Relevant bibliographies by topics / Eritrean-Ethiopian War, 1998- – Ethiopia

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Eritrean-Ethiopian War, 1998- – Ethiopia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Eritrean-Ethiopian War, 1998- – Ethiopia"

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Reid, Richard. "Old Problems in New Conflicts: Some Observations on Eritrea and its Relations with Tigray, from Liberation Struggle to Inter-State War." Africa 73, no. 3 (August 2003): 369–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.3.369.

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AbstractThis article examines the problematic relationship between Eritrea and Tigray as represented by the Eritrean and Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Fronts. The EPLF won independence for Eritrea in 1991, at the same time as the TPLF seized power in Ethiopia; the two movements had had a difficult relationship, beginning in the mid-1970s, during their respective armed struggles, and the issues which had caused disagreement remained unresolved as the movements made the transition to government. This paper examines the nature of those issues and the degree to which the war of 1998-2000 between the two countries can be seen to have reflected much older tensions and indeed contradictions in the Eritrean–Tigrayan/Ethiopian relationship. Thus, the paper begins with an overview of Eritrean opinion, during the recent war, about the relationship in question, and then moves back in time to the era of the liberation struggle. Here, the author attempts to explain the complexities of the respective Eritrean and Tigrayan revolutions insofar as each impinged on and influenced the other, with particular reference to the issues of frontiers, nationality and ethnicity, and sovereignty. The paper, finally, considers the apparent paradoxes in the perceptions which Eritreans have of Tigray and Ethiopia, and suggests that changes in attitude are necessary on both sides of the Mereb river border if the relationship is not to be defined by perpetual confrontation.
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Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "Securitization and Militarization of The Border: Security Dilemma in Post-1998 Ethiopia and Eritrea." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 12, no. 4. (May 22, 2019): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2018.12.4.6.

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The post-1991 Ethiopia and Eritrea were hoped to become promising and exemplary states in Africa. But, after seven years of euphoria, national stability and security trapped both countries into a bloody conflict, and their relation is now in structural crisis: the ‘no war, no peace’ dilemma. Their security dilemmas are basically centered on the antagonistic foreign and national security as well as nation-building policies. The post-independence nation-building attempt to forge a militarized single national identity in Eritrea, under the motto of “one people, one heart” and the remaking of the age-old Ethiopian state based on ethnic federalism further deepen the nation-building dilemma. The post-1998 security dilemma between the two states is, therefore, the result of securing Eritrea’s nation-building policies and the militarization of the Yika’alo-Warsay generation where Ethiopia has been made to be “a relevant enemy to its Singaporization vision” and Eritrea is subsequently viewed as a “relevant enemy to Ethiopia’s renaissance vision and securitization of poverty”. During the militarization of the borders, Badme still remains symbolically the hotbed of the ‘no war, no peace’ regime. This article, therefore, analyzes the post-2000 security dilemma between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the subsequent dynamics that have led to securing and/or militarizing their relations.
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Reid, Richard. "Caught in the headlights of history: Eritrea, the EPLF and the post-war nation-state." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 467–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001059.

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A little over a decade after the achievement of independence, Eritrea is confronted by a range of social and political problems, problems which are rooted both in the nation's past and in the ruling movement's interpretation of that past. This paper is concerned with the widening gulf between the nation-state, as envisaged by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) during the liberation struggle and as currently ‘imagined’ by the government, and the socio-political reality. Eritrean society is now marked by widening divisions between the ‘struggle generation’ and the membership of the former EPLF on the one hand, and large sections of the remainder of the population, notably youth. The 1998–2000 war with Ethiopia, the root causes of which are as yet unresolved, has proved more destructive than was apparent even at the time, and has been used by the state as a vindication of the EPLF's particular interpretation of the past. Political and social repression, rooted in a militaristic tradition and a profound fear of disunity, has intensified since the war. In this paper the current situation is examined in terms of the deep frustration felt by younger Eritreans, the urban–rural divide, the state-level determination to cling to the values and the aims of the liberation struggle, and the position of Eritrea in international politics.
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Metekia, Tadesse Simie. "Punishing Core Crimes in Ethiopia: Analysis of the Domestic Practice in Light of and in Comparison, with Sentencing Practices at the unicts and the icc." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 1 (January 30, 2019): 160–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01901007.

