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Journal articles on the topic 'Eritrean-Ethiopian War'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Pateman, Roy. "Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité: Aspects of the Eritrean Revolution." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 3 (September 1990): 457–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054641.

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Eritrea is the site of Africa's longest war, the 29-year struggle for self-determination and liberation from Ethiopian occupation. Its people have the lowest income per capita in the world; but under conditions of great privation, they have built up a society that could prove to be a model for development. Almost all visitors to the areas under the control of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (E.P.L.F.) – land freed from Ethiopian rule for varying periods since 1970 – have commented on the egalitarian, fraternal, and sometimes libertarian nature of Eritrean society.

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2

Kaleab, Sigatu Tadesse. "No Peace No War: The Ethiopian–Eritrean Conflict." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 18, no. 1 (2019): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2019.1.5.

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3

Schaefer, Charles, Tekeste Negash, and Kjetil Tronvoll. "Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War." African Studies Review 44, no. 3 (December 2001): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525653.

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4

Tareke, Gebru, Tekeste Negash, and Kjetil Tronvoll. "Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War." International Journal of African Historical Studies 34, no. 2 (2001): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097529.

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5

Gerhart, Gail M., Tekeste Negash, and Kjetil Tronvoll. "Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War." Foreign Affairs 80, no. 5 (2001): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20050312.

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6

Harbeson, John W. (John Willis). "Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War (review)." Africa Today 50, no. 1 (2003): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/at.2003.0057.

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7

Sishagn, Shumet. "Brothers at War: Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War (review)." Northeast African Studies 7, no. 3 (2000): 212–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.2005.0011.

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8

Reid, Richard. "Old Problems in New Conflicts: Some Observations on Eritrea and its Relations with Tigray, from Liberation Struggle to Inter-State War." Africa 73, no. 3 (August 2003): 369–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.3.369.

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AbstractThis article examines the problematic relationship between Eritrea and Tigray as represented by the Eritrean and Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Fronts. The EPLF won independence for Eritrea in 1991, at the same time as the TPLF seized power in Ethiopia; the two movements had had a difficult relationship, beginning in the mid-1970s, during their respective armed struggles, and the issues which had caused disagreement remained unresolved as the movements made the transition to government. This paper examines the nature of those issues and the degree to which the war of 1998-2000 between the two countries can be seen to have reflected much older tensions and indeed contradictions in the Eritrean–Tigrayan/Ethiopian relationship. Thus, the paper begins with an overview of Eritrean opinion, during the recent war, about the relationship in question, and then moves back in time to the era of the liberation struggle. Here, the author attempts to explain the complexities of the respective Eritrean and Tigrayan revolutions insofar as each impinged on and influenced the other, with particular reference to the issues of frontiers, nationality and ethnicity, and sovereignty. The paper, finally, considers the apparent paradoxes in the perceptions which Eritreans have of Tigray and Ethiopia, and suggests that changes in attitude are necessary on both sides of the Mereb river border if the relationship is not to be defined by perpetual confrontation.

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9

Locatelli, Francesca. "The Archives of the Municipality and the High Court of Asmara, Eritrea: Discovering the Eritrea “Hidden from History”." History in Africa 31 (2004): 469–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003636.

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Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.

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10

Barinov, A. K. "Transport Infrastructure in Ethiopia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 5 (December 3, 2018): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-5-105-118.

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The development of transport infrastructure is a priority objective for many African countries. This process has significant impact on the efficiency of continental and world trade corridors, and also influence on the costs of economic activity. In this case, the transformation in the transport sector of Ethiopia must be noted. The government of the country has taken a decision to create national railway network and develop aviation and road lines of communication. After The Eritrean War of Independence Eritrean separation was announced and Ethiopia lost its maritime infrastructure and became a landlocked country. This situation provides great difficulties in process of international trade and economic activity for the region. Now the development of transport corridors which connect economic centers with large ports of the region is a priority task for Ethiopian government. In this case Ethiopia is actively attracting foreign investors and world financial organizations to create stable, efficient and economically profitable ways of transport communication with the port infrastructure of neighboring countries. This year, Chinese companies finished to rebuilt the railway line Addis Ababa-Djibouti, in the coming years, governments of Kenya and Ethiopia, will launch new Mombasa-Nairobi-Addis Ababa motorway. This infrastructure projects are essential for enhancing Ethiopian competitiveness and economic activity and provide opportunity to reduce transport costs. Moreover, the Ethiopian authorities are making great progress in developing the internal transport infrastructure, first of all, in terms of increased paved road and development of railway infrastructure, which promotes more efficient use of natural,economic and human resources. Foreign companies are actively involved in realization of this transport projects and it can be a perspective area for cooperation between Russian Federation and Ethiopia. The article provides a detailed overview of Ethiopian transport sector and describes the key infrastructureprojects which can be interesting for Russian companies.

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11

Woldemariam, Michael. "Partition Problems: Relative Power, Historical Memory, and the Origins of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 21, no. 2 (April 3, 2015): 166–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2015.1032026.

