Academic literature on the topic 'Established churches'

Two established churches, the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland and the Orthodox Church of Finland, have an active presence on several social media platforms. In this article, I review their online presence and analyze their Facebook content in depth. The analysis indicates that the churches have a traditional and educational output that represents a form of cultural Christianity. Additionally, I discuss how operating on social media is relevant to established churches, and that it is a reflection both of their desire to be visible and to construct a certain type of presence.

Whatever may be thought about the question of the possible disestablishment of the Church of England, there is one premise which the protagonists do not dispute. Nobody doubts that the Church of England is established. Well informed persons also know that, as one aspect of struggling with ‘the Irish question’ in the nineteenth century, the union of the Churches of England and Ireland was dissolved, and the Church disestablished, so far as the island of Ireland was concerned, by the Irish Church Act 1869. Besides, there was disestablishment for the territory of Wales and Monmouthshire by the Welsh Church Act 1914, an Act which is something of a constitutional curiosity: as there is not a separate Welsh legal system, it is very rare for legislation to distinguish between English and Welsh territory, as that Act does.

Extensive research has been done on Pentecostal churches over the past years. Several studies have focused on their history and robust growth, some on their economic and developmental ethos, while others have focused on their theological stances, and growing political influence in society. Amidst these kinds of studies, is the need to address the overt challenge posed by religious conflict among Pentecostal churches. Whereas there is growing scholarly interest in religious conflict among Christian churches, this has been narrowed to intra-church conflict. However, studies on inter-church conflict, between separate Pentecostal churches, that are independent of each other, are rare. Yet inter-church feuds and conflicts among Pentecostal churches in Uganda occupy a significant part of public space and discourses. Through analysis of both print and electronic media reports and engagement with twenty key informant interviewees, this article sought to establish and analyse the nature, manifestations and root causes of inter-church conflict between Pentecostal churches in Uganda. The study established that Pentecostal pastors are not only the major protagonists of inter-church conflicts but also act as collective agents for the churches in conflict. The study further established that religious conflicts among Pentecostal churches are caused by different ideological inclinations, theological differences notwithstanding, but mainly by the desire to dominate the religious market and by power struggle dynamics within the religious leadership. This tension has a particular impact on society given pastors’ visibility, access to media and their public action in the Ugandan context.

In any discussion of church-state relations in the United Kingdom, it should be remembered that there are four national Churches: the Church of England, the (Reformed) Church of Scotland, the Church in Wales (disestablished in 1920 as a result of the Welsh Church Act 1914) and the Church of Ireland (disestablished by the Irish Church Act 1869). The result is that two Churches are established by law (the Church of England and the Church of Scotland) and enjoy a particular constitutional relationship with the state, while the other Churches and faith-communities (the Roman Catholics, the Free Churches, the Jews, Muslims, Hindus, Sikhs and others) have particular rights and privileges in particular circumstances.

The religion of Christianity was firmly established in Kenya by European missionaries in AD 1844 and since then, it has grown to be the religion for 85.5% of the population. After Kenya gained political independence in AD 1964, numerous Christian denominations have established church congregations in all parts of the country and the competition for congregation members is high. The Anglican Church of Kenya (ACK) and other mainline churches are experiencing declining congregations due to the entry of the Pentecostal churches but the earlier Pentecostal churches are also experiencing the same phenomenon due to the new denominations which are being established in all parts of the country. This paper examines how the church can retain its relevance and sustainability in the country by operationalizing the Triple Bottom Line (TBL) model to gain and retain its congregations. The model approaches sustainability by considering an organization’s social, economic, and environmental strategies. These are what made the early missionaries to penetrate the African market as they established schools, technical and agriculture training institutions and health centers. At their schools and churches, they taught about the need to live in a clean environment and set an example with their church compounds. This paper discusses how the TBL is operationalized in the ACK to resolve the declining phenomenon.

