texts delineate communities networked across national borders and propose an alternative geography formed by cultural commonality rather than geopolitical division. The essay draws on Christina Sharpe’s concept of the ‘wake’ as a means of understanding how migrant subjectivity and community are formed through the multiple forms of racialized violence experienced in transnational mobility.

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Shuriye, Abdi O., and Mosud T. Ajala. "The Future of Statehood in East Africa." Journal of Sustainable Development 9, no. 2 (March 30, 2016): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v9n2p221.

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<p>With the deterioration of political and security situations in Somalia and Kenya’s involvement in the war against al-shabaab as well as its political miscalculation and the lack of exit plan, add to this, the fading democratic conditions in Eritrea, accompanied by the political uncertainties in Ethiopia, since the demise Meles Zenawi Asres and the extermination of the opponents, as shown in last general election, as well as the one-man-show political scenario in Uganda and the likely disintegration of Tanzania into Zanzibar and Tanganyika, indicated by the ongoing elections; the political future of East African governments is predictably taking erroneous turns. It seems therefore, God forbids, there is a political catastrophe in the making as far as the state as an authoritative institution is concerned in East Africa.<br />One observes that the social fabric of these states, take Kenya, which used to be a solid in its social and political values, as an example, is drastically changing into a pattern-of-Somali-like tribal syndrome. The expiration of the government institutions, civil societies, law and order in Eritrea, the austere political future of Djibouti, the irrepressible and incurable wounds of Burundi and Rwanda are shrilling pointers of such fear.<br />Not to forget, the strained Muslim-Christian relations, which is now deeply rooted in these communities and states, the thick-headedness of most East Africa’s political leaders and the rapid increase of the youth population as well as the proxy war in business between China and the West on the region. These factors are the core indicators of the future of state and strong government in East Africa. The study covers several nations in East Africa including Burundi, Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda.</p>

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Bruzzi, Silvia, and Meron Zeleke. "Contested Religious Authority: Sufi Women in Ethiopia and Eritrea." Journal of Religion in Africa 45, no. 1 (August 14, 2015): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340028.

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The African experience in works dealing with Sufi women shows a concentration of classical and more recent works in the Maghreb and in West Africa. There is an observable gap in academic writings on the Horn of Africa where only scarce and fragmentary studies are available on women’s involvement and leadership in Sufism. Works focusing on Somalia address such themes as women’s oral literature, religious practices, and everyday religion. The challenges Sufi women face in legitimizing their power, their experiences in a strong patriarchal society, the dominant discursive gendering strategy in defining religious orthodoxy, and the different mechanisms used by these women to establish and protect their religious power are marginalized themes in the region. Furthermore, by clearly showing the different coping mechanisms adopted by two religious figures and the different activities they lead as custodians of Sufi shrines, this paper stresses the need to go beyond the dominant academic discourse that overshadows the agency of women and instead magnify the passive status women have in the African sociopolitical landscape. This paper focuses on these themes and contributes to this gap through a comparative case study of two prominent Sufi figures from two different parts of the Horn of Africa, Ethiopia and Eritrea.

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Kochetov, Dmitriy. "Colonial Past in Italian Relations with the Former African Colonies." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 2 (54) (September 4, 2021): 214–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2021-54-2-214-225.

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The subject of article is influence of the colonial past on the relations of former metropole, namely Italy, with its former colonies in Africa. The question is considered in the context of the fact that the British, French or even Portuguese colonialisms definitely left interstate entities. In other words, they continue to considerably influence the relations with their former African colonies. Italian one, in its turn, left nothing like the Commonwealth of Nations, the International Organisation of La Francophonie or the Community of Portuguese Language Countries. However, by 2021 even in relations with each individual former colony of Rome in Africa (Eritrea, Somalia and Libya), it was replaced by the current agenda. Only in the case of Eritrea, which emerged as a result of Italian rule, there is probability, that in the nearest future the colonial past will affect its relations with Italy. Somalia, and especially Libya, which had been a reminder of the need to repair colonial damage for more than half a century, ceased to exist as single states. As a result, the long-ended colonialism ceased to be vital for their relations with the former metropole in a positive and negative way. Moreover, the author highlights that for any former colony, not only in Africa, or a country with big Italian community, Rome did nothing comparable with at least the Dutch Language Union. It means, that the elimination of any trace of Italian colonialism from international affairs is related not only to its weakness, but also to the lack of efforts made by modern Italy.

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Abdilahi, Abdilahi Ismail. "Discussing Opportunities and Crisis in The Horn of Africa (Hoa)." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT SCIENCE AND BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION 5, no. 4 (2019): 34–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.54.1005.

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In this article, an analytical framework is adopted to analyze the socio-political status and economic performance of the Horn of Africa (HOA) region, consisting of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia. We have identified the essential socio-economic factors, and constraints specific to each country. The efforts on lifting these constraints and future opportunities for growth are discussed. Such a case study approach provides valuable insight to help policymakers create a targeted strategy for development. The study explores the current state of HOA, in terms of the growth in the Horn region, taking into account factors such as poor social returns, policy, restricted access to finance, instability and market failures.

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Nosè, M., G. Turrini, and C. Barbui. "Access to mental health services and psychotropic drug use in refugees and asylum seekers hosted in high-income countries." Epidemiology and Psychiatric Sciences 24, no. 5 (July 6, 2015): 379–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045796015000578.

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In the populations of refugees and asylum seekers hosted in high-income countries, access to mental health care and psychotropic drugs, is a major challenge. A recent Swedish cross-sectional register study has explored this phenomenon in a national cohort of 43 403 young refugees and their families from Iraq, Iran, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Afghanistan. This register study found lower rates of dispensed psychotropic drugs among recently settled refugees, as compared with Swedish-born residents, with an increase in the use with duration of residence. In this commentary, the results of this survey are discussed in view of their global policy implications for high-income countries hosting populations of refugees and asylum seekers.

