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Journal articles on the topic 'Eritrean'
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1
Hirt, Nicole, and Abdulkader Saleh Mohammad. "Eritrea’s self-reliance narrative and the remittance paradox: Reflections on thirty years of retrogression." Remittances Review 6, no. 1 (May 26, 2021): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/rr.v6i1.1056.
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This article explores the role of remittances in Eritrea’s transnational authoritarian system. The government exercises a policy of active control over Eritrean citizens living abroad, and the country’s economy relies heavily on private remittances to ensure the subsistence of the population. This stands in stark contrast to the official doctrine of economic self-reliance, which has been hampered by an open-ended national service that can last for decades and deprives Eritrean citizens in productive age from making a living. The government also puts extreme restraints on the private sector. As a result, the livelihoods of Eritreans depend mostly on diaspora remittances. The authors take a historically contextualised approach based on empirical fieldwork in Eritrea from the 1990s to 2010 and among Eritrean diaspora communities in Europe between 2013 and 2019. We demonstrate how the government’s self-reliance approach has shifted from developing Eritrea’s human capital to securing financial support through transnational diaspora control. We conclude that in the case of Eritrea, the process of diasporisation has not triggered development and political transformation but has cemented a political and economic status quo that forces ever-growing parts of the population to leave.
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Graf, Samuel, and Susan Thieme. ""We look similar and have the same geographical origin": translocal encounters of second-generation Eritreans with a new generation of refugees from Eritrea." Geographica Helvetica 71, no. 4 (November 29, 2016): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-71-331-2016.
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Abstract. This article addresses the encounters of second-generation Eritreans with a new generation of refugees from Eritrea in Switzerland and identifies two main types of encounter: direct personal encounters and indirect in the public discourse. It suggests that the recently arrived Eritrean refugees present a new actor within the translocal social field with whom the second-generation Eritreans have to renegotiate their relation. We argue that these encounters frame the second-generation Eritreans' positionality within the translocal social field and influence their identity and their affiliation towards Eritrea and Eritreans. We find that encounters between second-generation Eritreans and new Eritrean arrivals are crucial moments through which second-generation Eritreans form their hybrid identity. Thus, the paper contributes to the debate on identity formation of the second generation by adopting a translocal perspective and provides insights into the diversity in the Eritrean diaspora in Switzerland.
3
Plastow, Jane. "Theatre of Conflict in the Eritrean Independence Struggle." New Theatre Quarterly 13, no. 50 (May 1997): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00011003.
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Eritrea is a newly independent country whose performing arts history, based on the music and dance of her nine ethnic groups, is only just beginning to be systematically researched. Western-influenced drama was introduced to the country by the Italians in the early twentieth century, but Eritreans only began to use this form of theatre in the 1940s. The three-part series here inaugurated is the first attempt to piece together the history of Eritrean drama, beginning below with an outline of its history from the 1940s to national independence in 1991. The author explores the highly political role drama played from the outset in Eritrea's struggle towards independence and the effort to mould this alien performance form into a public voice at least for urban Eritreans. Later articles will look at the cultural troupes of the Eritrean liberation forces and at post-independence work on developing community-based theatre. The research took place as part of the continuing Eritrea Community Based Theatre Project, which is involved with practical theatre development as well as theatre research. Although this opening article is written by Jane Plastow, she wishes to stress that it is the upshot of a collaborative research exercise, for which Elias Lucas and Jonathan Stephanus were research trainees. Most of the information used here is the result of interviews they conducted and of translations of articles in Tigrinya or Amharic which they located. Training in interview techniques and collaboration over translation of material into English was conducted by the project research assistant, Paul Warwick. Jane Plastow is the director of the Eritrea Community Based Theatre Project and a lecturer at Leeds University. She initiated the project at the invitation of the Eritrean government, after working in theatre for some years in a number of African countries, notably Ethiopia. She supervised the research for this project, and used her experience of African theatre and of the politics and history of the region to draw the available material into its present state as a preliminary history of Eritrean drama.
4
Bereketeab, Redie. "The Morality of the U.N. Security Council Sanctions against Eritrea: Defensibility, Political Objectives, and Consequences." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.46.
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Abstract:This article seeks to examine the sanctions imposed on Eritrea by the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) based on Eritrea’s alleged involvement in Somalia and its border dispute with Djibouti. It argues that the UNSC’s failure to sanction the parties for reneging on their commitment to implement the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s verdict on the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia casts doubt on the morality of the sanctions. It also argues that the decision may have been driven by political motives. These sanctions will hurt the people of Eritrea and the Eritrean nation, and indeed, there is a real risk that the outcome of the sanctions could be the collapse of the Eritrean state.
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Stefanos, Asgedet. "Women and Education in Eritrea: A Historical and Contemporary Analysis." Harvard Educational Review 67, no. 4 (December 1, 1997): 658–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.67.4.282l602nw5445414.
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In this article, Asgedet Stefanos examines women and education in the east African nation of Eritrea. She tackles as her central questions whether, and to what extent, Eritrean women have been achieving emancipation; and, if so, what role education has played in that process. Stefanos begins by providing a historical overview that delineates Eritrean women's general social condition and access to education in pre-colonial traditional society and during the eras of Italian and British colonialism. She then evaluates developments during Eritrea's protracted national liberation struggle against Ethiopia and the four years since independence. Stefanos documents significant advances in the emancipation of women and highlights education as a vital arena for change. She observes shortcomings in the Eritrean political leadership's strategy to establish effective educational equity for women, as well as disparities between the goals and assessments of policymakers and the aspirations and experiences of women. Her discussion of contemporary Eritrea is informed by policies and commentary of political leaders and interviews with a diverse sample of Eritrean women. Stefanos concludes by asserting that the current situation confronting an independent Eritrea promotes new obstacles and challenges to a vigorous pursuit of female rights and gender equality, and that the prospects for expanding women's gains in education are very much in the balance.
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Reid, Richard. "Old Problems in New Conflicts: Some Observations on Eritrea and its Relations with Tigray, from Liberation Struggle to Inter-State War." Africa 73, no. 3 (August 2003): 369–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.3.369.