This study examines the challenges single women face in their singlehood status and the church mitigation strategies in addressing them. Singlehood has many challenges that the church has yet to address adequately. The scholarly work focuses on understanding singlehood from a sociological perspective, but comparatively less attention is paid to the mitigation strategies employed by the church. Although the church acknowledges the role played by single women, less attention is given to them compared to other social groups. This necessitated doing this study to discover the challenges of singlehood, examine the mitigation strategies, explore the programs' effectiveness, and investigate theological justification for the Kerith Church's involvement in addressing singlehood challenges in Kenya. The study used a descriptive research survey to collect and analyze qualitative data. The target population was 20000 members in 210 Kerith Churches nationwide. A sample of 250 members filled out the questionnaires while ten clergy, 20 single women and ten lay leaders were interviewed. The study established that women go through many challenges in their singlehood status despite being in church, yet the church is endowed with a godly mandate to address them. It was further established that various programs to mitigate the challenges of singlehood in Kerith Churches were ineffective. Thus, the church must rethink its mitigation strategies to alleviate women's challenges with singlehood. The study was significant in religion and society by espousing the church's role in addressing the challenges of women's singlehood in Kenya.

In the late sixth century AD, the Byzantines established a fort atop the plateau of Eski-Kermen. From the tenth to twelfth century, this structure developed into a small mediaeval town. Almost all the territory of the southern half of the plateau was occupied by a few rectangular quarters each comprising several houses. The excavations of the quarters in question unearthed four small aisleless churches of two types: I – with a rectangular hall and an apse, II – with a narthex attached to the naos with an apse. According to stratigraphic observations, the quarter churches in question were built in the tenth and eleventh century following the re-planning of many town quarters. The architectural appearance of the quarter churches of type I is reconstructed by a small model of a church carved from limestone. The churches were small buildings of rectangular ground-plan, covered with a gable roof and having a protruding semicircular apse with a vaulted roof. The roofs were covered with tiles. The walls were plastered inside; in some churches, they were additionally covered with polychrome fresco paintings. According to the proportions of the model, the height of the gable-roofed church equalled to the building length without the apse, i. e. around five meters. The ground plan, dimensions, and proportions of the church of type II are similar to those of the arcosolia church, which L. G. Kolesnikova excavated in 1963–1965 in the port area of Chersonese. From the tenth to twelfth century, aisleless churches spread through the entire area of Byzantium. According to V. M. Polevoi, wide distribution of the single type of churches from the tenth to twelfth century testifies to the development of “folk architecture.” The archaeological excavations at Eski-Kermen plateau revealed a re-planning of all the urban quarters which started from the late ninth century with the aim of the construction of quarter churches to be owned by a single family or clan. This process testifies to the strengthening of the Church’s positions even in small towns located on the imperial borderland.

This article argues that Christian Churches should be regarded as special participants in European integration. The Churches embrace features of non-state actors and identity formers, and they take a unique stance as contributors to the initial stages of the integration process. In addition, Churches perform their functions within Church-State regimes - a phenomenon unknown to other actors in European integration. Overall, Christian Churches have established themselves as unique and influential participants in European integration and EU politics.

Les « sectes religieuses » en droit françaisEn général le syntagme « sectes religieuses » est peu employé en raison d'une association consubstantielle entre la « secte » et une dimension religieuse supposée. Or, il existe des « sectes » non religieuses qu'il est important de différencier des « sectes religieuses ». En effet, les « sectes religieuses » sont susceptibles de revendiquer des droits accordés aux confessions. Mais, si le droit français reconnait l'existence de « sectes religieuses », il opère par là même une distinction entre ces dernières et les Églises établies. En conséquence, outre les difficultés définitionnelles, la question se posait de savoir si le législateur français pouvait établir une telle distinction sans porter une atteinte grave et injustifiée à la liberté religieuse. La question se posait encore de savoir si cette distinction était nécessaire au regard des dérives « sectaires » dénoncées par plusieurs rapports d'enquête parlementaires et des associations antisectes. En définitive, nonobstant l'émergence d'une distinction jurisprudentielle entre les « sectes religieuses » et les Églises établies, une telle distinction ne saurait prospérer sans subir la condamnation de la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme et des libertés fondamentales. De surcroît, l'efficacité du droit commun préventif et répressif conduit à conclure à l'inutilité de cette distinction<br>« Religious sects » under French lawIn general the noun phrase « religious sects » is little used because of a consubstantial association between a sect and an assumed religious dimension. However, non-religious sects do exist and it is important to differentiate them from « religious sects ». Indeed, « religious sects » might claim rights granted to confessions. But if French law recognizes the existence of « religious sects » it makes at the same time a difference between these last ones and established churches. Consequently, apart from the difficulties in defining the former, the question arose, could French legislation establish such a distinction without causing serious and unjustifiable harm to religious freedom. Another question was if such a distinction was necessary because of « sectarian deviances » denounced by several parliamentary reports and anti-sects associations. Ultimately, notwithstanding the emergence of a jurisprudential distinction between religious sects and established churches, such a distinction could not prosper without being condemned by the European Court of Human Rights and Fundamental Liberties. In addition the effectiveness of preventive and repressive common law leads one to conclude that such a distinction would be of no use