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Tafla, Bairu. "Gian Carlo Stella: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani d’Africa (Eritrea – Etiopia – Libia – Somalia – Sudan): 1271–1990." Aethiopica 4 (June 30, 2013): 255–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.4.1.513.

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12

Anderson, Carol. "Rethinking Radicalism: African Americans and the Liberation Struggles in Somalia, Libya, and Eritrea, 1945-1949." Journal of The Historical Society 11, no. 4 (December 2011): 385–423. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5923.2011.00346.x.

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Gömceli, Nursen. "Questioning History, Nationality and Identity in Timberlake Wertenbaker’s Credible Witness." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 11, no. 1 (May 8, 2014): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.11.1.83-92.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the Anglo-American playwright Timberlake Wertenbaker’s approach to the issues of history, nationality and identity in her play Credible Witness (2001), and to discuss the significance of these concepts in our modern world through a close analysis of the play. In Credible Witness, the playwright brings together people from diverse countries, such as Sri Lanka, Algeria, Eritrea, Somalia and Macedonia in a detention centre in London, and via the stories of these asylum seekers, and particularly through the dramatic encounter between Petra, a Macedonian woman with strong nationalistic pride, and her son Alexander, a history teacher forced to seek refuge in Britain for political reasons, Wertenbaker tries to demonstrate “what happens to people when they step outside, or are forced outside, their history, their identity” (Aston 2003, 13).

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Knipscheer, Jeroen, Erick Vloeberghs, Anke van der Kwaak, and Maria van den Muijsenbergh. "Mental health problems associated with female genital mutilation." BJPsych Bulletin 39, no. 6 (December 2015): 273–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.114.047944.

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Aims and methodTo study the mental health status of 66 genitally mutilated immigrant women originating from Africa (i.e. Somalia, Sudan, Eritrea and Sierra Leone). Scores on standardised questionnaires (Harvard Trauma Questionnaire-30, Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25, COPE-Easy, Lowlands Acculturation Scale) and demographic and psychosocial correlates were analysed.ResultsA third of the respondents reported scores above the cut-off for affective or anxiety disorders; scores indicative for post-traumatic stress disorder were presented by 17.5% of women. Type of circumcision (infibulation), recollection of the event (a vivid memory), coping style (avoidance, in particular substance misuse) and employment status (lack of income) were significantly associated with psychopathology.Clinical implicationsA considerable minority group, characterised by infibulated women who have a vivid memory of the circumcision and cope with their symptoms in an avoidant way, reports to experience severe consequences of genital circumcision. In terms of public healthcare, interventions should target these groups as a priority.

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Ferguson, Adam. "Mammals of Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia: field guide to the larger mammals of the Horn of Africa." Journal of Mammalogy 102, no. 4 (June 12, 2021): 1203–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jmammal/gyab065.

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Yitay, Binyam, and Tsoaledi Thobejane. "Regional Integration in the Horn of Africa: Some Findings." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 11, no. 1 (June 10, 2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v11i1.p77-88.

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In the Horn of Africa there is a regional bloc that comprises eight countries namely Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan and Uganda. The appellation of the organisation is called IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development). It was established in 1986, yet it could not bring a desired result. Even the least form of integration i.e. Free Trade Area (FTA) could not achieve. So that this paper will probe the challenges associated with the regional integration agenda of IGAD. This paper is an excerpt from a study conducted by the author regarding IGAD. Thus the paper will present the findings of the said study. The study used qualitative approach for data collection. Interview with IGAD officers has been conducted to know the cause for the failure of IGAD’s integration process. IGAD lacks both financial and human capacity to fulfil its objectives, absence of regional institutions (such as Bank of IGAD) worsen the situation, emerging and subsequent security threats such as terrorism, pastoral conflict, tense relationship among member states, undermining of the informal trade remains the road block of regional integration.

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Romadan, L. I., and V. A. Shagalov. "United Nations - African Union Cooperation In Conflict Prevention, Peacekeeping and Peacebuildin." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(45) (December 28, 2015): 174–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-6-45-174-181.

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The article addresses the cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations, in particular the African Union in the sphere of security and settlement of conflicts. Over the last decade the role of the AU and sub regional organizations has dramatically increased. Through its agencies of ensuring peace and security the African Union is making significant contribution to strengthening stability and promotion of democracy and human rights in Africa. In the beginning of the article authors make a review of the level of security on the African continent and stress the sharpest conflict zones. According to researches one of the most turbulent regions on continent in terms of security is the North-East Africa. Continuing quarter-century war in Somalia, conflict relations between Somalia and Ethiopia, the border crises between Ethiopia and Eritrea, which in the late 20th century turned into the war between the two countries, finally, the number of armed clashes in Sudan attracted the special attention to the region of the entire world community. Authors pay the main attention to the cooperation between the United Nations and the African Union in the sphere of settling regional conflicts and holding peacekeeping operations. In the article the main mechanisms and methods that are used by the United Nations and the African Union to hold peacekeeping operations are analyzed in details. The situation in Somalia and efforts of the United Nations and the African Union that are making towards stabilization in this country are also studied. Authors reveal the basic elements and make a review of the mixed multicomponent peacekeeping operation of the United Nations and the African Union in Sudan. In the conclusion authors stress the measures that could strengthen the strategic cooperation between the United Nations and the African union. According to the authors the most important task is to solve problems of financing joint peacekeeping operations quickly and effectively.

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Maundeni, Zibani, Edgar Bwalya, and Phana Kwerepe. "The Rise of Barotse Separatist Nationalism in Zambia: Can Its Associated Violence Be Prevented?" Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (November 29, 2015): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p263.