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AbstractThis article examines the problematic relationship between Eritrea and Tigray as represented by the Eritrean and Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Fronts. The EPLF won independence for Eritrea in 1991, at the same time as the TPLF seized power in Ethiopia; the two movements had had a difficult relationship, beginning in the mid-1970s, during their respective armed struggles, and the issues which had caused disagreement remained unresolved as the movements made the transition to government. This paper examines the nature of those issues and the degree to which the war of 1998-2000 between the two countries can be seen to have reflected much older tensions and indeed contradictions in the Eritrean–Tigrayan/Ethiopian relationship. Thus, the paper begins with an overview of Eritrean opinion, during the recent war, about the relationship in question, and then moves back in time to the era of the liberation struggle. Here, the author attempts to explain the complexities of the respective Eritrean and Tigrayan revolutions insofar as each impinged on and influenced the other, with particular reference to the issues of frontiers, nationality and ethnicity, and sovereignty. The paper, finally, considers the apparent paradoxes in the perceptions which Eritreans have of Tigray and Ethiopia, and suggests that changes in attitude are necessary on both sides of the Mereb river border if the relationship is not to be defined by perpetual confrontation.
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Arega, Natnael Terefe. "The plights of Eritrean refugees in the Shimelba Refugee Camp, Ethiopia." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 13, no. 1 (March 6, 2017): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-02-2016-0007.
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Purpose Thousands of Eritrean youth flee due to extreme domestic discontent with Eritrean Government. Little research has been done on Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia. The purpose of this paper is to explore the difficulties facing Eritrean refugees in the Shimelba Refugee Camp in northern Ethiopia. The study explores the refugees’ pre-migration experiences as well as their life difficulties in the refugee camp. Design/methodology/approach This study employed a cross-sectional qualitative approach. Relevant data were collected through personal interviews with a sample of 15 refugees. The study was also supplemented by the researcher’s personal observations regarding the living conditions of the refugees in the camp. Findings Gross human rights violations at home forced the Eritreans to flee in to Ethiopia. Refugees reported their experiences of arrest, torture, and abuse, due to their dissenting political and religious opinions. Moreover, they fled Eritrea to escape harsh compulsory conscription into the Eritrean military service. Unemployment and lack of income were also important push factors. Factors identified as threats to the psychosocial health of refugees at the refugee camp include the feeling of isolation, the absolute uncertainty of the future, fears concerning the safety of the family left behind, the strictness of the structure within the camp, and the fear of health-related problems associated with the limited health care facilities. Research limitations/implications Further research investigating the mental health problems of the refugees employing quantitative methods is needed. Also, research about the potential avenues for ameliorating the challenges faced by these refugees is desirable. Originality/value This paper gives an insight to the situation of Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia, which includes the reasons why they flee Eritrea, their experiences during flight, and the conditions in which Eritrean refugees live in the camp from the point of view of the refugees themselves. Understanding the challenges facing the refugees has implications for how short- and long-term policies can be altered to better serve them.
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Müller, Tanja R. "Universal Rights versus Exclusionary Politics: Aspirations and Despair among Eritrean Refugees in Tel Aviv." Africa Spectrum 50, no. 3 (December 2015): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971505000301.
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By investigating contemporary refugees, this paper analyses the contradictory dynamics of a global order whereby universal rights are distributed unequally through nation-state politics. It uses an ethnographic case study of Eritrean refugees in Tel Aviv as its empirical base in order to investigate refugeeness as a condition of everyday life. The paper demonstrates how a repressive environment within Eritrea has made people refugees, and how that condition is being reinforced by the Israeli government's refusal to recognise these refugees as such. It further interrogates the relationship between persecution and belonging that characterises the lives of Eritreans as refugees in Israel. The paper concludes by arguing that being a refugee does not preclude feeling a strong sense of national belonging. Eritrean refugees in Tel Aviv do not aspire to gain cosmopolitan citizenship rights but are driven by the desire to be rightful citizens of Eritrea.
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Riley, Dylan, and Rebecca Jean Emigh. "Post-Colonial Journeys: Historical Roots of Immigration and Integration." Comparative Sociology 1, no. 2 (2002): 169–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913302100418484.
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AbstractThe effect of Italian colonialism on migration to Italy differed according to the pre-colonial social structure, a factor previously neglected by immigration theories. In Eritrea, precolonial Christianity, sharp class distinctions, and a strong state promoted interaction between colonizers and colonized. Eritrean nationalism emerged against Ethiopia; thus, no sharp break between Eritreans and Italians emerged. Two outgrowths of colonialism, the Eritrean national movement and religious ties, facilitate immigration and integration. In contrast, in Somalia, there was no strong state, few class differences, the dominant religion was Islam, and nationalists opposed Italian rule. Consequently, Somali developed few institutional ties to colonial authorities and few institutions provided resources to immigrants. Thus, Somali immigrants are few and are not well integrated into Italian society.
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Mohammad, Abdulkader Saleh. "The Resurgence of Religious and Ethnic Identities among Eritrean Refugees: A Response to the Government’s Nationalist Ideology." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 1 (April 2021): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720963287.
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This article explores processes of identity formation in Eritrean diaspora communities that have reverted to subnational patterns of identification grounded in the historical-political crises of their homeland. Refugees from Eritrea’s open-ended national service have ambivalent feelings towards their national identity: on the surface, they stress the cohesiveness of the Eritrean people, but in their daily lives they embrace ethnic or religious communities. I elaborate the dilemmas of identity formation in the transnational space between religious and ethnic affiliations and Eritrean nationalism. I analyse the expansion of ethnolinguistic and regional associations among diaspora communities and discuss their impact on identity formation. I link cleavages along ethnic and religious lines to collective memories and the government’s attempts to eradicate subnational identities. The study is based on long-term participant observation and semi-structured interviews with Eritreans in exile, and engages with relevant bodies of literature discussing identity formation in African and diaspora contexts.
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D’Agostino, Gabriella. "La construction de la mémoire coloniale en Érythrée: les Erythréens, les Métis, les Italiens. — The construction of memory in colonial Eritrea: Eritreans, Mestizos and Italians." Sign Systems Studies 34, no. 2 (December 31, 2006): 493–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2006.34.2.12.