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Between 1992 and 2010, Ethiopian courts prosecuted over five thousand people for the core crimes of genocide and war crimes perpetrated in Ethiopia since 1974. The vast majority of the defendants were convicted and sentenced to a range of penalties applicable under Ethiopian law. This article examines the manner in which Ethiopian courts have punished core crimes. It analyses the domestic law and practice in light of and in comparison with the sentencing practice in the unicts and the icc. The article also discusses whether Ethiopian law and practice have treated the punishment of core crimes differently than the punishment of domestic crimes.
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Haile, Semere. "The Origins and Demise of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Federation." Issue 15 (1987): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700505988.

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In the late 1970s, the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict and the Ethiopia-Somalia border war over the Ogaden region has centered world attention on Soviet-Cuban activities in the Horn of Africa. Although the Somali army was defeated by the combined powers of the Ethiopians and the Soviet-Cuban forces in mid-March 1978, the tension between the two countries was still high. Among the other problems facing the region is that of the Eritrean struggle for self-determination.
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Warbrick, Colin, and Zeray W. Yihdego. "II. Ethiopia's Military Action Against the Union of Islamic Courts and Others in Somalia: Some Legal Implications." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 3 (July 2007): 666–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei188.

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Somalia has been without government since 1991. A transitional government was established in 2004 under the presidency of Abdullahi Yusuf, with the backing of the United Nations, the African Union (AU), the Arab League and the Inter-governmental Agency for Development (IGAD). The Government sat in Baidoa in southern Somalia from June 2005 until December 2006. In June 2006 the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) took control of much of southern and central Somalia, including the capital, Mogadishu, but not Puntland and Somaliland. They declared and tried to establish an Islamic State. Somalis were told to comply with stringent Islamic rules or face harsh punishment. In the meantime, efforts to achieve national reconciliation were ongoing under the auspices of IGAD, though without much success. It was reported that on 20 July 2006 Ethiopian troops crossed into Somalia. Ethiopia only admitted to having military trainers to help the Somali Government (estimated to be 400 military personnel). On 21 July, the UIC declared a ‘holy war’ against Ethiopia. In September 2006 the Somali interim President survived an assassination attempt in Baidoa. On 25 October 2006 Ethiopia said that it was ‘technically at war’ with the Islamic Courts. After few days the UIC claimed to have ambushed and killed Ethiopian troops near the Ethiopian border.1
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (August 31, 2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.

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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Locatelli, Francesca. "The Archives of the Municipality and the High Court of Asmara, Eritrea: Discovering the Eritrea “Hidden from History”." History in Africa 31 (2004): 469–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003636.

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Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.
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Barinov, A. K. "Transport Infrastructure in Ethiopia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-105-118.

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The development of transport infrastructure is a priority objective for many African countries. This process has significant impact on the efficiency of continental and world trade corridors, and also influence on the costs of economic activity. In this case, the transformation in the transport sector of Ethiopia must be noted. The government of the country has taken a decision to create national railway network and develop aviation and road lines of communication. After The Eritrean War of Independence Eritrean separation was announced and Ethiopia lost its maritime infrastructure and became a landlocked country. This situation provides great difficulties in process of international trade and economic activity for the region. Now the development of transport corridors which connect economic centers with large ports of the region is a priority task for Ethiopian government. In this case Ethiopia is actively attracting foreign investors and world financial organizations to create stable, efficient and economically profitable ways of transport communication with the port infrastructure of neighboring countries. This year, Chinese companies finished to rebuilt the railway line Addis Ababa-Djibouti, in the coming years, governments of Kenya and Ethiopia, will launch new Mombasa-Nairobi-Addis Ababa motorway. This infrastructure projects are essential for enhancing Ethiopian competitiveness and economic activity and provide opportunity to reduce transport costs. Moreover, the Ethiopian authorities are making great progress in developing the internal transport infrastructure, first of all, in terms of increased paved road and development of railway infrastructure, which promotes more efficient use of natural,economic and human resources. Foreign companies are actively involved in realization of this transport projects and it can be a perspective area for cooperation between Russian Federation and Ethiopia. The article provides a detailed overview of Ethiopian transport sector and describes the key infrastructureprojects which can be interesting for Russian companies.
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Quinn, John James, and Seyma Akyol. "Ethiopian Foreign Policy: A Weak State or a Regional Hegemon?" Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1094–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211007649.