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This paper explores the idea that poor governance explains the rise of separatist nationalism in situations such as Zambia, Eritrea, Sudan and Somalia (in Africa) that had previously been independently governed during the colonial times, but later joined other states at independence to enjoy normal politics, but later degenerated into violent separatist nationalism. Our argument is that centralisation of power in an environment in which cultural groups are calling for regional autonomy, for even development, and for the international community to intervene on the side of peace, create grounds that explain the rise of violent separatist movements. The Barotseland Protectorate negotiated for autonomous development and, after securing constitutional guarantees in its favour, voluntarily joined Zambia in what was expected to be a one nation, two states system. After four decades of resisting constitutional amendments in favour of the centralisation of power, the Barotse of Zambia abandoned the politics of autonomous development and started calling for a separate state. Their resolve to remain peaceful is not aided by the international community that is reluctant to intervene, exposing the political process to radicals who consider violence as an alternative. The paper argues that violent separatist politics is preventable.

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Newbury, David. "Returning Refugees: Four Historical Patterns of “Coming Home” to Rwanda." Comparative Studies in Society and History 47, no. 2 (April 2005): 252–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417505000137.

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Over the 1990s, Western images of Africa became dominated by a social landscape of mobile people fleeing disaster. In the aftermath of the horrendous 1994 genocide in Rwanda, refugees and IDPs (“internally displaced people,” the term used for uprooted individuals within a state) were especially visible in Central Africa, but West Africa also was the locus of a series of complicated refugee movements (from Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Côte d'Ivoire, and elsewhere), and northeast Africa (Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia) generated many more. Such flight from fear, however, was not new to Africa. Many people had fled colonial extractions or had been forcibly moved for purposes of colonial labor; many more were caught up in precolonial relocations. Of course many were forcibly moved as well in the massive displacement of slaves from and within Africa, and voluntary movement was also common, for land, trade, or religious duty. Consequently, while in the West, Africa is often thought of as a continent in stasis, with the rural poor tied to their land, in fact, the historical record indicates that Africa has always been a continent of enormous mobility.

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Carver, Jeremy, and Jenine Hulsmann. "The Role of Article 50 of the Un Charter in the Search for International Peace and Security." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2000): 528–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064368.

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International sanctions have grown in use significantly since they were deployed in response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in August 1990.1 In the decade since the Kuwait crisis, economic and other measures not involving the use of force have been deployed by the international community against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro),2 Libya3 Rwanda4 Haiti5 Liberia,6 Somalia,7 Sudan,8 Sierra Leone,9 Angola,10 Eritrea and Ethiopia11 and, most recently, Afghanistan.12 International sanctions today derive—principally13—from a single source: the Security Council acting on the powers delegated to it by Member States under Article 41 of the UN Charter. However, while the sanctions contemplated by Article 41 have proved to be of continuing relevance in an increasingly interdependent world, the circumstances which enhance the potency of economic sanctions as a means of responding to an international crisis also increase the risk of loss by innocent States. The increased willingness of the Security Council to use its binding authority to impose economic sanctions has raised important questions both as to the cost of economic sanctions to implementing States, and the limits on the Council's powers.

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van den Boogaard, Jossy, Erika Slump, Henrieke J. Schimmel, Wim van der Hoek, Susan van den Hof, and Gerard de Vries. "High Incidence of Active Tuberculosis in Asylum Seekers from Eritrea and Somalia in the First 5 Years after Arrival in the Netherlands." Emerging Infectious Diseases 26, no. 4 (April 2020): 675–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3201/eid2604.190123.

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Nilsen, Roy M., Anne K. Daltveit, Marjolein M. Iversen, Marit G. Sandberg, Erica Schytt, Rhonda Small, Ragnhild B. Strandberg, Eline S. Vik, and Vigdis Aasheim. "Preconception Folic Acid Supplement Use in Immigrant Women (1999–2016)." Nutrients 11, no. 10 (September 27, 2019): 2300. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu11102300.

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This study examines how preconception folic acid supplement use varied in immigrant women compared with non-immigrant women. We analyzed national population-based data from Norway from 1999–2016, including 1,055,886 pregnancies, of which 202,234 and 7,965 were to 1st and 2nd generation immigrant women, respectively. Folic acid supplement use was examined in relation to generational immigrant category, maternal country of birth, and length of residence. Folic acid supplement use was lower overall in 1st and 2nd generation immigrant women (21% and 26%, respectively) compared with Norwegian-born women (29%). The lowest use among 1st generation immigrant women was seen in those from Eritrea, Ethiopia, Morocco, and Somalia (around 10%). The highest use was seen in immigrant women from the United States, the Netherlands, Denmark, and Iceland (>30%). Folic acid supplement use increased with increasing length of residence in immigrant women from most countries, but the overall prevalence was lower compared with Norwegian-born women even after 20 years of residence (adjusted odds ratio: 0.63; 95% confidence interval: 0.60–0.67). This study suggests that immigrant women from a number of countries are less likely to use preconception folic acid supplements than non-immigrant women, even many years after settlement.

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Sturrock, Sarah, Emma Williams, and Anne Greenough. "Antenatal and perinatal outcomes of refugees in high income countries." Journal of Perinatal Medicine 49, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jpm-2020-0389.