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12

Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Ambiguous elections: the influence of non-electoral politics in Ethiopian democratisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (July 28, 2009): 449–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004005.

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ABSTRACTThe ‘non-electoral context’ of elections is often overlooked in democratisation studies, in order not to obscure an otherwise clear model or theory of transition. A key challenge for research on democratisation processes is to balance electoral ‘formalities’ with contextual factors, qualitative perceptions and non-electoral issues, in order to reach a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of democratic transitions. This article advocates a multilayered approach to – or a ‘thick description’ of – elections, as this will capture the diversity of real life experiences and expose alternative power discourses competing with the electoralist one in influencing the path of democratisation. In so doing, it casts light on the crucial impact of the Eritrean–Ethiopian war on Ethiopia's 2005 election, in addition to other qualitative and contextual factors, which lead to the conclusion that the advancement of democracy through multiparty elections in Ethiopia under the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) has failed.

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13

Lyons, Scott W. "Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship between Eritrea and Ethiopia." International Legal Materials 58, no. 1 (February 2019): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2019.4.

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Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki signed a historic agreement on July 9, 2018, in Asmara, Eritrea, ending over two decades of open hostilities and war. The Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship (Joint Declaration) marks a fundamental change for the Horn of Africa, with the reconciliation possibly altering the economic and political dynamics of the region. The Joint Declaration resulted from several key developments occurring over a few weeks from June through early July 2018. Ethiopia announced its acceptance of the original Algiers Agreement, dated December 12, 2000, which had never been implemented, and its willingness to abide by the 2002 international Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruling that awarded disputed territory to Eritrea, including the border town of Badme. Previously, Ethiopia had rejected the ruling and asked for a new ruling. Ethiopia had also previously insisted that relations must be restored before any territorial resolution. President Afwerki agreed to negotiate, after stating for years that Ethiopia had to withdraw its troops from the disputed town of Badme first. A few weeks before the signing of the Joint Declaration, the Eritrean foreign minister visited Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, marking the first bilateral meeting between the two since the war began.

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14

Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "The War on Tigray: Geopolitics and the Struggle for Self-Determination." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 17, no. 3 (June 15, 2024): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2023.17.3.1.

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Tigray continues to be a unique case among ancient kingdoms, Westphalia nation-states, post-colonial Africa, and post-Cold War national liberation struggles. It is one of the oldest civilizations (Aksumite Kingdom) and the historical, cultural, and political soul of ancient and modern Ethiopia. But it was made to be an ‘oppressed nation struggling for regional autonomy and survival from genocidal aggression’ by the empire state of Ethiopia and the ‘garrison state’ of Eritrea. It also survived Egyptian and Mahdist expansionists, and Italian colonialism, though it lost ‘Bahre-Negash’ (Eritrea) to Italy due to the Wuchale Agreement (or Treaty of Wichale) in 1889. Eritrea was handed over to Italian colonialists by Menelik II of Shewa-Amhara in order to weaken Tigray’s geopolitical power base. Tigray was also the hotbed of the first Woyane rebellion in 1943 which sparked the idea of ‘land to the Tiller, fair taxation, and self-rule,’ and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) led the second Woyane rebellion (1975–91) that restructured the empire state of Ethiopia into a federation with the 1995 constitution. Since 2018, after 27 years of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)- led federal experiment, Tigray again became a victim of a ‘genocidal war’ led by the Ethiopian federal army, Amhara forces, Ethiopian regional forces, and Eritrean army, supported by UAE and Turkey drones, and the Somalian army. The international community and the African Union supported Abiy Ahmed and Issaias Afewerki’s genocidal war in the name of “maintaining the territorial integrity of Ethiopia” by neglecting the principles of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), people’s self-determination rights, and the prevention of genocide. Tigray, therefore, is a rare case in the vicious cycle of violence. The Tigrayan ‘two-year’ survival war (from November 2020 to November 2022) against those who practice genocide was destined to break Tigray’s historically vicious cycle of violence perpetrated by Ethiopia and Eritrea. The paper aims to investigate the historical, geopolitical, and security reasons that have trapped Tigray into facing the post-2020 genocidal war.

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15

Kochetov, Dmitriy V. "A friend among foes, a foe among friends: Ascari, Amedeo Guillet and the formation of Eritrean identity in the context of Italian colonialism in the late nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth centuries." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-1-67-71.

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The article draws attention to the extraordinary, by African standards, respect in Eritrea for the soldiers of the Italian colonial troops, the Ascari, and even for some of their Italian officers, such as Amedeo Guillet. The author reveals the reason for this respect, which was not present in another former Italian colony Libya. After studying the materials on the number and combat path of the Ascari, colonial Libya, Eritrea, and Italy’s policy in it, the author came to the conclusion that Italian colonialism from a clean slate formed an anti-Ethiopian identity in Eritrea. It was expressed in the Ascari who played an important role in the war of independence from Ethiopia that began in 1961. Its roots go back to 1896 when Ethiopians mutilated Eritrean prisoners after the battle of Adwa.