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The construction of memory in colonial Eritrea: Eritreans, Mestizos and Italians. Focusing on some passages of life histories collected in Asmara and based on the ‘memory of Italy’, I study the representation of the past in order to reveal the shaping of the subjective experience by the colonial discourse in Eritrea. If the main aim of my essay is the understanding of the play of interactions between individuals and collectivity, one more important element I take into account is ‘memory’ seen as a “social selection of remembering” (Halbwachs). I try to connect the social position and narrative role of single members (of the Eritrean society) to the meaning it takes the ‘going back to the past’ for them as individuals belonging to a group (an Eritrean, a Mestizo, an Italian) in relation to the past and the present. The consequence is that the logic dominant/dominated is inadequate to explain the internal articulations of the colonial context and that the focus must be shifted on individual and collective systems of expectations and on the negotiations of meaning resulting from a “past always to be recovered” and a “present always to be rebuilt”.
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Hirt, Nicole. "Eritrea’s Chosen Trauma and the Legacy of the Martyrs: The Impact of Postmemory on Political Identity Formation of Second-Generation Diaspora Eritreans." Africa Spectrum 56, no. 1 (April 2021): 19–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002039720977495.
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In the collective memory of Eritreans, the liberation struggle against Ethiopia symbolises the heroic fight of their fallen martyrs against oppression. After independence, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front created an autocratic regime, which is adored by many second-generation diaspora Eritreans living in democracies. I engage with bodies of literature exploring the political importance of collective trauma in post-conflict societies and apply two theoretical notions, “postmemory” and “chosen trauma,” to explain how the government’s narrative of Eritrean history produced a culture of nationalism through the glorification of the martyrs. This narrative and the trauma experienced by their parents created experiences of postmemory among the second-generation diaspora that have influenced their worldview. I demonstrate how Eritrean pro-government activists utilise US-born artists who recently discovered their Eritreanness, such as Tiffany Haddish, to instil long-distance nationalism. The article is based on a social media analysis, long-term observation of Eritrean diaspora communities, and recent fieldwork.
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Andreoni, Helen. "Necessity the Mother of Invention: Australian and Eritrean Early Childhood Educators Sharing Skills and Experiences." Australasian Journal of Early Childhood 23, no. 1 (March 1998): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/183693919802300103.
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Australian and Eritrean early childhood educators are working together to establish early childhood education in Eritrea. Eritrea, in East Africa, devastated by a 30-year war and severe droughts, is rebuilding from scratch with minimal resources. In a country with some nine ethnic groups and languages, as well as three main religions, fundamental questions have to be asked about the role and nature of early childhood education. Australian early childhood educators in Eritrea are learning a great deal about the management of multicultural and multilingual communities; Eritrean early childhood educators are in turn learning a great deal from their Australian counterparts about an holistic approach to education which, through a range of strategies, seeks to meet the social, emotional, physical, intellectual, and developmental needs of the Eritrean children. All members of this team are involved in a patient campaign to effect change and are aware that education in such an environment is a political act.
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Anderson, Allan Heaton. "Eritrean Pentecostals as Asylum Seekers in Britain." Journal of Religion in Africa 43, no. 2 (2013): 167–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12341248.
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Abstract This article explores the background and issues relating to the plight of Eritrean Pentecostal asylum seekers, and is based on background literature on the Eritrean context and interviews with Eritrean asylum seekers in the UK. It explores the historical, political, and religious context of Eritrea and analyses the challenges presented to British immigration officials by the presence of Eritrean asylum seekers who claim to be persecuted for their Pentecostal faith. The article examines the processes from the perspective of personal narratives of asylum seekers, their reasons for fleeing their country, the documents and statements used to deny them asylum in the application process, and the characteristics of their faith that are often overlooked.
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Weldehaimanot, Simon M. "African Law of Coups and the Situation in Eritrea: A Test for the African Union's Commitment to Democracy." Journal of African Law 54, no. 2 (September 20, 2010): 232–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855310000069.
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AbstractThis article contends that the severely repressive manner in which Eritrea has been governed in the last ten years violates the right of the Eritrean people to democratic governance. In particular, the refusal of the transitional Government of Eritrea (GoE) to end its transitional tenure in utter defiance of its own promises, transitional laws and the Constitution of Eritrea fits the definition of unconstitutional change of government proscribed by the African Union (AU). This article calls upon the AU's Peace and Security Council to urge the GoE expeditiously to establish democratic governance in accordance with regional, international and Eritrea's own legal standards. Should this demand fall upon deaf ears, this article calls for the AU to impose sanctions on the GoE.
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Bozzini, David. "The Fines and the Spies." Social Analysis 59, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 32–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sa.2015.590403.
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Since 2005, the Eritrean state has implemented measures against the increasing desertion of conscripts by retaliating against deserters' families. This article explores the fears spread by this measure in Eritrea and analyzes how people have interpreted its erratic enforcement, including in those countries to which deserters have fled in massive numbers to seek political asylum. The retaliation has served to 'export' fears about the Eritrean state's surveillance abroad and has reshaped political imagination concerning the power of the Eritrean authoritarian state in the diaspora. I argue that imaginings about the state play a crucial role by curbing the political dissidence of new exiles and by giving rise to new fault lines in the diaspora communities in ways that are beneficial to the current Eritrean leadership.
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Hashimshony-Yaffe, Nurit, and Hadas Yaron Mesghenna. "In the Absence of States." African Diaspora 8, no. 2 (2015): 121–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00802001.
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This article focuses on organizations and social patterns operating within the Eritrean asylum community in Israel. We explore both community-based aid organizations and opposition groups, which together constitute, as we demonstrate, an Eritrean transnational civil society. The Eritrean community was created in Israel during the last few years with the arrival of Eritrean nationals fleeing their homeland and seeking protection. In our analysis, we consider how these organizations have developed as a unified exiled civil society and how they operate in the context of their State of origin (Eritrea) and of their State of asylum (Israel), while both States may effectively be present and/or absent in the community members’ lives, such that the resulting community comprises a unique transnational state.
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Locatelli, Francesca. "The Archives of the Municipality and the High Court of Asmara, Eritrea: Discovering the Eritrea “Hidden from History”." History in Africa 31 (2004): 469–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003636.