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AbstractObjectivesThe World Health Organisation (WHO) has highlighted a marked trend for worse pregnancy-related indicators in migrants, such as maternal and neonatal morbidity and mortality, poor mental health and suboptimal care. The aim of this study was to determine whether such adverse outcomes occurred in refugees who moved to high income countries by comparing their antenatal and perinatal outcomes to those of non-immigrant women.MethodsA literature search was undertaken. Embase and Medline databases were searched using Ovid. Search terms included “refugee”, “pregnan*” or “neonat*”, and “outcome”.ResultsThe search yielded 194 papers, 23 were included in the final analysis. All the papers included were either retrospective cohort or cross-sectional studies. The refugees studied originated from a wide variety of source countries, including Eritrea, Somalia, Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria. Refugee women were more likely to be socially disadvantaged, but less likely to smoke or take illegal drugs during pregnancy. Refugee women were more likely to have poor, late, or no attendance at antenatal care. Miscarriages and stillbirth were more common amongst refugee women than non-refugees. Perinatal mortality was higher among refugees.ConclusionsDespite better health care services in high income countries, refugee mothers still had worse outcomes. This may be explained by their late or lack of attendance to antenatal care.

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John, Roy. ""Birds of the Horn of Africa - Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, and Socotra" by Nigel Redman, Terry Stevenson, and John Fanshawe. 2009. [book review]." Canadian Field-Naturalist 123, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22621/cfn.v123i1.648.

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Schlee, Günther. "Redrawing the Map of the Horn: The Politics of Difference." Africa 73, no. 3 (August 2003): 343–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.3.343.

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AbstractThe paper examines the changing shapes of territories in the Horn of Africa and the discourses which legitimise these different shapes. It starts with the ‘Horn’ itself, the different ways to delineate it, and the interests behind these. Then Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and the de facto independent Somaliland are discussed and their justifications for being examined. These justifications are found not to follow the same pattern. The criteria for inclusion or exclusion of populations or territories differ and form a rich reservoir for future conflict. On a lower level, that of regional states comprised in a major unit, the Oromo of Ethiopia, the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa, are discussed in some detail. Accounts about how the Oromo have come to be and who is to be regarded as an Oromo are found to be mutually conflicting. In the last part, international and transnational relations in the Horn of Africa are looked at. Major groupings cross-cutting state boundaries are formed by states forming alliances with ethnic movements, opposition forces or warlords in neighbouring states or ex-states, against other states or spheres of power. Publicity of such alliances is kept low and few efforts seem to be made to give them an ideological basis or historical justifications. The logic followed in these cases seems to be simply that the enemy of an enemy is a potential friend.

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Showler, Allan T., and Michel Lecoq. "Incidence and Ramifications of Armed Conflict in Countries with Major Desert Locust Breeding Areas." Agronomy 11, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agronomy11010114.

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Despite many areas of progress in recent years, desert locust surveillance and control is impaired by many obstacles, the most intractable of which is insecurity. Insecurity involves rebellions, insurgencies, civil and international war, banditry, terrorism, and minefields. Obstruction of desert locust operations in breeding areas by ongoing armed conflict and landmines constitutes “direct” insecurity. “Indirect” insecurity, although less obvious, is arguably more broadly deleterious by debilitating government function and diverting funds, personnel, and equipment from desert locust management. Indirect “active” insecurity is armed conflict and civil unrest that is occurring at the same time as a desert locust episode, but not in the breeding areas. Indirect “inactive” insecurity refers to the after-effects of insecurity, including weak funding because of prior inattention to capacity maintenance during times of direct and indirect active insecurity, disabled or militarily-appropriated vehicles and other resources, destruction of infrastructure, and deployment of mines. We provide examples of direct and indirect insecurity across 35 years, from 1986 through May 2020, in 13 African and Asian countries (Chad, Eritrea, Ethiopia, India, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Western Sahara, and Yemen) with desert locust breeding areas to illustrate the complexity, pervasiveness, and chronic occurrence of insecurity. The upsurge of 2020 is used to show how direct insecurity still contributes to the genesis and expansion of desert locust episodes. Possible mitigation of direct insecurity effects on some desert locust operations is discussed.

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Showler, Allan T., and Michel Lecoq. "Incidence and Ramifications of Armed Conflict in Countries with Major Desert Locust Breeding Areas." Agronomy 11, no. 1 (January 8, 2021): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/agronomy11010114.

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Despite many areas of progress in recent years, desert locust surveillance and control is impaired by many obstacles, the most intractable of which is insecurity. Insecurity involves rebellions, insurgencies, civil and international war, banditry, terrorism, and minefields. Obstruction of desert locust operations in breeding areas by ongoing armed conflict and landmines constitutes “direct” insecurity. “Indirect” insecurity, although less obvious, is arguably more broadly deleterious by debilitating government function and diverting funds, personnel, and equipment from desert locust management. Indirect “active” insecurity is armed conflict and civil unrest that is occurring at the same time as a desert locust episode, but not in the breeding areas. Indirect “inactive” insecurity refers to the after-effects of insecurity, including weak funding because of prior inattention to capacity maintenance during times of direct and indirect active insecurity, disabled or militarily-appropriated vehicles and other resources, destruction of infrastructure, and deployment of mines. We provide examples of direct and indirect insecurity across 35 years, from 1986 through May 2020, in 13 African and Asian countries (Chad, Eritrea, Ethiopia, India, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Western Sahara, and Yemen) with desert locust breeding areas to illustrate the complexity, pervasiveness, and chronic occurrence of insecurity. The upsurge of 2020 is used to show how direct insecurity still contributes to the genesis and expansion of desert locust episodes. Possible mitigation of direct insecurity effects on some desert locust operations is discussed.

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Crawley, Heaven. "Managing the Unmanageable? Understanding Europe's Response to the Migration ‘Crisis’." Human Geography 9, no. 2 (July 2016): 13–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861600900202.

