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1
Winter, Stephen. Transitional Justice in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137316196.
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Müller, Lisa. Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137391384.
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3
Brender, Adi. Political budget cycles in new versus established democracies. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2004.
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4
Ivković, Sanja Kutnjak, and M. R. Haberfeld. Measuring police integrity across the world: Studies from established democracies and countries in transition. Springer Verlag, 2015.
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5
1968-, Scheiner Ethan, ed. Electoral systems and political context: How the effects of rules vary across new and established democracies. Cambridge University Press, 2012.
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6
Transitional Justice in Established Democracies: A Political Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
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7
Winter, S. Transitional Justice in Established Democracies: A Political Theory. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
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8
Money, Corruption, and Political Competition in Established and Emerging Democracies. Lexington Books, 2012.
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9
Müller, L. Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies: Patterns of Media Performance. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
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10
Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies: Patterns of Media Performance. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.
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11
Money, Corruption, and Political Competition in Established and Emerging Democracies. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2012.
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12
Evans, Diana, Michael Marsh, Cees van der Eijk, et al. Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945. Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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14
Haberfeld, M. R., and Sanja Kutnjak Ivković. Measuring Police Integrity Across the World: Studies from Established Democracies and Countries in Transition. Springer, 2016.
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15
1956-, Betz Hans-Georg, and Immerfall Stefan, eds. The new politics of the Right: Neo-Populist parties and movements in established democracies. St. Martinʼs Press, 1998.
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(Editor), Hans-Georg Betz, and Stefan Immerfall (Editor), eds. The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan, 1998.
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(Editor), Hans-Georg Betz, and Stefan Immerfall (Editor), eds. The New Politics of the Right: Neo-Populist Parties and Movements in Established Democracies. St. Martin's Press, 1998.
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18
Aarts, Kees. Myth and Reality of the Legitimacy Crisis: Explaining Trends and Cross-National Differences in Established Democracies. Oxford University Press, 2017.
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19
Manow, Philip, Bruno Palier, and Hanna Schwander, eds. Welfare Democracies and Party Politics. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807971.001.0001.
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Europe’s political landscapes are in turmoil; new radical parties challenge the established political order. This book locates Europe’s contemporary challenges within the longer economic and political trajectories of its “welfare democracies.” It argues forcefully that it is imperative to understand the specific structures of political competition and voter–party links to make sense of the political and economic turmoil of the last decades. In four distinct European welfare democracies (Nordic, continental, southern, and Anglo-Saxon), the political economy, the party system, and the structure of the political space are co-determined in a specific way. Accordingly, specific combinations of policies and politics and distinct patterns of alignment between core electoral groups and political parties exist in the four welfare democracies and shape their reactions to current challenges. With this, the book provides an analytical framework that links welfare states to party systems, combining recent contributions to the comparative political economy of the welfare state and insights from party and electoral politics. The book identifies three phenomena: in electoral politics it states a certain homogenization of European party systems, the emergence of a new combination of leftist socio-economic and rightist socio-cultural positions in many parties, and finally the rise of the radical right in the north of Europe and the radical left in the south. The contributions to this book also indicate a confluence toward renewed welfare state support among parties and voters. Finally, the Europeanization of political dynamics, combined with incompatible growth models, has created pronounced European cleavages.
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van Ham, Carolien, and Jacques Thomassen. The Myth of Legitimacy Decline. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.003.0002.
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This chapter comprises an empirical evaluation of trends in political support within established democracies, to evaluate whether there is indeed a trend toward declining political support in established democracies. Using a variety of comparative data sets, i.e. the World Values Surveys, European Values Surveys, the European Election Studies, and the Eurobarometer surveys, this chapter reevaluates the empirical evidence for declining legitimacy, comparing trends in political support in sixteen established democracies from the mid-1970s to 2015. No consistent evidence is found for declining political support after the mid-1970s. Rather than a clear-cut long-term decline in political support that is apparent across established democracies, there is large variation between countries both in levels and trends of support. These findings call for a critical reappraisal of existing theories of legitimacy decline: how valid are such theories if the predicted outcome, i.e. secular decline of political support, does not occur?
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Rohrschneider, Robert, and Jacques Thomassen, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198825081.001.0001.
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How can democracies effectively represent citizens? The goal of this Handbook is to evaluate comprehensively how well the interests and preferences of mass publics become represented by institutions in liberal democracies. It first explores how the idea and institutions of liberal democracies were formed over centuries and became enshrined in Western political systems. The contributors to this Handbook, made up of the world’s leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation, examine how well the political elites and parties who are charged with the representation of the public interest meet their duties. Clearly, institutions often fail to live up to their own representation goals. With this in mind, the contributors explore several challenges to the way that the system of representation is organized in modern democracies. For example, actors such as parties and established elites face rising distrust among electorates. Also, the rise of international problems such as migration and environmentalism suggests that the focus of democracies on nation states may have to shift to a more international level. All told, this Handbook illuminates the normative and functional challenges faced by representative institutions in liberal democracies.
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Thomassen, Jacques, and Carolien van Ham. A Legitimacy Crisis of Representative Democracy? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.003.0001.
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This chapter presents the research questions and outline of the book, providing a brief review of the state of the art of legitimacy research in established democracies, and discusses the recurring theme of crisis throughout this literature since the 1960s. It includes a discussion of the conceptualization and measurement of legitimacy, seeking to relate legitimacy to political support, and reflecting on how to evaluate empirical indicators: what symptoms indicate crisis? This chapter further explains the structure of the three main parts of the book. Part I evaluates in a systematic fashion the empirical evidence for legitimacy decline in established democracies; Part II reappraises the validity of theories of legitimacy decline; and Part II investigates what (new) explanations can account for differences in legitimacy between established democracies. The chapter concludes with a short description of the chapters included in the volume.