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Eritrean independence in 1993 raised fundamental questions regarding the Eritrean past. Inevitably, scholars initially focused their analysis on the history of the Eritrean nationalist movement and liberation struggle. The long guerrilla war against the Ethiopian regime attracted the interest of numerous researchers, not only because of its implications for the redefinition of the political landscape of the Horn of Africa, but also because of the ways in which it had mobilized and reorganized Eritrean society. While this literature has shed much light upon interesting aspects of the political history of independent Eritrea, further investigation of the precolonial and colonial past is still required to gain a deeper understanding of the formation of Eritrean national identity in all its intricate facets.The question of Eritrean national identity is intimately connected to its colonial history, which in many ways remains marginalized in the analysis of Eritrean past. The Italian colonial period between 1890 and 1941 was a crucial moment in the definition of those social and political transformations which contributed to the formation of Eritrea-as-a-nation. Nevertheless, this historical phase remains underexplored. The colonial past has been an issue that European powers to varying extents have had to confront since the end of empire. Both historians of colonialism and Africanist historians have collaborated in the reconstruction of the past of colonized societies. In Italy this process remains in embryonic form. Many Africanist historians, such as Irma Taddia and Alessandro Triulzi, have already addressed the problem concerning the gaps left by Italian historiography on both the colonial past and the history of the colonized societies in its various aspects. As Triulzi points out, both practical and political reasons slowed the development of those debates that were emerging in the historiographies of other excolonial powers.
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Reid, Richard. "Caught in the headlights of history: Eritrea, the EPLF and the post-war nation-state." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 3 (July 28, 2005): 467–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05001059.
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A little over a decade after the achievement of independence, Eritrea is confronted by a range of social and political problems, problems which are rooted both in the nation's past and in the ruling movement's interpretation of that past. This paper is concerned with the widening gulf between the nation-state, as envisaged by the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) during the liberation struggle and as currently ‘imagined’ by the government, and the socio-political reality. Eritrean society is now marked by widening divisions between the ‘struggle generation’ and the membership of the former EPLF on the one hand, and large sections of the remainder of the population, notably youth. The 1998–2000 war with Ethiopia, the root causes of which are as yet unresolved, has proved more destructive than was apparent even at the time, and has been used by the state as a vindication of the EPLF's particular interpretation of the past. Political and social repression, rooted in a militaristic tradition and a profound fear of disunity, has intensified since the war. In this paper the current situation is examined in terms of the deep frustration felt by younger Eritreans, the urban–rural divide, the state-level determination to cling to the values and the aims of the liberation struggle, and the position of Eritrea in international politics.
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Reid, Richard. "Writing Eritrea: History and Representation in a Bad Neighborhood." History in Africa 41 (May 6, 2014): 83–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hia.2014.16.
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AbstractThis paper reflects on the ways in which Eritrea has been written about since circa 2001, the point at which the country entered a new phase of heightened authoritarianism and increased international isolation. It considers the ways in which Eritrea has been seen largely in “presentist” terms, due in no small way to the Eritrean government’s own intrinsic hostility to independent historical research, with an overwhelming fixation on its dire human rights and governance record, and on the nature of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), which governs in all but name. The paper urges a more historical approach, beginning with the critical three decades that preceded the emergence of the EPLF in the early 1970s.
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Belloni, Milena. "Refugees and citizens: Understanding Eritrean refugees’ ambivalence towards homeland politics." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 60, no. 1-2 (March 1, 2018): 55–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218760382.
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This article revisits ambivalence as a protracted state which does not simply develop as a result of the migration experience but stems from overlapping levels of normative inconsistency. Drawing from my ethnography of Eritreans’ everyday life in the homeland and abroad, I analyse their attitudes of patriotism and disenchantment through an ambivalence lens. Their ambiguous attitudes are arising from national and transnational Eritrean state policies and are further complicated by their role as “political refugees” in host countries. My informants’ ambivalence stems from them embodying more than one role (i.e. patriots, family breadwinners, refugees from and citizens of their homeland), from contradictory expectations pertaining to the same role (i.e. young citizens in Eritrea) and from clashing implications of being members of two different social systems (i.e. the destination country and the country of origin). Thus, Eritreans’ political loyalties and actions are characterised by a state of ambivalence throughout their migration process. Despite its peculiar characteristics, this case study sheds light on the complexity of ambivalence, as more than a temporary condition, for migrants and refugees in particular. In the current scenario of emigrant states’ transnational governance, protracted ambivalence is likely to mark the attitudes of an increasing number of people on the move as both refugees from and citizens of their country of origin.
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Warwick, Paul. "Theatre and the Eritrean Struggle for Freedom: the Cultural Troupes of the People's Liberation Front." New Theatre Quarterly 13, no. 51 (August 1997): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00011234.
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The thirty-year Eritrean struggle for independence – during which a small and poorly-armed guerrilla force eventually triumphed over a highly-equipped enemy, supported by foreign powers – is also the story of a social revolution in which the theatre played its part. The Eritrean People's Liberation Front not only employed theatre as a propaganda weapon, but also recognized its value as an agent for educating its people – concerning education and women's rights, and on the benefits of modern medicine and farming methods – and with victory came measures to stimulate the growth and development of theatre as part of Eritrean culture. Following Jane Plastow's contextual history of Eritrean theatre in our previous issue, Paul Warwick here makes the first attempt to reconstruct its undocumented role in the independence struggle, and the efforts of the rebels to create theatre for the first time in a rural context. A graduate of the Workshop Theatre, University of Leeds, Paul Warwick made this the subject of his research when he visited Eritrea in the summer of 1995 as part of the Eritrea Community Based Theatre Project. Since his return he has collaborated on a translation of The Other War by Alemseged Tesfai, written during the independence struggle, and given a reading at the West Yorkshire Playhouse in December 1996: this is due for publication later this year in an anthology of African drama from Methuen. Paul Warwick is currently Artistic Director of the Unlimited Theatre Company based in Leeds.
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Plastow, Jane. "The Eritrea Community-Based Theatre Project." New Theatre Quarterly 13, no. 52 (November 1997): 386–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00011544.