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More than 1 million people have crossed the Mediterranean and Aegean Seas since January 2015, arriving on the beaches of Southern Europe in dinghies and rickety boats, having paid a smuggler to facilitate their journey. Most are refugees from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Eritrea, and Somalia who are fleeing conflict and violence. Others are migrants from West and Central Africa, seeking a livelihood and a future for themselves and their families. This paper will unpack the evolution of the European policy response, arguing that the migration ‘crisis’ is not a reflection of numbers – which pale into insignificance relative to the number of refugees in other countries outside Europe or to those moving in and out of Europe on tourist, student and work visas – but rather a crisis of political solidarity. After five emergency summits to agree a common response, EU politicians are still struggling to come to terms with the dynamics of migration to Europe, the complexity of motivations driving people forward, the role of different institutions, including governments, international organizations, NGOs and civil society, in facilitating the journey, and the ways in which social media is providing individuals and families with information about the options and possibilities that are, or are not, available to them. I suggest that the unwillingness of politicians and policymakers to engage with research evidence on the dynamics of migration and to harness their combined resources to address the consequences of conflict and underdevelopment elsewhere, speaks more strongly to the current state of the European Union than it does to the realities of contemporary migration.

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Catania, Lucrezia, Rosaria Mastrullo, Angela Caselli, Rosa Cecere, Omar Abdulcadir, and Jasmine Abdulcadir. "Male perspectives on FGM among communities of African heritage in Italy." International Journal of Human Rights in Healthcare 9, no. 1 (March 14, 2016): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijhrh-07-2015-0023.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate the attitudes, knowledge and beliefs regarding female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C) of six groups of immigrant men from countries where FGM/C is practiced and to identify their role in the decision-making process of circumcising their daughters. Design/methodology/approach – The study took the form of qualitative action research with seven focus groups of 50 men coming from Somalia, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Benin, Egypt and Nigeria, living in Florence, Italy. Findings – Different conceptions, cultures and attitudes about FGM/C exist among men coming from different countries, but also within the same community. The participants expressed positions both in favor and against the maintenance of the practice. There were opposite beliefs about the religious motivations invoked. Research limitations/implications – The study is qualitative and the non-probability sample and the small number of participants are important limitations. Practical implications – The study improves current knowledge on men’s role and attitude in FGM/C and gives important information for the prevention of future activities that could include both men and women of the community. Social implications – The need to involve men in preventive actions against FGM/C has been underlined by the World Health Organization. The involvement of men and leaders of the communities could facilitate cultural changes toward the abandoning of these practices. FGM/C is often considered as a phenomenon concerning only women, who are frequently left alone to face the decision of whether to abandon the ritual. Originality/value – The great advantage of conducting such a study in a country of migration is the presence of different communities, with different cultural views, in the same area.

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Buechley, Evan R. "Birds of the Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia and SocotraBirds of the Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia and Socotra, revised and expanded edition, by Nigel Redman, Terry Stevenson, and John Fanshawe; illustrated by John Gale and Brian Small. 2016. Princeton Field Guides. Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ, USA. 512 pp., 213 color plates. $45 (paperback). ISBN 0691172897." Condor 120, no. 2 (May 2018): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1650/condor-18-19.1.

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Griffiths, Ulla K., Jennifer Asman, Alex Adjagba, Marina Yo, James O. Oguta, and Chloe Cho. "Budget line items for immunization in 33 African countries." Health Policy and Planning 35, no. 7 (May 27, 2020): 753–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czaa040.

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Abstract When seeking to ensure financial sustainability of a health programme, existence of a line item in the Ministry of Health (MOH) budget is often seen as an essential, first step. We used immunization as a reference point for cross-country comparison of budgeting methods in Sub-Saharan African countries. Study objectives were to (1) verify the number and types of budget line items for immunization services, (2) compare budget execution with budgeted amounts and (3) compare values with annual immunization expenditures reported to WHO and UNICEF. MOH budgets for 2016 and/or 2017 were obtained from 33 countries. Despite repeated attempts, budgets could not be retrieved from five countries (Chad, Eritrea, Guinea Bissau, Somalia and South Sudan), and we were only able to gather budget execution from eight countries. The number of immunization line items ranged between 0 and 42, with a median of eight. Immunization donor funding was included in 10 budgets. Differences between budgeted amounts and expenditures reported to WHO and UNICEF were greater than 50% in 66% of countries. Immunization budgets per child in the birth cohort ranged from US$1.37 (Democratic Republic of Congo) to US$67.51 (Central African Republic), with an average of US$10.05. Out of the total Government health budget, immunization comprised between 0.04% (Madagascar) and 5.67% (Benin), with an average of 1.98% across the countries, when excluding on-budget donor funds. It was challenging to obtain MOH budgets in many countries and it was largely impossible to access budget execution reports, preventing us from assessing budget credibility. Large differences between budgets and expenditures reported to WHO and UNICEF are likely due to inconsistent interpretations of reporting requirements, diverse approaches to reporting donor funds, challenges in extracting the relevant information from public financial management systems and broader issues of public financial management capacity in MOH staff.

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Kahlig, Pascal, Daniel H. Paris, and Andreas Neumayr. "Louse-borne relapsing fever—A systematic review and analysis of the literature: Part 1—Epidemiology and diagnostic aspects." PLOS Neglected Tropical Diseases 15, no. 3 (March 11, 2021): e0008564. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pntd.0008564.

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Louse-borne relapsing fever (LBRF) is a classical epidemic disease, which in the past was associated with war, famine, poverty, forced migration, and crowding under poor hygienic conditions around the world. The disease’s causative pathogen, the spirochete bacterium Borrelia recurrentis, is confined to humans and transmitted by a single vector, the human body louse Pediculus humanus. Since the disease has had its heyday before the days of modern medicine, many of its aspects have never been formally studied and to date, remain incompletely understood. In order to shed light on some of these aspects, we have systematically reviewed the accessible literature on LBRF, since the recognition of its mode of transmission in 1907, and summarized the existing data on epidemiology and diagnostic aspects of the disease. Publications were identified by using a predefined search strategy on electronic databases and a subsequent review of the reference lists of the obtained publications. All publications reporting patients with a confirmed diagnosis of LBRF published in English, French, German, and Spanish since 1907 were included. Data extraction followed a predefined protocol and included a grading system to judge the certainty of the diagnosis of reported cases. Historically, Ethiopia is considered a stronghold of LBRF. The recognition of LBRF among East African migrants (originating from Somalia, Eritrea, and Ethiopia) arriving to Europe in the course of the recent migration flow from this region suggests that this epidemiological focus ostensibly persists. Currently, there is neither evidence to support or refute active transmission foci of LBRF elsewhere on the African continent, in Latin America, or in Asia. Microscopy remains the most commonly used method to diagnose LBRF. Data are lacking on sensitivity and specificity of most diagnostic methods.