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of accounting and financing of school legal entity established churches. It solves the regulation of school legal entity, the specifics of accounting and taxation. Furthermore, the diploma thesis focuses on sources of financing for school legal entity. The main content of the diploma thesis is the description of accounting, taxation and funding of school legal entity in certain conditions Bishop gymnasium J. N. Neumann and Primary Church School in the Czech Budweis. The diploma thesis is complemented by an analysis of the financial economy of the organization for the period 2008 - 2010.

Abstract During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, almost all European states and many of their colonies maintained established churches. Such established churches were financed by the state and received both legal and social privileges. The established churches in turn provided religious support and legitimacy for the states. With the rise of the Protestant Reformation, Lutheran and Calvinist establishments emerged in Europe. Although no established Protestant Church was a model or representative of others, the Church of England illustrates the wide range of conflicts and issues that arose in Protestant establishments during the period. Conflicts emerged not only between the established church and dissenting religious groups but within established churches over questions of doctrine, ritual, and hierarchy, as well as of influence over political leaders of the state. It is often observed that both political and religious leaders used their comparative positions to enhance their power and influence over others.

Abstract This chapter explores two cases representing the category of government-endorsed religious symbols in public spaces. It explores (section 3.1.1) the Bladensburg Cross case, in which the US Supreme Court decided that the cross does not violate the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment. The chapter then discusses the Lautsi case (section 3.1.2), in which the Italian government defended its policy mandating the placement of the crucifix in public schools in Italy before the European Court of Human Rights. It then explores the importance of public spaces (section 3.2) defined as publicly owned spaces used by the public. It explores (section 3.3) the view that governmental endorsement of religious symbols in public spaces fits within a majoritarian model. This view—“the religious majoritarian approach” (RMA)—is defined and analyzed. Subsequently, the chapter presents (section 3.4) critiques of this approach. It concludes (section 3.5) that, while the RMA is ill-advised, it is permissible within the contours of democratic politics.

This chapter explores the politics of church life among Congregational gathered churches during the English Revolution. In contrast to studies that view gathered church life at this time as too fluid and unsettled to be meaningfully analysed, it outlines the social relations and ecclesiastical structures that shaped the ‘mixed’ church polity of Congregational churches, arguing that these structures defined the corporate and personal experience of their members. In a close analysis of the transactional debate and conflict apparent in two case studies, focusing on the politics of Congregational church life at Norwich and Bury St. Edmunds in the 1640s and 1650s, it concludes that these politics were formative and creative. They determined a church’s beliefs, practices, identity, and communal life in a process best understood as denominational formation. This chapter therefore provides a method for studying religious experience within other institutional churches established both in this period and more generally.

This chapter deals with two separate developments that caused a loss of trust in established churches in England, Scotland, and America. The first was the long tradition of anticlericalism, which played a pivotal role in England’s break with the Roman Catholic Church in the 1530s and again in the growth of Puritan distrust of the English Church during the archiepiscopate of Archbishop William Laud in the 1630s, leading to the abolition of episcopacy in 1646. After the reestablishment of the Church in 1661, the persecution of Protestant dissenters sowed deep mutual distrust between them and the Church, which a limited grant of toleration in 1689 only partially remedied. The same was true in Scotland, where a reluctant toleration of Episcopalian dissenters in 1712 did little to restore trust in the Presbyterian Church established in 1690. In America, distrust of established churches in some of the colonies led to the separation of church and state in the First Amendment of the United States Constitution and the disestablishment of all churches in the individual states by 1818.

