Academic literature on the topic 'Established democracies'

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Journal articles on the topic "Established democracies"

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Azari, Julia R., and Jennifer K. Smith. "Unwritten Rules: Informal Institutions in Established Democracies." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (2012): 37–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004890.

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Scholars of the developing world have driven a surge of interest in unwritten or informal institutions as determinants of political outcomes. In advanced industrial democracies, by contrast, informal institutions often remain consigned to the analytic margins. This article makes a case for greater attention to informal political institutions in established democracies, and it introduces a theoretical framework to support such analysis. Informal institutions, understood as the unwritten rules of political life, are seen to perform three functions: they complete or fill gaps in formal institutions, coordinate the operation of overlapping (and perhaps clashing) institutions, and operate parallel to formal institutions in regulating political behavior. These three roles of informal institutions are associated with different characteristic patterns of institutional stability and change. The article illustrates its theoretical framework with case studies from American politics, the subfield in which formal-institutional analysis has flourished most. These cases are the historical norm of a two-term presidency (a completing institution), the unwritten rules of the presidential nomination process (coordinating institutions), the informal practice of obstruction in the Senate (a parallel institution), and the normative expectation that presidents should address the public directly (which performs all three functions).
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Reilly, Benjamin. "Centripetalism and Electoral Moderation in Established Democracies." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 24, no. 2 (2018): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2018.1457827.

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Brender, Adi, and Allan Drazen. "Political budget cycles in new versus established democracies." Journal of Monetary Economics 52, no. 7 (2005): 1271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jmoneco.2005.04.004.

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Franklin, Mark N., Patrick Lyons, and Michael Marsh. "Generational Basis of Turnout Decline in Established Democracies." Acta Politica 39, no. 2 (2004): 115–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ap.5500060.

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Chakravarti, Sonali. "Transitional justice in established democracies: A political theory." Contemporary Political Theory 15, no. 4 (2016): 509–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2015.59.

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Steiner, Nils D. "Economic globalization and voter turnout in established democracies." Electoral Studies 29, no. 3 (2010): 444–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2010.04.007.

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Dick, Archie L. "Established democracies, Internet censorship and the social media test." Information Development 28, no. 4 (2012): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666912461600.

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Social media can test how firmly entrenched Internet freedom is in established democracies through a comparison with countries with an authoritarian track record. The method is to evaluate the use of social media in recent protests in a sample of established democracies and authoritarian regimes, and to compare differences and similarities in government responses.
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Gundelach, Birte. "Political consumerism: A comparative analysis of established and developing democracies." International Political Science Review 41, no. 2 (2019): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118819211.

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Research on political consumerism has focused predominantly on highly developed democracies. This focus has led to theoretical explanations closely connected to the social and political transformations of advanced industrialized democracies. In times of globalization and individualization, political consumerism is assumed to originate in political distrust stemming from perceived governance gaps. Recently, political consumerism has become a more frequent form of political participation in the Global South and a research topic attracting increased attention. The inclusion of the Global South requires a re-evaluation of political distrust as a general stimulus for political consumerism because of its conceptual links to socio-economic contexts in the Global North. This article provides such a re-evaluation and thereby advances the comparative analysis of political distrust as an important impetus of political consumerism in established as well as developing democracies.
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Grewal, Sharanbir, and Erik Voeten. "Are New Democracies Better Human Rights Compliers?" International Organization 69, no. 2 (2015): 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000435.

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AbstractRecent scholarship finds that new democracies are more likely than established democracies to make binding commitments to international human rights institutions. Are new democracies also better at following through on these commitments? Stated differently, does their greater willingness to join international institutions reflect a genuine commitment to human rights reform or is it just “cheap talk?” We analyze this question using a new data set of more than 1,000 leading European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) cases. Since new democracies face judgments that are more difficult to implement than established democracies, we employ a genetic matching algorithm to balance the data set. After controlling for bureaucratic and judicial capacity, we find that new democracies do implement similar ECtHR judgments initially more quickly than established democracies, but this effect reverses the longer a judgment remains pending. Although new democracies have incentives to implement judgments quickly, they sometimes lack checks and balances that help ensure implementation should an executive resist.
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O'Brien, Diana Z. "“Righting” Conventional Wisdom: Women and Right Parties in Established Democracies." Politics & Gender 14, no. 01 (2018): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000514.