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Harebottle, Doug M. "The Birds of the Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia and Socotra, Revised and Expanded Edition The Birds of the Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia and Socotra, Revised and Expanded Edition. —by Nigel Redman , Terry Stevenson and John Fanshawe . 2016. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey, USA. 512 pp., 213 color plates, 1,000+ color maps. Paperback: $45.00 US ( ISBN 978-0-6911-7289-7)." Waterbirds 41, no. 1 (March 2018): 101–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1675/063.041.0114.

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Sarkadi, Anna, Anna Bjärtå, Anna Leiler, and Raziye Salari. "Is the Refugee Health Screener a Useful Tool when Screening 14- to 18-Year-Old Refugee Adolescents for Emotional Distress?" Journal of Refugee Studies 32, Special_Issue_1 (December 1, 2019): i141—i150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/fey072.

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Abstract The high number of asylum seekers in Sweden has highlighted the need for structured assessment tools to screen for refugee mental health problems in clinical services. We examined the utility of the Refugee Health Screener (RHS) in refugee adolescents, aged 14–18, attending routine clinical examinations or staying in group homes/refugee centres (N = 29). Participants completed a survey, including the RHS, administered through iPads in their native language. The RHS showed excellent internal consistency (α = 0.96) and correlated moderately with symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (r = 0.41, p = 0.025). Mean scores and prevalence rates were comparable to a study of adult refugees in Sweden. Unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs) scored significantly higher (M = 32.0, SD = 12.9) compared to youth staying with their families (M = 7.5, SD = 8.2, p < 0.001, d = 2.27). Our findings confirm that the RHS can be used in the adolescent population in Sweden. These findings moreover suggest that URMs are a particularly vulnerable group with a large burden of mental health problems. In 2015, 162,877 persons sought asylum in Sweden, 35,369 of whom were unaccompanied refugee minors (URMs) and another 35,015 children in families (Swedish Migration Agency, 2017). Most URMs (86 per cent) are boys, mainly from Afghanistan, Syria, Somalia and Eritrea, whereas children in families (accompanied refugee minors) more often come from Syria and Iraq with an equal gender distribution. During the asylum process, lasting up to 30 months, children have access to free education and health care. URMs are under the care of the social services and are assigned a legal guardian until they turn 18. Adults are entitled to acute health care and housing but cannot work and have no access to studies. If granted asylum, the person/family is assigned to a municipality that assumes responsibility for them. Thus, on top of adverse events before and during migration, the asylum and resettlement process per se involves stressors and a lack of control for refugees, which increases the risk of developing mental health problems.

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Qu, Carolyn, Xianjun Hao, and John J. Qu. "Monitoring Extreme Agricultural Drought over the Horn of Africa (HOA) Using Remote Sensing Measurements." Remote Sensing 11, no. 8 (April 13, 2019): 902. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rs11080902.

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The Horn of Africa ((HOA), including Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Somalia) has been slammed by extreme drought within the past years, and has become one of the most food-insecure regions in the world. Millions of people in the HOA are undernourished and are at risk of famine. Meanwhile, global climate change continues to cause more extreme weather and climate events, such as drought and heat waves, which have significant impacts on crop production and food security. This study aimed to investigate extreme drought in the Horn of Africa region, using satellite remote sensing data products from the Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS), a key instrument onboard the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) satellites Terra and Aqua, as well as Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission (TRMM) precipitation data products. Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI), Vegetation Condition Index (VCI), Temperature Condition Index (TCI), and Vegetation Health Index (VHI) data from 2000 to 2017 were derived from the MODIS measurements and analyzed for assessments of the temporal trend of vegetation health and the impacts of extreme drought events. The results demonstrated the severity of vegetation stress and extreme drought during the past decades. From 1998 to 2017, monthly precipitation over major crop growth seasons decreased significantly. From 2001 to 2017, the mean VHI anomaly of HOA cropland decreased significantly, at a trend of −0.2364 ± 0.1446/year, and the mean TCI anomaly decreased at a trend of −0.2315 ± 0.2009/year. This indicated a deterioration of cropland due to drought conditions in the HOA. During most of the crop growth seasons in 2015 and 2016, the VHI values were below the 10-year (2001–2010) average: This was caused by extreme drought during the 2015–2016 El Niño event, one of the strongest El Niño events in recorded history. In addition, monthly VHI anomalies demonstrated a high correlation with monthly rainfall anomalies in July and August (the growth season of major crops in the HOA), and the trough points of the monthly rainfall and VHI anomaly time series of July and August were consistent with the timing of drought events and El Niño events.

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Caporale, Marzia. "COMBERIATI (Daniele), LUFFIN (Xavier), ed., Italy and the Literature from the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, Djibouti. Beyond the language and the territory. Rome : Aracne, col. Fuori Margine, 2018, 164 p – ISBN 978-88-255-1957-0." Études littéraires africaines, no. 47 (2019): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1064767ar.

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Schwab, Larry. "Birds of the Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Somalia, and Socotra.— Nigel Redman , Terry Stevenson, and John Fanshawe. 2009. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey. 496 pp., 2,600 illustrations on 213 full color plates, distribution maps for every species. ISBN 9780691143453. Softcover, $40.00." Auk 127, no. 2 (April 2010): 466–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/auk.2010.127.2.466.2.