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Following Jane Plastow's contextual history of Eritrean theatre in NTQ50, Paul Warwick gave an account in the following issue of its previously undocumented role during the thirty-year Eritrean struggle for independence, describing the efforts of the freedom fighters to create theatre for the first time in a rural context. The Eritrean People's Liberation Front not only deployed theatre as a propaganda weapon, but also recognized its value as an agent for educating the people in matters ranging from women's rights to the benefits of modern medicine and farming methods: and with victory came measures further to stimulate the growth and development of theatre as part of Eritrean culture. Jane Plastow, in this third and concluding article, takes up the story with the invitation issued by the new government to her and her colleagues to initiate the ‘Eritrea Community-Based Theatre Project’, in an attempt both to widen the perspectives of Eritrean actors and to draw upon all relevant traditions, African and European, in developing a popular but distinctive theatre for the people. In addition to her role as director of the project, Jane Plastow is a lecturer at Leeds University, having worked in theatre for some years in a number of other African nations.
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Pateman, Roy. "Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité: Aspects of the Eritrean Revolution." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 3 (September 1990): 457–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054641.
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Eritrea is the site of Africa's longest war, the 29-year struggle for self-determination and liberation from Ethiopian occupation. Its people have the lowest income per capita in the world; but under conditions of great privation, they have built up a society that could prove to be a model for development. Almost all visitors to the areas under the control of the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (E.P.L.F.) – land freed from Ethiopian rule for varying periods since 1970 – have commented on the egalitarian, fraternal, and sometimes libertarian nature of Eritrean society.
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Hepner, Tricia Redeker. "Religion, Repression, and Human Rights in Eritrea and the Diaspora." Journal of Religion in Africa 44, no. 2 (May 21, 2014): 151–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700666-12340003.
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AbstractThis paper analyzes the logic of the Eritrean state’s repression of religious identities and institutions from a historical and transnational perspective. It argues that contemporary religious repression expresses cultural, political, and generational conflicts related to the internal dynamics of Eritrea’s postrevolutionary transition, the transnational configuration of the nation-state, and larger preoccupations with the pressures of globalization. A key proposition is that repression of religion is related to both the modernist secularism of the nationalist regime and the ways in which human rights discourse intersects simultaneously with northern interventionism and transnational diaspora opposition to the Eritrean regime. Analyzing the Eritrean case with respect to contemporary critical scholarship on the tensions and contradictions inherent in secularism and human rights discourse highlights how their emancipatory potentials can be co-opted by regimes of power.
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Sorenson, John. "Discourses on Eritrean Nationalism and Identity." Journal of Modern African Studies 29, no. 2 (June 1991): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00002767.
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Since Italy's defeat in World Ward II, Ethiopia has pressed its claim to Eritrea. Following an abortive federation imposed by the United Nations in 1950, Haile Selassie annexed the former Italian colony in 1962, and for the last three decades Eritreans have fought for their independence.
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Desta, Zeratsion Abera, Jihad Orabi, Ahmed Jahoor, and Gunter Backes. "Genetic diversity and structure found in samples of Eritrean bread wheat." Plant Genetic Resources 12, no. 1 (August 14, 2013): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479262113000324.
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Genetic diversity and structure plays a key role in the selection of parents for crosses in plant breeding programmes. The aim of the present study was to analyse the genetic diversity and structure of Eritrean bread wheat accessions. We analysed 284 wheat accessions from Eritrea using 30 simple sequence repeat markers. A total of 539 alleles were detected. The allele number per locus ranged from 2 to 21, with a mean allele number of 9.2. The average genetic diversity index was 0.66, with values ranging from 0.01 to 0.89. Comparing the three genomes of wheat, the B genome had the highest genetic diversity (0.66) and the D genome the lowest diversity (0.61). A STRUCTURE analysis based on the Bayesian model-based cluster analysis followed by a graphical representation of the distances by non-parametric multidimensional scaling revealed a distinct partition of the Eritrean wheat accessions into two major groups. This is the first report of the genetic diversity and structure of Eritrean bread wheat.
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Markakis, John. "The Nationalist Revolution in Eritrea." Journal of Modern African Studies 26, no. 1 (March 1988): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010326.
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Now in its third decade, the nationalist revolution in Eritrea is Africa's longest conflict, and one whose nature is often misunderstood by friend and foe alike. Its supporters see it as an anti-colonial campaign, the same as that waged by people elsewhere for independence. Certainly, colonialism has something to do with it, since Eritrea itself was its creation. However, Eritrean nationalism did not emerge as a reaction to the colonial situation. It made its appearance after the collapse of Italian rule, when the fate of the former colony hung in the balance. The issue that proved the catalyst was Ethiopia's determination to absorb Eritrea, as she was soon to do with the collaboration of many of the inhabitants. These peculiar origins have been cited as good reasons for dismissing Eritrean nationalism as a sham, even though the events of the last 25 years offer ample proof to the contrary.1 This article offers a summary view of the conflict's history, and makes an attempt to distil the essence of the movement which is still fighting Ethiopia.2
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Taddia, Irma. "Modern Ethiopia and Colonial Eritrea." Aethiopica 5 (May 8, 2013): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.5.1.450.
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The article develops some reflections on present-day Eritrea in the light of the colonial past and in the context of modern Ethiopia. If we consider Eritrea and its path towards independence, some differences and analogies emerge in comparison with other African colonies. The Eritrean independence is taking place today in a very specific context in post-colonial Africa. It is not a simple case of delayed decolonization, postponed by 30 years with respect to other former African colonies. The history of Eritrea must be studied within the colonial context: colonialism created a national identity, but Eritrea is a colony that did not become an independent state. This phenomenon can be attributed to various causes which I will try to underline. The process of state formation in Eritrea raises some problems for historians. The construction of a new political legitimacy is strictly connected to the birth of a national historiography in the country. I would like to examine in a critical way the process of writing history in contemporary Eritrea. Reconstructing the history of the past goes beyond the reconstruction of the history of the Eritrean state today. We have to consider the entire area – the Horn of Africa – in the pre-colonial period. The paper discusses the interrelation between the creation of the state and the national historiography.
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Wallimann, Carla, and Andreas Balthasar. "Primary Care Networks and Eritrean Immigrants’ Experiences with Health Care Professionals in Switzerland: A Qualitative Approach." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 14 (July 23, 2019): 2614. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16142614.