Abstract This chapter follows those Brazilians who have joined Hillsong Church and College and the Brazilian CJC in Australia on their return home. It shows the difficulties they face in reinserting themselves in their old churches due to different styles of service, church management, and culture. As a consequence, the majority of them leave their old churches and start “church hopping” in search of churches whose aesthetics styles and values are similar to the ones they learned in Australia. Many never find them and remain churchless. Importantly, their experience in Australia gave them a cosmopolitan outlook on life—all of them kept close contact with their peers in Australia, be they pastors, college teachers, fellow congregants, or other students. Hillsong had become so important in their lives that once the church established a campus in São Paulo in 2016, some of them moved from other parts of Brazil to serve at the church.

In this paper the author first presents the history of Serbian Orthodox church which dates from the Middle Ages, pointing out its autonomous status which was proclaimed in 1219. The development of Serbian Orthodox Church and its rising to the highest dignity lasted one and half century when its further progress was interrupted by Ottoman conquest. The period of their rule was very harsh for Serbia and its people, as well as for their church since the Ottomans systematically vandalized and destroyed medieval monasteries and Orthodox churches. Its rise to the rang of patriarchate in 1346 lasted only one century, since after the fall of Smederevo in 1459 the Patriarchate of Peć was terminated. The following century was Dark Age for the survival of our church and the fight for its revival. Finally in 1557, the patriarchate was restored with its seat in Peć and remained there for two centuries to be terminated again in 1776. It was not before the middle of the 19th century that the hierarchy in Karlovac established the Patriarchate of Serbian Church in Sremski Karlovci which at that time belonged to Habsburg Monarchy. However, the position of Serbian Orthodox Church did not improve and only with the passing of Hattisharif, the Sultan’s charter, in 1830, did the Serbian Orthodox Church receive the true autonomy with the prospects of better days ahead. Yet, again, the First World War brought new destruction of churches and persecution of priests and church dignitaries. The creation of the first state of South Slavs, Yugoslavia, and the events that followed gave hope that a comprehensive revival of the church would take place, along with its improved position. But this hope was dispersed with the outbreak of the Second World War. After the war and the establishment of a communist government and its repression of all religious activities, the Serbian Orthodox Church faced bleak future. Only in 1990s did the situation change. The author of this paper has followed the origin, development, position, status and all other relevant aspects of Serbian Orthodox Church analyzing the available documentation, particularly the constitutions that were adopted in various historical periods, all the way up to the latest one, so called Mitrovdan Constitution, adopted in 2006.

After the end of the Second World War, the Serbian Orthodox Church found itself in new social and political circumstances, but also in the legal system of socialist Yugoslavia, which was significantly different from the legal system of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In 1946, the new communist government adopted the Constitution of the Federative People's Republic of Yugoslavia, which, among other things, standardized the relationship between the Church and the state. On the territory of the newly formed socialist Yugoslavia, which had just come out of the war, the war against the Serbian Orthodox Church was still raging. From the positions of the new state authorities, liquidations and persecution of bishops, priests and believers of the Serbian Orthodox Church were carried out. Several laws were adopted that were directly directed against the Serbian Orthodox Church and other traditional churches and religious communities. The Law on the Serbian Orthodox Church from 1931 was repealed by the decision of the new communist government, as well as all other regulations that were passed until April 6, 1941. The Holy Council of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church could not be convened in a regular or extraordinary session in wartime conditions and due to the imprisonment of Serbian Patriarch Gavrilo (Dožić). On November 14, 1946, Patriarch Gavrilo returned to the country and assumed his patriarchal duties. The Holy Synod of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church, under the presidency of Patriarch Gavrilo, convened the Holy Synod of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church for the first regular session after six years of being prevented from convening the highest church body. The session of the Holy Council of Bishops of the Serbian Orthodox Church was held from April 24 to May 21, 1947 in Belgrade. Although there is a belief that amendments to the Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church from 1931 were adopted at that session or that the "Constitution was changed", based on the relevant archival material and on the basis of the formal-legal element of this general ecclesiastical-legal act, it is established that The Holy Synod of Bishops, regardless of the numerous norms that have been retained from the Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church since 1931, actually adopted the new Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church. The subject of this work is the Constitution of the Serbian Orthodox Church from 1947, which is still in force in the Serbian Orthodox Church today.