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Hessbruegge, Jan. "The European Court of Human Rights: Hirsi Jamaa et al. v. Italy." International Legal Materials 51, no. 3 (June 2012): 423–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/intelegamate.51.3.0423.

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Between 2007 and 2009, Italy and Libya (then under the rule of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi) concluded several agreements to combat clandestine immigration. Pursuant to these agreements, Italy instated a policy of sending undocumented migrants and asylum seekers who had crossed the Mediterranean Sea from Africa back to Libya. In a number of cases, boats were intercepted on the high seas, and those on board sent back to Libya without a prior individualized assessment of their situation and protection needs. The present judgment concerns one such ‘‘push back operation’’ during which Italy intercepted a group of Somali and Eritrean nationals on the high seas, took them back to Tripoli, and handed them over to the Libyan authorities.

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Deplano, Valeria. "Within and outside the nation: former colonial subjects in post-war Italy." Modern Italy 23, no. 4 (August 16, 2018): 395–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mit.2018.27.

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After Mussolini’s regime collapsed, Italy rebuilt itself as a nation and a democracy. The Republican Constitution approved in 1948 rejected the ideologies of both racism and racial discrimination, which had been strengthened and made harsher by Fascism since the mid-1930s. Yet, despite this, racism and racialisation continued in the post-Fascist years. The article analyses how the presence of former colonial subjects in Italy between the 1940s and 1960s was perceived, represented and managed, and demonstrates that the hegemonic discourse of the post-war period still considered Italy to be a white and ethnically homogeneous nation. It considers the stories of people from Libya and Eritrea who applied for Italian citizenship and the life in Italy of some Somali students in the 1960s. From different perspectives, these case studies show how in republican Italy inclusion and exclusion, as well as concepts of identity and otherness, were the consequence of processes of racialisation and ideas inherited from the previous period.

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Taddia, Irma. "Conflict and Peace in the Horn of Africa: federalism and its alternatives edited by Peter Woodward and Murray Forsyth Aldershot and Brookfield, VT, Dartmouth Publishing Company, 1994. Pp. x + 130. £35·00. - Il Corno d'Africa nella storia e nella politica: Etiopia, Somalia e Eritrea fra nazionalismi, sottosviluppo e guerra by Giampaolo Calchi Novati Turin, Societa Editrice Internazionale, 1994. Pp. v + 184. L33,000." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 3 (September 1995): 528–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021376.

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Giuffré, Mariagiulia. "WATERED-DOWN RIGHTS ON THE HIGH SEAS:HIRSI JAMAA AND OTHERS V ITALY(2012)." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 61, no. 3 (July 2012): 728–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589312000231.

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On 23 February 2012, the European Court of Human Rights (the Court), sitting as a Grand Chamber, delivered its long-anticipated judgment in theHirsi Jamaa and Others v Italy(Hirsi) case.1The case was filed on 26 May 2009 by 11 Somalis and 13 Eritreans who were among the first group of 231 migrants and refugees (191 men and 40 women) that left Libya heading for the Italian coast. Halted on 6 May 2009 by three ships from the Italian Revenue Police (Guardia di Finanza) approximately 35 miles south of Lampedusa on the high seas, in the SAR zone under Maltese competence, they were summarily returned to Libya without identification and assessment of their protection claims.2

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Shehim, Kassim. "Ethiopia, Revolution, and the Question of Nationalities: the Case of the Afar." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 2 (June 1985): 331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000203.

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Of all the serious problems facing the present rulers of Ethiopia none has proved to be more elusive or challenging than the question of nationalities. Since the 1974 revolution there has been a proliferation of liberation movements calling for either regional autonomy or outright secession from Ethiopia. Although the Somalis and the Eritreans have long sought to break away from Ethiopia and have waged an armed struggle for many years, the Afar, Oromo, and Tigrean movements are recent developments which manifested themselves openly after the overthrow of Haile Sellassie. Their discontent with the weakened central Government, which they saw as insensitive to their needs, had long been brewing, and now threatens the viability of Africa's oldest state.

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Ahmed, Aliyu Tanko, and Jacob Audu. "Post Independence Conflicts in the Horn of Africa : Analysis of the Geo-Strategic Interests of Eritrea , Ethiopia and Kenya in the Somali Conflict." NG-Journal of Social Development 5, no. 5 (October 2016): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0033202.

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Londei, Tiziano. "The hybrid population of Pied Crow Corvus albus and Somali Crow C. edithae on Dahlak Kebir Island, Eritrea,: a case of assortative mating." Bulletin of the African Bird Club 12, no. 1 (March 2005): 37–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5962/p.309733.

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Sönmez, E., J. Jesuthasan, I. Abels, R. Nassar, C. Kurmeyer, and M. Schouler-Ocak. "Study on Female Refugees – A Representative Research Study on Refugee Women in Germany." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.02.038.