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Growing migration in European countries has simultaneously increased cultural diversity in health care. Migrants’ equal access to health care systems and migrant friendly health care have therefore become relevant topics. Findings gathered in recent years have mainly focussed on the perspective of care providers, whereas this study includes migrant perspectives. It explores the primary care network of Eritrean immigrants in Switzerland as well as their experiences of interacting with health professionals. Semi-structured face-to-face interviews with intercultural interpreters from Eritrea were conducted. On the basis of a thematic analysis, the study identified the important informal and formal contacts in these Eritrean immigrants’ primary care networks and the specific forms of support each actor provides. In this network, encounters with health professionals were predominately expressed positively. The main barriers reported were language difficulties and intercultural understanding. On the basis of the participants’ statements, six key lessons for practice have been derived. These lessons are specifically important for facilitating Eritrean immigrants’ access to the Swiss health care system. Nevertheless, they are also relevant for other groups of migrants in European countries.
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Araya, Mesfin. "The Eritrean Question: an Alternative Explanation." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 1 (March 1990): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054239.
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There has been an armed struggle for independence in Eritrea since the dismantling of its ‘federation’ with Ethiopia in 1962. Particularly since the fall of the imperial régime in 1974, the war has claimed many lives, and continues to cause economic and social dislocation in the region. Despite what has happened during the past three decades, however, the so-called ‘Eritrean question’ remains a widely misunderstood phenomenon, not least because there is no authoritative and scholarly modern political history of this part of Africa.
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Lucia, Alejandro, Jonathan Esteve-Lanao, Jesús Oliván, Félix Gómez-Gallego, Alejandro F. San Juan, Catalina Santiago, Margarita Pérez, Carolina Chamorro-Viña, and Carl Foster. "Physiological characteristics of the best Eritrean runners—exceptional running economy." Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 31, no. 5 (October 2006): 530–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/h06-029.
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Despite their young age, limited training history, and lack of running tradition compared with other East African endurance athletes (e.g., Kenyans and Ethiopians), male endurance runners from Eritrea have recently attained important running successes. The purposes of our study were (i) to document the main physical and physiological characteristics of elite black Eritrean distance runners (n = 7; age: 22 ± 3 years) and (ii) to compare them with those of their elite white Spanish counterparts. For this second purpose we selected a control group of elite Spanish runners (n = 9; 24 ± 2 years), owing to the traditionally high success of Spanish athletes in long-distance running compared with other white runners, especially in cross-country competitions. The subjects’ main anthropometric characteristics were determined, together with their maximum oxygen uptake (VO2 max) and VO2 (mL·kg–1·min–1), blood lactate, and ammonia concentrations while running at 17, 19, or 21 km·h–1. The body mass index (18.9 ± 1.5 kg·m–2) and maximal calf circumference (30.9 ± 1.5 cm) was lower in Eritreans than in Spaniards (20.5 ± 1.7 kg·m–2 and 33.9 ± 2.0 cm, respectively) (p < 0.05 and p < 0.01, respectively) and their lower leg (shank) length was longer (44.1 ± 3.0 cm vs. 40.6 ± 2.7 cm, respectively) (p < 0.05). VO2 max did not differ significantly between Eritreans and Spaniards (73.8 ± 5.6 mL·kg–1·min–1 vs. 77.8 ± 5.7 mL·kg–1·min–1, respectively), whereas the VO2 cost of running was lower (p < 0.01) in the former (e.g., 65.9 ± 6.8 mL·kg–1·min–1 vs. 74.8 ± 5.0 mL·kg–1·min–1 when running at 21 km·h–1). Our data suggest that the excellent running economy of Eritreans is associated, at least partly, with anthropometric variables. Comparison of their submaximal running cost with other published data suggests that superior running economy, rather than enhanced aerobic capacity, may be the common denominator in the success of black endurance runners of East African origin.
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Weldehaimanot, Simon M., and Daniel R. Mekonnen. "The Nebulous Lawmaking Process in Eritrea." Journal of African Law 53, no. 2 (September 18, 2009): 171–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855309990027.
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AbstractThis article contrasts the lawmaking process in the Eritrean transitional legal framework with experience in South Africa, which offers insightful lessons for future improvement in Eritrea. Indeed, the Eritrean lawmaking process retains many imperfections in terms of the design of the interim constitution and ensuing practice. On paper, the competence of the executive and the legislature is not clearly demarcated. Rather, it is nebulously shared between both branches, resulting inevitably in competing interests. The lawmaking process lacks democratic characteristics and defies the requirements of accountability and good governance. The practice that has followed is worse. In a country with a protracted history of executive dominance, the lawmaking competence conferred upon the executive has inexorably contributed to entrenched dictatorship. The article offers suggestions for improvement.
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Kileyesus, Abbebe. "Cosmologies in Collision: Pentecostal Conversion and Christian Cults in Asmara." African Studies Review 49, no. 1 (April 2006): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0076.
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Abstract:This article aims to contribute to a better understanding of the popularity of Pentecostalism and the formation of religious identity in an Eritrean city. Examining the penetration of Pentecostal Protestantism into longstanding Christian churches in Asmara during a time of rapid socioeconomic change in Eritrea, it looks at how Pentecostalism discontinues its relation with the past, conceptualizes the present, and generates an autonomous image of itself in the highly competitive religious marketplace of an Eritrean urban space. The article discusses how and why this movement increasingly favors Bible reading and networks of religious meetings as the principal mediums of transmission of its teachings and the expansion of its denomination, breaking deliberately from traditional Christian churches and using local forces and resources.
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Weldensae, H. E. Haile. "The Ethiopian-Eritrean Crisis: The Eritrean Perspective." American Foreign Policy Interests 20, no. 6 (December 1998): 20–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10803920.1998.10391984.
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Lyons, Scott W. "Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship between Eritrea and Ethiopia." International Legal Materials 58, no. 1 (February 2019): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2019.4.