The sources for studying the demographic situation in the Romanian area, especially those from Moldova Principality and neighboring territories, increase quantitatively with the expansion of Russia towards South-Eastern Europe. During the Russo-Turkish War of 1806-1812, as well as during the conflagrations of the late XVIIIth century, the Russian Empire preferred to establish its own administration of occupation, which for the most efficient record of resources was used not only by its own apparatus, but also by the local administrative and ecclesiastical institutions of the Romanian Principalities, introducing several statistical tools for population records. Among the statistical instruments introduced during this period (e.g. forms, registers, etc.) that followed the record of the population at all stages of life, through civil status registers, in which births, marriages and deaths were recorded; confession registers of Orthodox believers; the forms of the churches and the service records of the clergy, where, in addition to the information about the status of the churches and the situation of the parish clergy, there was also information about the number of the population according to ethnic and gender composition, the latter are the object of our intervention. In the framework of this study, a series of information was exposed about the process of introducing Church Forms and clergy service statuses, a process initiated in December 1809, as a result of insufficient data presented by diocesan bishops and other church structures during the same year. Taking into account the value of the information contained in these sources, here we focused on the selection and accounting of the data regarding the numerical situation of the Christian-Orthodox population in the Pruto-Nistrian area in 1812. As a result of comparing the fiscal data contained in the Evideces of the Moldovan Treasury from 1808 and other statistical data known from the era with those contained in the Forms,we find that the data from the sources we considered, although they were used to clarify some information regarding the history of the Orthodox Church in Bessarabia. However, they were not used at their fair value to clarify those contradictions that continue to hover over the issue of the numerical composition of the population in the region newly annexed to Russia in 1812. Thus, following the analysis of the statistical data provided by several registers with the Forms that have reached us, it can be concluded that the population of the region not only approached the number of 300,000 people, but even exceeded it. Therefore, it would be recommended that researchers concerned with the study of demographic issues in the region not only refer to the records of a fiscal nature, which, although they are recognized to be of particular value. Nevertheless the information provided by the Forms allows verification of the veracity/correctness of the premiums, detailing some aspects, such as the ratio between churched and non-churched localities, the ratio between the male and female population, as well as other indicators that tax statistics from the early XIXth century do not record.

The research focuses on the group of churches in the Alto Gállego region, north of the province of Huesca, known as “Iglesias del Serrablo”. The uniqueness of the complex and its architectural value provides a very important asset to the architectural heritage of the area. The “Amigos del Serrablo” Association, founded in 1971, has been valuing this heritage since its inception through its rehabilitation; however, the limited information and studies carried out on these properties mean that many of them are still unknown to the general public, despite the routes proposed by the Association for their dissemination. The research that is being developed analyses this group of churches from different areas: geopolitical, historical, geographical, orographic, etc. also providing an architectural study that helps technicians to address rehabilitation projects. In order to develop the architectural analysis of the properties, a virtual model is created using tools such as a 3D scanner, drone flights and a camera; which, subsequently, through the application of techniques such as photogrammetry and point clouds allow us to obtain the 3D model of the churches studied. With the digital model of the church, the investigation will be approached in two lines: a more technical one in which the geometric documentation, lights, construction and structural elements, dimensions, etc. are analysed. that serve to establish hypotheses of virtual reconstruction of those churches that are in ruins, or that help to establish a line of action to rehabilitate. On the other hand, the digitization of the building allows the creation of graphic representation support such as virtual reality and augmented reality that favours the dissemination and accessibility of this architectural heritage to a wider public, both in person and virtually.

This paper provides a case history of a highly successful approach that was developed and implemented for the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) for the cleanup and remediation of a large and diverse population of uranium mill tailings sites located in the Western United States. The paper addresses the key management challenges and lessons learned from the largest DOE Environmental Management Clean-up Project (in terms of number of individual clean-up sites) undertaken in the United States. From 1986 to 1996, the Department of Energy’s Grand Junction Projects Office (GJPO) completed approximately 4600 individual remedial action site cleanup projects for large- and small-scale properties, and sites contaminated with residual hazardous and radioactive materials from former uranium mining and milling activities. These projects, with a total value of $597 million, involved site characterization, remedial design, waste removal, cleanup verification, transportation, and disposal of nearly 2.7 million cubic yards of low-level and mixed low-level waste. The project scope included remedial action at 4,200 sites in Grand Junction, Colorado, and Edgemont, South Dakota; 412 sites in Monticello, Utah; and, 44 sites in Denver, Colorado. The projects ranged in size and complexity from the multi-year Monticello Millsite Remedial Action Project, which involved investigations, characterization, remedial design, and remedial action at this uranium millsite along with design of a 2.5 million cubic yard disposal cell, to the remediation and reconstruction of thousands of smaller commercial and residential properties throughout the Southwestern United States. Because these projects involved remedial action at a variety of commercial facilities, businesses, churches, schools and personal residences, and the transportation of the waste through towns and communities, an extensive public involvement program was the cornerstone of an effort to promote stakeholder understanding and acceptance. The Project established a DOE model for rapid, economical, and effective remedial action. During the ten years of the contract, the management operations contractor (Duratek) met all project milestones on schedule and under budget, with no cost growth from the original scope. By streamlining remediation schedules and techniques, ensuring effective stakeholder communications, and transferring lessons learned from one project to the next, the contractor achieved maximum efficiency and the lowest remediation costs of any similar DOE environmental programs at the time.