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When foreign policies of states are examined, pride of place often goes to what are called high politics: the politics of diplomacy and war. However, for most developing nations, especially those in the region of sub-Saharan Africa, economic foreign policy, or low politics, may be as, or even more, important. In fact, the foreign policies of African nations are often seen as an extension of strategies to consolidate domestic political power. African leaders routinely place themselves in charge of foreign policy as a means of controlling these resource flows as well as to create some autonomy from competing domestic political forces. This is not to say that external state forces do not impinge on the ability of leaders to stay in power; however, in sub-Saharan Africa, this has been less of a priority, perhaps with the significant exception of Ethiopia. This paper seeks to show that the general foreign policy perspectives of Ethiopia from 1991 to the present have been an extension of the leaders and ruling elites trying to obtain significant sources of financial resources by exploring the general trends of how Ethiopia has engaged in international flows of resources. Examining Ethiopian foreign policy on three levels—international, regional, and domestic—this paper explains how, despite being a potential regional hegemon, Ethiopia has significant problems stemming from domestic issues of poverty and legitimacy. Moreover, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam will be highlighted as a case to explore how it affects, and is impacted by, all three levels.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Eritrean-Ethiopian War, 1998- – Ethiopia"

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Masomelele, Mviko. "Analysis of models of development in Ethiopia on ADLI policy after Ethio-Eritrean war of 1998-2000." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1014623.

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In this research, the researcher is analysing the models of development in Ethiopia on ADLI policy after the Ethio-Eritrean War of 1998-2000. As a post- conflict country it is always important to know how a country reconstructs its economy after the war. The researcher will give a brief background of Ethiopia with her different regime changes. Ethiopia is a landlocked country and is found in the Horn of Africa. Her boarders are Eritrea on the north and north east, and Djibouti and Somalia on the East, Kenya on the south, on the west and south west by Sudan. (BCC) Ethiopia has been under three remarkably different political regimes; the feudal imperial era under Emperor Haile Selassie; the socialist military dictatorship of Colonel Mangistu’s Derg; and the marketoriented Western aligned democracy of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.(Devereux et al,2005:121 ) Each regime had applied different policies on agriculture which employs 80 percent of the population. Feudal policies where the land was in the hands of the landlords failed during Selassie’s regime and this was proved by the famine of 1974. He was overthrown by Derg in a coup in 1974. Derg introduced a “radical agrarian transformation based on land redistribution. His policies on agriculture were based on the Marxist egalitarian ideology and by conviction that feudal relations in agriculture had exposed millions of highland Ethiopians to intolerable levels of poverty and vulnerability.” (Devereux et al, 2005:121-122). According to Derg’s agricultural policy land was confiscated from the landlords and was redistributed to the rural farmers and it was trying to break inequalities over land control and it aimed at achieving agricultural productivity and rural incomes. Derg’s regime was overthrown by Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) in 1991. EPRDF further continued with land redistribution in the wake of 1990s and it gave farmlands to demobilised soldiers and tried to correct the inequalities that emerged with time as farming families were growing. (Devereux et al, 2005:122) In all these regimes, land was owned by the state. Ethiopian economy is based on agriculture which contributes 47 percent to GNP and more than 80 percent of exports, and employs 85 percent of the population. Ethiopia’s agriculture is plagued by periodic droughts, soil degradation emanating from poor agricultural practices and overgrazing, deforestation, high population density, underdeveloped water resources and poor transport infrastructure which makes extremely difficult and expensive to get goods to the market. (BCC, 07) The EPRDF came up with the new agricultural policy in the beginning of 1991 and it was known as Agriculture Development Led Industrialisation (ADLI). ADLI is the policy that emphasised on modernising smallholder agriculture and intensifying yield productivity through the supply of appropriate technology, certified seeds, fertilizers, rural credit facilities and technical assistance. (Getachew, 2003:9) This policy introduced some reforms in agriculture as it introduced a nationwide agricultural extension program, the propagation of laws that liberalised the purchasing and distribution of inputs and to increase and to make credit facilities available to rural farmers. In 1995 Minister of Agriculture (MoA) introduced a vehicle to drive the policy, which was called the Plan for Accelerated and Sustained Development to End Poverty (PADETES). The PADETES started with 32047 farmers on board. The aim was to educate farmers in new farming methods which will increase productivity and make farmers self sufficient. Agriculture Sample Survey 2009/10 states that ‘country’s experience showed that farmers’ attitude and tendency to adapt and accept new innovations, modern agricultural techniques and technologies, such as use of fertilizers, irrigation, improved seeds and pesticides that help to improve their living standards through attaining enhanced productivity, do have positive impact on the development on the agricultural sector as a whole.’(Central Statistical Agency, 2010: i) Teshome (2006:1) shows complexity of Ethiopian agriculture when he says that it largest contributor to the GDP, exports and foreign earnings and it employs almost 85 percent of the population. On the contrary, despite its socio-economic importance its performance continues to be low due to many natural and manmade factors which will be discussed in this research.
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Hansen, Stig Jarle. "Organisational culture at war : Ethiopian decision-making and the war with Eritrea (1998-2000)." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/ac5b5c91-5165-4ddf-a69a-7803fb064862.