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IntroductionGermany is one of the European countries that receive the highest number of refugees for the last years, with around 468 thousand asylum seekers in the first half of 2016. However, the increase in the speed of short-term procedures regarding refugees may at the same time overlook the risks regarding specific populations. Moreover, women and children constitute the most vulnerable groups during war and conflicts and the worst effects, in terms of physical, mental and social consequences, develop on these groups.ObjectivesTo understand deeply the psychosocial situation of female refugees that have arrived in Federal German Republic, to assess their challenges and resources before, during and after the displacement and to propose recommendations for policy changes.MethodsThe study consists of two modules, taking place in five states in Federal German Republic, including Berlin, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Bayern, Hessen und Mainz. In the first step, a representative stratified sample of female refugees from Syria, Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, Somali and Eritrea are recruited. The quantitative study instrument include a socio-demographic question form and HSCL-Hopkins checklist, Harvard Trauma questionnaire, Beck depressions inventory, EUROHIS–QOL and SCL-14. In the second step, a qualitative in-depth analysis of focus group meetings is conducted.Results and conclusionsThere is an urgent need to take action for the mental health problems of refugees. This study constitutes one of the most extensive researches, especially on a subpopulation of refugees that requires specific attention. Challenges faced throughout the protocol and detailed results will be shared as presentation.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

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Liu, Can, Mia Ahlberg, Anders Hjern, and Olof Stephansson. "Perinatal health of refugee and asylum-seeking women in Sweden 2014–17: a register-based cohort study." European Journal of Public Health 29, no. 6 (July 4, 2019): 1048–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/eurpub/ckz120.

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Abstract Background An increasing number of migrants have fled armed conflict, persecution and deteriorating living conditions, many of whom have also endured risky migration journeys to reach Europe. Despite this, little is known about the perinatal health of migrant women who are particularly vulnerable, such as refugees, asylum-seekers, and undocumented migrants, and their access to perinatal care in the host country. Methods Using the Swedish Pregnancy Register, we analyzed indicators of perinatal health and health care usage in 31 897 migrant women from the top five refugee countries of origin between 2014 and 2017. We also compared them to native-born Swedish women. Results Compared to Swedish-born women, migrant women from Syria, Iraq, Somali, Eritrea and Afghanistan had higher risks of poor self-rated health, gestational diabetes, stillbirth and infants with low birthweight. Within the migrant population, asylum-seekers and undocumented migrants had a higher risk of poor maternal self-rated health than refugee women with residency, with an adjusted risk ratio (RR) of 1.84 and 95% confidence interval (95% CI) of 1.72–1.97. They also had a higher risk of preterm birth (RR 1.47, 95% CI 1.21–1.79), inadequate antenatal care (RR 2.56, 95% CI 2.27–2.89) and missed postpartum care visits (RR 1.15, 95% CI 1.10–1.22). Conclusion Refugee, asylum-seeking and undocumented migrant women were vulnerable during pregnancy and childbirth. Living without residence permits negatively affected self-rated health, pregnancy and birth outcomes in asylum-seekers and undocumented migrants. Pregnant migrant women’s special needs should be addressed by those involved in the asylum reception process and by health care providers.

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Erlich, Haggai. "IDENTITY AND CHURCH: ETHIOPIAN–EGYPTIAN DIALOGUE, 1924–59." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800021036.

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In June 1959, Emperor Haile Sellassie of Ethiopia paid a visit to President Gamel Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic, during which the two leaders aired matters of acute strategic importance. Several issues, some touching the very heart of ancient Ethiopian–Egyptian relations, were in the stages of culmination. These included a bitter dispute over the Nile waters (some four-fifths of the water reaching Egypt originates in Ethiopia1), the emergence of an Arab-inspired Eritrean movement, Egyptian support of Somali irredentism, the Ethiopian alliance with Israel, the future of Pan-African diplomacy, and Soviet and American influences.2 Both leaders did their best to publicly ignore their conflicts. They were able to use a rich, though polarized, reservoir of mutual images in their speeches to emphasize the dimensions of old neighborliness and affinity.3 In a joint announcement issued during the farewell party of 28 June, they even underlined a common policy of non-alignment. Though they hinted at the issues mentioned earlier in all their public speeches, they refrained from referring to one culminating historical drama.4 On that very same day, in the main Coptic church of Cairo, the Egyptian Coptic Patriarch Kyrillos VI had ceremonially appointed the head of the Ethiopian church, Abuna Baselyos, as a patriarch in the presence of Haile Sellassie and Egyptian officials. In so doing, he declared the Orthodox Ethiopian church autocephalous, and for the first time since the early 4th century, the Ethiopian church had become independent of the Egyptian church.

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Lien, Inger-Lise. "Health workers and Sub Saharan African women’s understanding of equal access to healthcare in Norway." PLOS ONE 16, no. 9 (September 10, 2021): e0255934. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0255934.

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This article describes and analyzes conceptions of equal access to healthcare by health workers and Sub Saharan African women living in Norway. The main objective of the study was to find out if there is equal access to healthcare as understood by both the provider and receiver side of healthcare. The two sides have different positions from where to observe and judge the services given, which can give a broader understanding of the healthcare system. Do Sub Saharan African women find healthcare services unjust and discriminating? Do health workers share conceptions of access held by these women? This study used a qualitative fieldwork research design. One hundred interviews were done with health workers and 55 interviews were done with Somali, Gambian and Eritrean women who all had experienced female genital mutilation/cutting (FGM/C). The study found a mismatch in the conceptions of access to healthcare between health workers and the women. Health workers did not believe there was equal access to healthcare and were critical of how the system functioned, whereas the women trusted the system and believed there was equal access. However, both sides had corresponding views on the following challenges facing the healthcare system: little time available to identify symptoms, difficulties in navigating the system, difficulties in getting referrals, and some negative adjudication by some health workers. Bourdieu’s concepts of field, habitus and hysteresis, and candidacy theory were used to analyze the collected data. It was concluded that health workers and the women based their experiences of healthcare on differing cultural frames and expectations. The women seemed to base their assessments of healthcare on previous experiences from their home country, while health workers based their understanding from experiences within the system.

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"ERITREA - SOMALIA: New Era." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 55, no. 8 (September 2018): 21962B—21963B. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2018.08397.x.

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"SOMALIA: Opposition Conference (Eritrea)." Africa Research Bulletin: Political, Social and Cultural Series 44, no. 9 (October 2007): 17243C—17244C. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-825x.2007.01275.x.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Eritrea Somalia Eritrea Somalia Eritrea'

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