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Parties are the key actors shaping women's representation in advanced parliamentary democracies. Based on traditional patterns of feminist organizing, conventional wisdom suggests that parties of the left are the strongest advocates for women. Despite the prevalence of this claim, a burgeoning body of work indicates that parties on the right can—and often do—seek to represent women. To address these competing narratives, this article offers the first large-N, party-level study of women's descriptive and substantive representation over place and time. The results suggest that party ideology continues to affect women's representation: right parties lag behind their left counterparts with respect to women's presence in elected office, and right and left parties address women differently on their platforms. At the same time, there is significant heterogeneity among right parties. Christian democrats, for example, are more likely than conservatives to adopt voluntary gender quotas and make policy claims on behalf of women. The traditional left-right distinction is thus too coarse to fully explain party behavior in these states.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Established democracies"

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Paskeviciute, Aida. "The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies." Online access via UMI:, 2005.

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Kostelka, Filip. "To mobilise and demobilise : the puzzling decline of voter turnout in post-communist democracies." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015IEPP0022.

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Cette thèse porte sur le déclin de la participation électorale dans les dix démocraties post­communistes qui ont intégré l’Union européenne en 2004 et 2007. Ces pays ont connu la plus forte baisse de participation électorale observée en régimes démocratiques depuis la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Afin de comprendre ce phénomène, la thèse adopte une approche qui est à la fois systématique, théorisée, quantitative et comparative. Elle est structurée autour d’un nouveau schéma directeur conceptuel pour l’étude de la participation électorale au niveau agrégé. Ce cadre théorique distingue quatre types de facteurs qui affectent la participation en fonction de la nature et la temporalité de leurs effets. Le rôle de chaque type dans le déclin post­communiste est théorisé et considéré l’un après l’autre. Les sections empiriques emploient des méthodes quantitatives et une comparaison à l’intérieur des dix pays mais également avec d’autres démocraties établies ou nouvelles. Elles analysent plusieurs bases de données originales, dont la principale contient pratiquement toutes les élections législatives intervenues dans le monde démocratique entre 1939 et 2010. Les résultats remettent en cause l’idée selon laquelle le déclin participatif est principalement dû à un désenchantement démocratique. Ils montrent qu’au moins six autres facteurs causaux y contribuent. Ils tiennent aux contextes de démocratisation, aux changements institutionnels et aux évolutions dans la composition des électorats. La magnitude exceptionnelle du phénomène étudié est, ainsi, le produit d’une multiplicité des causes<br>This dissertation studies the puzzling decline of voter turnout in ten post­communist democracies that joined the European Union in 2004 and 2007. These countries experienced the most spectacular erosion of electoral participation in democratic regimes since World War Two. To solve this puzzle, my dissertation follows a systematic, theory­based, quantitative and comparative approach. It is structured by a newly­conceived master conceptual scheme for the study of aggregated voter turnout. This theoretical framework distinguishes between four types of turnout drivers based on the nature and temporality of their effects. The role of each type in the post­communist decline is theorised and considered in turn. The empirical sections employ several types of quantitative methods and intra­ but also inter­regional comparisons with established and other new democracies. They draw on several original datasets, the most important of which comprises the quasi­totality of democratic legislative elections held around the globe between 1939 and 2010. The results question the conventional wisdom that the post­communist turnout decline is mostly due to citizens’ dissatisfaction. Instead, they show that it is driven by no less than six other causes that relate to democratisation, institutional change and shifts in the composition of the electorate. It is the multiplicity of causal factors that explains the unparalleled startling magnitude by which voting rates decreased in the ten countries at hand. Besides solving the central puzzle, this dissertation yields a number of new middle­range theories and insights that pertain to electoral participation in both new and established democracies
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Abdelzadeh, Ali. "Kvinnor i en mansdominerad värld : En jämförande studie om kvinnors representation i de etablerade demokratiernas parlament." Thesis, Örebro University, Department of Social and Political Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-2357.

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<p>The purpose of this study is to map out and to analyze the spatial variation of female representation at the national level in established democracies. The aim is also to explain the variation in the female representation. The main questions that the paper tries to answer are:</p><p>1.How does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?</p><p>2.Why does women representation in established democratic parliaments vary?</p><p>This study is a comparative and statistic study, i.e. a study that includes a bigger number of countries and where quantitative analysis methods are used in order to achieve comparative analyses. This study is both a descriptive and an explanatory study. The statistical method that is used in this study is mainly bivariat analysis and multivariat regression.</p><p>The results show that the variation in female representation in the established democracies is quite considerable. Sweden, Norway, Finland, Denmark and Netherlands feature high female representation at the national level during the period 1995-2005. The result also implies that the proportion of women in parliament increases during the current period. The result also shows that political institutions, socio-economic -and cultural factors, are important and necessary in order to explain the variation in female representation. The overall standards that can be discerned of the statistical analyses is that the proportion of women in parliament is higher in countries with a proportional electoral system, high number of parliament members, high socio-economic development (high HDI, GDI and GNP per capita) contemporary as the country introduced female suffrage in an early stage and have a more positive attitude toward female leadership.</p>
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Stanton, Kim Pamela. "Truth Commissions and Public Inquiries: Addressing Historical Injustices in Established Democracies." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/24886.