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Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki signed a historic agreement on July 9, 2018, in Asmara, Eritrea, ending over two decades of open hostilities and war. The Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship (Joint Declaration) marks a fundamental change for the Horn of Africa, with the reconciliation possibly altering the economic and political dynamics of the region. The Joint Declaration resulted from several key developments occurring over a few weeks from June through early July 2018. Ethiopia announced its acceptance of the original Algiers Agreement, dated December 12, 2000, which had never been implemented, and its willingness to abide by the 2002 international Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruling that awarded disputed territory to Eritrea, including the border town of Badme. Previously, Ethiopia had rejected the ruling and asked for a new ruling. Ethiopia had also previously insisted that relations must be restored before any territorial resolution. President Afwerki agreed to negotiate, after stating for years that Ethiopia had to withdraw its troops from the disputed town of Badme first. A few weeks before the signing of the Joint Declaration, the Eritrean foreign minister visited Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, marking the first bilateral meeting between the two since the war began.
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Kibreab, Gaim. "Forced labour in Eritrea." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 41–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003650.
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ABSTRACTUsing fieldwork data collected in Eritrea, Rome, Milan and Stockholm, and supplemented by human rights organisation reports and discussions with key informants in four cities in the UK, this article examines the extent to which the Eritrean national service and its concomitant Warsai-Yikaalo Development Campaign qualify as forced or compulsory labour as defined by the relevant international conventions.
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Hollows, Fred C., Garry Brian, David Sheen, John Cooper, and Liz Thompson. "Eritrean medicine." Medical Journal of Australia 153, no. 10 (November 1990): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1990.tb126304.x.
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Keneally, Thomas. "Eritrean medicine." Medical Journal of Australia 153, no. 5 (September 1990): 241–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1990.tb136889.x.
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Tronvoll, Kjetil. "The process of nation-building in post-war Eritrea: created from below or directed from above?" Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1998): 461–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x98002833.
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The journey of nation-building is long and complicated. Even though the bases of Eritrean nationalism have been firmly established through our long liberation struggle, it has yet to be concluded. It is known that to build [a] peaceful and rich country is the hardest, and more complicated than to get success in war. The National Charter of Eritrea, EPLF (1994)
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Joubert, Natalie, Janet Carter Anand, and Tomi Mäki-Opas. "Migration as a Challenge to the Sustainability of Nordic Gender Equality Policies as Highlighted through the Lived Experiences of Eritrean Mothers Living in Denmark." Sustainability 12, no. 23 (December 2, 2020): 10072. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su122310072.
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This study focused on the complex process of adjustment and adaptation experienced by refugee parents from Eritrea who have settled in Aalborg, Denmark. Migration is a challenge to the sustainability of Nordic gender equality policies, in the face of cultural differences between refugees and host countries. This narrative study undertaken in the Eritrean community in Aalborg, Denmark took place against the background of cultural differences between the refugees and their host country, and Nordic gender equality policies. The study was done through the lens of parenting, to provide Eritrean refugee parents in Aalborg with the opportunity to share their lived experiences of settling in Denmark. The overarching aim of this study was to explore with Eritrean parents how they raise their children in a new country, as well as identifying both the challenges they face and the strengths which they bring to that role through their narratives. It aims to improve the understanding of what is significant to these parents during the process of their adaptation to a new environment. The role of refugees is well-established in their country of origin, but exposure to the Nordic Welfare Model which embraces women as being equal to men, is often problematic for Eritrean female refugees. Increasing cross-cultural knowledge in Denmark, through becoming aware of the lived experiences of the refugees as parents is important, particularly for those involved in social services that engage with this community. The study focused on the nature of challenges faced by Eritrean mothers experienced whilst integrating into Danish society. A semi-structured approach was used to obtain and analyze the data that was collected through interpersonal, qualitative methods in a narrative paradigm. The methodology was informed by initial focus groups meetings. Face-to-face engagement with the parents, utilizing an Eritrean interpreter as an integral part of the research team, was used. This study has highlighted the importance of engaging directly with refugee communities within their existing structures with a willingness to understand their culture. This approach may sit outside traditional research settings and service provision norms, but it informs more targeted, culturally appropriate, and acceptable interventions, which will assist the refugee community to effectively integrate into Danish society. The questions raised indicate an urgent need to recognize the cultural differences between refugees and host countries, and for this purpose to obtain more in-depth studies addressing this poorly examined area.
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Haile, Semere. "The Origins and Demise of the Ethiopia-Eritrea Federation." Issue 15 (1987): 9–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700505988.
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In the late 1970s, the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict and the Ethiopia-Somalia border war over the Ogaden region has centered world attention on Soviet-Cuban activities in the Horn of Africa. Although the Somali army was defeated by the combined powers of the Ethiopians and the Soviet-Cuban forces in mid-March 1978, the tension between the two countries was still high. Among the other problems facing the region is that of the Eritrean struggle for self-determination.
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Andegiorgis, Ghebrehiwet Eyasu. "Counselling approaches used in solving students’ disciplinary problems in secondary schools in Keren sub-zone, Anseba region, Eritrea." Global Journal of Psychology Research: New Trends and Issues 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjpr.v10i1.4263.
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Counselling service is new to the Eritrean education system and its implementation has not been easy. Despite counselling services being part of the educational policy and the curriculum, the use of counselling service is in its initial stages in many schools in Eritrea. This study assessed counselling approaches used in solving students’ disciplinary problems in secondary schools in Keren sub-zone, Anseba Region, Eritrea. This study adopted a mixed method research design across a target population that comprised 5 schools, 1,500 students, 100 teachers, 5 teacher counsellors and 5 head teachers. Systematic sampling and simple random and purposive sampling were used to select schools and the participants of the study. Questionnaires and interview guides were used for data collection. Data gathered through questionnaires were processed using descriptive statistical techniques involving frequencies, percentages and means. Data gathered through an interview guide were analysed and presented using quotes, themes and narrative descriptions. The results of this study show that most students (59.8%) and teachers (56.3%) reported that a combination of corporal punishment and counselling was used to handle students’ discipline. This study also found out that corporal punishment was more practiced by public schools compared to private schools. This study further found out that approaches such as individual counselling, peer counselling and group counselling were rarely used in managing students’ discipline. Moreover, mentoring and student-focused intervention were more used in Keren secondary schools in handling students discipline.
Keywords: Eritrean counselling, counselling approaches, discipline in Eritrea, counsellors, counselling in Keren.
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Pateman, Roy. "The Eritrean War." Armed Forces & Society 17, no. 1 (October 1990): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9001700104.
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Mengesha, Tedros Sium, and Mussie T. Tessema. "Eritrean Education System: A critical Analysis and Future Research Directions." International Journal of Education 11, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ije.v11i1.14471.