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16

Kassaye Nygusie, Michael V. "The Horn of Africa: Past and Present." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020553-7.

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The Horn of Africa has a special geographical position, since it has access to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. The worsening situation in the Horn of Africa is evidenced by the crisis in Somalia, the raging war in the Ethiopian region of Tigray, for the second year with the participation of the Eritrean army, as well as the growing tension in the states of Oromia and Amhara. The armed conflict that began in November 2020 in northern Ethiopia is now a source of instability for the region. The conflict and the collapse of the economy of this country lead to the displacement of the population, and neighboring states such as Sudan, Djibouti, Kenya and, probably, Somalia will suffer the most from the wave of migration. The article deals with political processes and relations in the Horn of Africa region.

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17

Oddo, V., P. Guglielmetti, D. Ghirelli, R. Menicocci, E. Simoni, and A. Miozzo. "Orthopaedic and Plastic Reconstructive Surgery for War Victims: The Italian Co-Operation Experience in the Ethiopian-Eritrean Conflict." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 15, S2 (September 2000): S96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00032209.

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18

Harbeson, John W. "BOOK REVIEW: Negash, Tekeste, and Kijtel Tronvoll. BROTHERS AT WAR: MAKING SENSE OF THE ERITREAN-ETHIOPIAN WAR. Oxford, U.K.: James Currey, 2000." Africa Today 50, no. 1 (March 2003): 141–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/aft.2003.50.1.141.

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19

Dines, Mary. "Eritrean Refugees." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 6, no. 4 (May 1, 1987): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.41232.

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The ex-Italian colony of Eritrea was established as an autonomous state by the United Nations after the Second World War and, although Ethiopia wanted to annex it, a federation of the two states was created in 1952. From that time onward Eritrea's autonomy was under attack and on November 14, 1962 its federal status was abolished. It was the failure of the UN to take action then that has led to the twenty-five year war between Eritreans and Ethiopians. And it is this war that has been responsible for the most serious refugee situation in the Sudan. It has also been a major cause of the Ethiopian famine of 1983-84, and in spite of reasonable rains since. Erirrea is likely to remain acutely short of food.

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20

Abbink, Jon. "Brothers at War: Making sense of the Eritrean‐Ethiopian war, by T. Negash and K. Tronvoll. Oxford: James Currey and Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2000. xi + 179 pp. £12.95 paperback. ISBN 0‐85255‐854‐6 (James Currey, pbk); ISBN 0‐8214‐1372‐4 (Ohio University Press, pbk)." African Affairs 100, no. 401 (October 1, 2001): 656–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/100.401.656.

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21

Murphy, Sean D. "The Eritrean-Ethiopian War (1998-2000)." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2856670.

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22

"Brothers at war: making sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian war." Choice Reviews Online 39, no. 03 (November 1, 2001): 39–1724. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.39-1724.

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23

Weldemichel, Teklehaymanot G. "Inventing hell: how the Ethiopian and Eritrean regimes produced famine in Tigray." Human Geography, November 18, 2021, 194277862110614. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19427786211061431.

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It has been a year since a devastating war broke out in the Tigray region, Northern Ethiopia, where hundreds of thousands of Tigrayan civilians are killed, millions internally displaced and tens of thousands have fled to seek refuge in neighboring Sudan. An alarming development linked to this war is the manmade famine in Tigray that now threatens the lives of the millions of civilians who survived the horrific atrocities during the war. This piece is an attempt to explain why millions of Tigrayans from all walks of life face famine and concludes that famine was from the start an end goal of the Ethiopian and Eritrean regimes and they employed different tactics to ensure that it unfolds the way it does now. Among others, the tactics include (1) the systematic looting and destruction of Tigray’s basic economic infrastructures, (2) implementation of different financial measures to deprive people in the region of access to cash, and imposition of a complete siege that hindered access to supplies including lifesaving humanitarian assistance.

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24

Romaniuk, Scott Nicholas, and Christopher Douglas Mott. "Playing Poker with the Rule of Law: The United Nations and International Peacebuilding Strategies during the Eritrean-Ethiopian War." Journal of Politics and Law 4, no. 1 (February 28, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v4n1p3.

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25

Hjalmarsson, Clarissa. "Richard Reid. Shallow Graves. A Memoir of the Ethiopian-Eritrean War. London: Hurst, 2020. xxxi + 226 pp. Map. Notes. £25. Paper. ISBN: 9781787383289." African Studies Review, June 4, 2021, 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2021.45.

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26

Guazzini, Federica. "Negash, Tekeste & Tronvoll, Kjetil. – Brothers at War. Making Sense of the Eritrean-Ethiopian War. Oxford, James Currey; Athens, Ohio University Press, 2000, 179 p., index, bibl. (“Eastern African Studies”)." Cahiers d'études africaines 42, no. 167 (January 1, 2002). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesafricaines.1505.

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