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In recent decades, the truth commission has become a mechanism used by states to address historical injustices. However, truth commissions are rarely used in established democracies, where the commission of inquiry model is favoured. I argue that established democracies may be more amenable to addressing historical injustices that continue to divide their populations if they see the truth commission mechanism not as a unique mechanism particular to the transitional justice setting, but as a specialized form of a familiar mechanism, the commission of inquiry. In this framework, truth commissions are distinguished from other commissions of inquiry by their symbolic acknowledgement of historical injustices, and their explicit “social function” to educate the public about those injustices in order to prevent their recurrence. Given that Canada has established a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) on the Indian Residential Schools legacy, I consider the TRC’s mandate, structure and ability to fulfill its social function, particularly the daunting challenge of engaging the non-indigenous public in its work. I also provide a legal history of a landmark Canadian public inquiry, the Mackenzie Valley Pipeline Inquiry, run by Tom Berger. As his Inquiry demonstrated, with visionary leadership and an effective process, a public inquiry can be a pedagogical tool that promotes social accountability for historical injustices. Conceiving of the truth commission as a form of public inquiry provides a way to consider the transitional justice literature on truth commissions internationally along with the experiences of domestic commissions of inquiry to assemble strategies that may assist the current TRC in its journey.
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Books on the topic "Established democracies"

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Winter, Stephen. Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196.

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Müller, Lisa. Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137391384.

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Brender, Adi. Political budget cycles in new versus established democracies. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2004.

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Ivković, Sanja Kutnjak, and M. R. Haberfeld. Measuring police integrity across the world: Studies from established democracies and countries in transition. Springer Verlag, 2015.

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1968-, Scheiner Ethan, ed. Electoral systems and political context: How the effects of rules vary across new and established democracies. Cambridge University Press, 2012.

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Transitional Justice in Established Democracies: A Political Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Winter, S. Transitional Justice in Established Democracies: A Political Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Money, Corruption, and Political Competition in Established and Emerging Democracies. Lexington Books, 2012.

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Müller, L. Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies: Patterns of Media Performance. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies: Patterns of Media Performance. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Established democracies"

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Winter, Stephen. "Introducing State Redress." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_1.

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Winter, Stephen. "Conclusion." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_10.

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Winter, Stephen. "Towards a Political Theory." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_2.

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Winter, Stephen. "Transitions and Legitimation Regimes." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_3.

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Winter, Stephen. "The Old Order." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_4.

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Winter, Stephen. "The Problems of Authorized Wrongdoing." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_5.

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Winter, Stephen. "Transitional Justices." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_6.

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Winter, Stephen. "Administrative Justice and Canada’s Hong Kong Veterans." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_7.

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Winter, Stephen. "Corrective Justice and Japanese Americans." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_8.

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Winter, Stephen. "Restorative Justice and Australian Care Leavers." In Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196_9.

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Conference papers on the topic "Established democracies"

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Contin, Antonella, and Valentina Galiulo. "What is the quality of a city? Ways of thinking spaces that change." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/pjow6960.

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Understanding the effects of a metropolis' changes in scale - the rate of growth and its speed - rather than pursuing the search for optimal city size, is mandatory. The New Urban Agenda discussed performance dimensions of the contemporary city’s functioning mode, knowing that place quality derives from a mutual effect with the society that uses it. However, our research focuses on how city performance dimensions can be measured to establish the values of the metropolitan form that are capable of endowing metropolitan projects with meaning. The Metropolitan Paradigm of inter-scalar connection and the Metropolitan Architecture Project Hybrid Typology are the references to measure the metropolis’ performance. The Metropolitan Paradigm concerns the five city dimensions: physical, economic, energetic, social and governance. In particular, the aim of the paper is to study the physical metropolitan framework and its impact on the lives of metropolitan inhabitants, socio-economic flows and the meaning of the concept of "environment" today. The city is still analysed as a spatial phenomenon represented by data/quantities related to space. Nevertheless, the value of form plays a fundamental role within the Metropolitan Discipline at all scales, as spatial relationships within metropolitan settlements are increasingly not metric but relational. In conclusion, we study the connection between history and geography, environmental issues, the Metropolitan Structural Paradigm, and the new Public Realm heterogeneous elements to represent the metropolitan quality and living-related values that constitute the Metropolitan Democracy’s opportunity.
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Reports on the topic "Established democracies"

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Brender, Adi, and Allan Drazen. Political Budget Cycles in New versus Established Democracies. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10539.

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