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This paper critically discusses the Eritrean education system at different period of time: before the Italian colonization (before 1889), Italian colonialization (1889-1941), British Administration (1941-1952), Federation with Ethiopia (1952-1962), annexation of Eritrea by Ethiopia (1962-1961), after independence (after 1991). An important finding of the current study is that, education system is significantly influenced by the economic and political situation of a country in that when the economic and political situation of a country is not conducive, the education system suffers. This study also discusses the implications of the findings of the current study and future research directions.
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Tesfamariam, Yordanos, and Margot Hurlbert. "Gendered adaptation of Eritrean dryland farmers." International Journal of Climate Change Strategies and Management 9, no. 2 (March 20, 2017): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijccsm-07-2016-0096.
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Purpose This paper aims to report findings of a study of vulnerability that identified adaptation strategies of male and female farmers in two regions of Eritrea. The country is suffering from food shortage because of climate and non-climate stressors. As such, erratic rainfall, chronic droughts and extreme weather adversely affect crop production. This paper answers the question of how policy instruments and cultural practices, and their interaction, increase or reduce the vulnerabilities of male and female agricultural producers, including producer perceptions of how instruments and culture can be improved. Design/methodology/approach Interviews and focus groups were conducted in the two study regions in Eritrea. Documents and transcripts of the interviews and focus groups were coded by theme and analyzed. Findings Findings revealed that the main rainy season has reduced from four to two months, and the minor rainy season has often failed. As a result, exposure and sensitivity to climate change affects all farmers. These climate change impacts together with Eritrean government policy instruments, including the limited availability, affordability and accessibility of agricultural inputs such as land, fertilizer, seeds, and male labor exacerbate the vulnerability of agricultural producers. Tigrinya farm women are the least able to adapt to extreme weather because of an unequal distribution of resources resulting from cultural, patriarchal views of women which have prevented them from being regarded as equal primary farmers and further limit their access to the resources mentioned. This vulnerability is exacerbated by the prescribed military service of men in their community (which is not prescribed in the matrilineal Kunama community). Producers perceive that addressing this gender inequality and improving government instruments, most importantly getting rid of mandatory military service, will improve adaptation. Practical implications Concrete recommendations made by the community are reported. Originality/value This paper presents important findings from qualitative research conducted in Eritrea.
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Asfaha, Yonas Mesfun, Jeanne Kurvers, and Sjaak Kroon. "Negen Talen En Drie Schriften." Toegepaste Taalwetenschap in Artikelen 75 (January 1, 2006): 89–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ttwia.75.09asf.
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In view of its sociolinguistic situation and its mother tongue language policy Eritrea qualifies as an excellent site for comparatively investigating the acquisition and use of literacy in nine different languages (Tigrinya, Tigre, Afar, Saho, Bidhaawyeet, Kunama, Nara, Bilen and Rashaida) using three different scripts (syllabic Geez, alphabetic Latin and consonantal-alphabetic Arabic) within one and the same cultural and educational context. This contribution presents first results of a literacy survey with 670 Eritreans (which is part of a larger NWO-WOTRO research project). It goes into the respondents' level of literacy, their use of reading and writing in a number of societal domains, their use of the different scripts, and their preferences for the different scripts. A main outcome of the survey is that both, religion and ethnolinguistic group membership, play an important role in the use and positive evaluation of specific scripts. The majority of respondents report a preference for either Geez or Arabic, the scripts of the holy books of the Coptic Orthodox Church and Islam respectively, whereas the Latin alphabet, notwithstanding the official support it gets and the fact that it is used for six out of nine Eritrean languages, hardly plays a societal role.
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Kochetov, Dmitriy V. "A friend among foes, a foe among friends: Ascari, Amedeo Guillet and the formation of Eritrean identity in the context of Italian colonialism in the late nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth centuries." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series: History. International Relations 21, no. 1 (March 25, 2021): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2021-21-1-67-71.
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The article draws attention to the extraordinary, by African standards, respect in Eritrea for the soldiers of the Italian colonial troops, the Ascari, and even for some of their Italian officers, such as Amedeo Guillet. The author reveals the reason for this respect, which was not present in another former Italian colony Libya. After studying the materials on the number and combat path of the Ascari, colonial Libya, Eritrea, and Italy’s policy in it, the author came to the conclusion that Italian colonialism from a clean slate formed an anti-Ethiopian identity in Eritrea. It was expressed in the Ascari who played an important role in the war of independence from Ethiopia that began in 1961. Its roots go back to 1896 when Ethiopians mutilated Eritrean prisoners after the battle of Adwa.
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Dubinsky, Itamar. "Digital Diaspora." African Diaspora 12, no. 1-2 (February 21, 2020): 89–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-bja10002.
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Abstract This article examines the cyberactivism of Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel. It adopts the concept of digital diasporas to probe the role that the Internet plays for members of the community. Based on interviews with Eritrean asylum seekers in Israel, content analysis of Eritrean websites and other online platforms, as well as government and third-sector reports, the article discusses the potential and limitations of the Internet in promoting the struggle of members of the Eritrean diaspora against dictatorship in their homeland, and in enabling them to deal with hardships in their host country. The research reveals three main uses of the Internet by members of the community: social-cultural uses, consumption of news, and anti-government activism. These uses enable the Eritrean diaspora in Israel to create a political sphere that cannot exist outside the web, maintain the cohesiveness of the community, make informed decisions concerning their future, and preserve individual identities.
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Belloni, Milena. "Breaking Free from Tradition: Women, National Service and Migration in Eritrea." Migration Letters 16, no. 4 (September 30, 2019): 491–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i4.795.
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Drawing from ethnographic research with five young women living in Asmara (Eritrea), this article investigates the intersection between migration aspirations and the desire for gender –and sexual – emancipation. While an increasing amount of studies focuses on the effect of migration on gender roles and sexuality, this article aims to understand the gendered nature of migration aspirations at their outset. After a brief review of the role of women in Eritrean history, I illustrate how limited social and political freedom across the country specifically impacts on young women’s education and life trajectories in Eritrea today. Then, through the stories of my research participants, I show that migration is a space not only to imagine alternative futures but also to conceive different forms of womanhood.