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Although the Eritrean-Ethiopian war (1998-2000) has been analysed by a large number of researchers, the impact of organisational culture on the war has been neglected. This thesis employs the constructivist theories of Elizabeth Kier in order to examine the impact of organisational culture on Ethiopian decision-making before and during the war and uses the findings to produce policy advice for this and other conflicts. The thesis' main contribution to the study of the specific Eritrean-Ethiopian war is the revelation that organisational culture in a variety of organisations had serious effects on the bilateral relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia, effects that can not be explained by ethnically, economically or geographically defined factors. The thesis' main contribution to the field of peace research is a strong warning: calling for caution when policy makers want to apply some of the more generally prescribed policy guidelines within the field, and controversially suggesting that some of the most common advice, as for example the advice to support the oppositional press in order to promote peace, might, if not planned properly, lead to more conflict rather than promote peace.
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Books on the topic "Eritrean-Ethiopian War, 1998- – Ethiopia"

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Zegeye, Abebe. The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict: A critical observation. Johannesburg: Institute for Global Dialogue, 2007.

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Zegeye, Abebe. The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict: A critical observation. Johannesburg: Institute for Global Dialogue, 2007.

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Zegeye, Abebe. The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict: A critical observation. Johannesburg: Institute for Global Dialogue, 2007.

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Kjetil, Tronvoll, ed. Brothers at war: Making sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian war. Oxford: J. Currey, 2000.

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Peace or war?: Views on the Ethio-Eritrean conflict. Mekelle, Tigray, Ethiopia: Desta Pub. Press, 2010.

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al-Ikhwah al-aʻdāʼ: Al-ḥarb al-Iritrīyah, al-Athyūbīyah, 1998-2008. al-Kharṭūm: al-Markaz al-ʻĀlamī lil-Dirāsāt al-Ifrīqīyah, 2009.

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Shattered illusion, broken promise: Essays on the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict (1998-2000). Lawrenceville, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2002.

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Tareke, Gebru. The Ethiopian revolution: War in the Horn of Africa. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009.

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Conference on the Ethio-Eritrean Conflict (1998 Addis Ababa, Ethiopia). Peace under assault. [Addis Ababa]: Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, 1999.