The problem of the reconstruction of centres of Polish towns and cities after the destructions of the World War II evoke discussions even today. Over the first years after the war, in numerous cases the centres of historical cities and towns were lost; in the place of former market squares and networks of streets with tenements crowned with endwall trims, randomly dispersed concrete blocks of flats were erected, in order to satisfy urgent housing demands. The situation changed after 1980, when in Elbląg, Gdańsk, Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, a rule was adopted according to which the peripheral development of city quarters was to be recreated, restoring tenements located in historical plots of land, but contemporary in style, maintaining the silhouettes and sizes from years before. It is also possible to observe other activities in the solutions of the latest public utility buildings, which - often by using a sophisticated intellectual play - restore the climate and character of cities remembered and known from the past centuries. In the west and north of Europe there are many towns and cities, predominantly ports, which used to be members of Hansa. The organisation of Hansa, the origins of which reach back to the Middle Ages, associated a number of cities which could decide about the provision of goods to cities within a specific territory, and secure markets for products manufactured in them. Thanks to that, cities that belonged to Hansa were developing more rapidly and effectively, and the beginnings of their development within the territory of Germany and in the Baltic states date back to the 13th and 14th centuries. The peak period of the development of Hanseatic cities, where merchants were engaged in free trade with people from European countries, fell in the 14th and 15th centuries, but already in the 17th century there was a complete decline of Hansa, resulting from the occurrence of competition in the form of associations of Dutch and English cities, as well as the Scandinavian ones. From amongst Polish towns and cities, members of Hansa were e.g. Szczecin, Gdańsk, Kołobrzeg, Elbląg, as well as Cracow. In 1980 an association of partner cities of North Europe, dubbed a New Hansa, was established, the objective of which is to attract attention to the common development of tourism and trade. Nowadays, this New Hansa associates over a hundred cities, similarly to what once was in the medieval Hansa. Numerous Polish cities faced the problem of reconstruction after the destruction of the World War II. The effects varied. By adopting the programme of satisfying predominantly housing demands in the 1960s and 1970s, historical old towns in dozens of cities from amongst nearly 2 hundred destroyed by warfare of the World War II in the north and west of Poland were lost forever. Today we can still encounter ruins of Gothic churches in Głogów or Gubin, where in the place of a market square and tenements of townsmen, randomly located rows of typical four- or five-storey blocks of flats have been erected.

Recognizing the importance of preserving architectural marvels, scholars, engineers, and conservationists have devoted considerable efforts to establish methodologies for the assessment and repair of historical structures. Through two case studies, one Orthodox and one Catholic temple, this paper presents a synthesis of historical insights, technical expertise, and practical considerations, pointing full complexities involved in preserving these sacred spaces. The analysis of the two historically significant churches, both designated as cultural heritage sites, reveals a set of common structural damages that can be mainly attributed to the specifics of the chosen architectural-constructive system.

This article explores the King’s Church of Studenica, and its connections to the Byzantine Chora Church in Constantinople. By examining the architectural and artistic elements of the King’s Church, the article argues that King Stefan Uroš II Milutin sought to create a choral experience for the viewer, immersing them in a world of divine beauty and tran- scendence. Through the use of art and architecture, King Milutin sought to establish his strong cultural and political identity and assure the viewer of his divinity, elevating the prestige of the Serbian Land and its monarch in the eyes of both local and foreign visitors.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.