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Tadesse, Medhane. The Eritrean-Ethiopian war: Retrospect and prospects : reflections on the making of conflicts in the Horn of Africa, 1991-1998. [Addis Ababa: s.n.], 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Eritrean-Ethiopian War, 1998- – Ethiopia"

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Abbink, Jon. "Law Against Reality? Contextualizing The Ethiopian-Eritrean Border Problem." In The 1998–2000 War between Eritrea and Ethiopia, 141–58. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-683-1_8.

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Guazzini, Federica. "The Eritrean-Ethiopian Boundary Conflict: the Physical Borderand the Human Border." In The 1998–2000 War between Eritrea and Ethiopia, 109–40. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-683-1_7.

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Abbink, Jon. "Law and Politics in the Ethiopian-Eritrean Border Dispute, 2002–2019." In The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia War and Its Aftermath in International Legal Perspective, 171–94. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-439-6_8.

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Guazzini, Federica. "The Ethio-Eritrean Boundary Conflict: The Human Border, the Physical Border, and the Scars of History." In The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia War and Its Aftermath in International Legal Perspective, 127–69. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-439-6_7.

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Minale, Kalewongel. "Development in the Relations Between Eritrea and Ethiopia from 2000 to Nowadays. A First Assessment from an Ethiopian Perspective." In The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia War and Its Aftermath in International Legal Perspective, 645–60. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-439-6_29.

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Bereketeab, Redie. "Development in the Relations Between Eritrea and Ethiopia from 2000 to Nowadays. A First Assessment from an Eritrean Perspective." In The 1998–2000 Eritrea-Ethiopia War and Its Aftermath in International Legal Perspective, 661–79. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-439-6_30.

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Anthony, TaKeia N. "The African During the War, 1943–1944." In The Universal Ethiopian Students' Association, 1927–1948, 57–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02490-1_4.

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Lyall, Jason. "African World Wars." In Divided Armies, 321–60. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691192444.003.0007.

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This chapter extends the argument to the modern era by comparing the battlefield performance of Ethiopia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) during two of the most destructive conventional wars in the post-1945 era: the Second Congo War (1998–2002) and the Ethiopia–Eritrea War (1998–2000). Despite remarkably similar traits, these belligerents, separated by a substantial 0.32 difference in military inequality, had sharply different wartime outcomes. The DRC's army, riddled with ethnic contradictions, nearly collapsed as a coherent fighting force at the war's outset, leading military commanders to augment regular units with a motley collection of mercenaries, child soldiers, militia, and forces from neighboring Zimbabwe and Angola. For their part, Ethiopian forces waged some of the largest mechanized battles of the post-1945 era and displayed increasing sophistication over time. Mechanized units not only repelled Eritrea's initial invasion but cracked its defensive system in a series of grueling offensives reminiscent of World War I's trench warfare. Though casualties were high, Ethiopian forces displayed a high degree of cohesion and tactical innovation on their way to capturing nearly one-quarter of Eritrea.
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Wudie, Alelign Aschale. "Society and State in Ethiopia for Quality Education." In Quality Management Implementation in Higher Education, 240–55. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9829-9.ch012.

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This paper deciphers how different sociopolitical variables are (re/de)constructed and implemented in education in Ethiopia between 1991 and 2018. A thorough analysis of multi-modal texts and practices in education using Trans-disciplinary Critical Discourse Analysis (TCDA) was done. The analysis revealed that Ethiopian society has been segregated and structurally sorted. Targeted groups have been given identities and positions of power through fallacious discourses in Ethiopia. The gap between the powerful and the powerless becomes mighty, and that of between the rich and the poor is broad. The discursive nature of the politically-menaced education in Ethiopia deliberately constructed a hegemonic struggle between rich and poor teachers, between students and the society in the heretic ethnic politics and cognitive pillars of the rule. The policy and its implementations are the battlegrounds in mortifying, long-established cultures, values, ethics, and power in covert and convertible discourses. Similar menaces are highlighted and remedies are forwarded.
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