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van Ham, Carolien, Jacques Thomassen, Kees Aarts, and Rudy Andeweg, eds. Myth and Reality of the Legitimacy Crisis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793717.001.0001.
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Theories about legitimacy decline and legitimacy crisis are as old as democracy itself. Yet, representative democracy still exists, and empirical evidence for a secular decline of political support in established democracies is limited, questionable, or absent. This calls into question existing explanatory theories of legitimacy decline. How valid are theories of modernization, globalization, media malaise, social capital, and party decline, if the predicted outcome, i.e. secular decline of political support, does not occur? And which (new) explanations can account for the empirical variation in political support in established democracies? This book systematically evaluates: (a) the empirical evidence for legitimacy decline in established democracies, (b) the explanatory power of theories of legitimacy decline, and (c) promising new routes in investigating and assessing political legitimacy. In doing so, this volume provides a broad and thorough reflection on the state of the art of legitimacy research, and outlines a new research agenda on legitimacy. It brings together a broad team of accomplished scholars, approaching these questions from different angles based on their respective topic of expertise. The result is a set of studies that do not only provide state-of-the-art analytical and empirical analyses, but also provide original insights in the questions at hand.
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Dalton, Russell J. Opening Political Doors. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0002.
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This chapter introduces the participation measures in the International Social Science Program (ISSP). Citizens in roughly a dozen and a half affluent democracies were survey in 2004 and 2014. Analyses identify five modes of participation: voting, contributing funds, contacting political figures, protest, and online participation. These modes are compared in terms of their characteristics relevant to inequality of participation, such as the skills and resources required to be active. The chapter presents the levels of political activity in each mode across established democracies in 2004 and 2014.
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Bogaards, Matthijs. Comparative Political Regimes: Consensus and Majoritarian Democracy. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.65.
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Ever since Aristotle, the comparative study of political regimes and their performance has relied on classifications and typologies. The study of democracy today has been influenced heavily by Arend Lijphart’s typology of consensus versus majoritarian democracy. Scholars have applied it to more than 100 countries and sought to demonstrate its impact on no less than 70 dependent variables. This paper summarizes our knowledge about the origins, functioning, and consequences of two basic types of democracy: those that concentrate power and those that share and divide power. In doing so, it will review the experience of established democracies and question the applicability of received wisdom to new democracies.
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Ames, Barry, Andy Baker, and Amy Erica Smith. Social Networks in the Brazilian Electorate. Edited by Jennifer Nicoll Victor, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.013.37.
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Research on social networks and voting behavior has been largely limited to long-established democracies. In young democracies with unstable party systems and low levels of mass partisan identification, such networks should be even more important. This chapter examines egocentric political discussion networks in Brazil, where political discussion is plentiful and exposure to disagreement is somewhat more frequent than in the United States. Over the course of campaigns, such conversation affects voting choices and helps citizens learn about candidates and their issue positions; networks are especially important for learning among low-status individuals. The chapter highlights the availability of two important panel data sets incorporating design elements that can improve inference regarding network effects: the 2002–2006 Two-City Brazilian Panel Study and the 2014 Brazilian Electoral Panel Survey.
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Hiskey, Jonathan T., and Mason W. Moseley. Life in the Political Machine. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197500408.001.0001.
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Against the backdrop of a world characterized by highly uneven democracies, in which subnational dominant-party enclaves persist within nationally democratic regimes, this book explores the ways in which these enclaves shape the political attitudes and behaviors of citizens who reside in them. Through analysis of a decade’s worth of survey data across the 55 provinces and states of Argentina and Mexico, this study finds a distinct subnational political culture among individuals nested in dominant-party enclaves. This culture is characterized by heightened exposure to corruption and vote buying, low levels of support for democratic principles, and patterns of political behavior that reflect the governing characteristics of the political machines that citizens must confront on a daily basis. In contrast, among those individuals living in subnational political systems that have successfully shut down the machine, the work finds a political culture more akin to that found in established democracies. As such, this book provides extensive support for the need to more fully incorporate subnational political dynamics into accounts of the drivers behind citizens’ political attitudes and behaviors, in an era in which democracies across the world appear increasingly at risk.
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Barrenechea, Rodrigo, Edward L. Gibson, and Larkin Terrie. Historical Institutionalism and Democratization Studies. Edited by Orfeo Fioretos, Tulia G. Falleti, and Adam Sheingate. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199662814.013.11.
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This chapter reviews works in the field of democratization and classifies them in relation to the historical institutionalist tradition. Antecedents of an historical institutional approach to the study of democratization can be traced back to some of the classics in the field. Despite these connections, much work remains to be done to build firmer theoretical foundations linking the two fields. As the “transitology” phase of Democratization Studies fades, new opportunities for this will emerge as democratization scholars turn their attention to established democracies.
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Dalton, Russell J. Civil Society Mobilizing Action. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0004.
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Social groups are often considered schools of democracy where people learn participatory norms and develop participatory skills. This chapter describes the levels of activity for five social groups: political parties, unions and business associations, religious groups, leisure groups, and other groups. The analyses then show the positive relationship between group activity and various modes of activity across the established democracies. There is also a social-status bias in these effects. Higher-status individuals are more active in social groups, which gives them an additional bonus in becoming politically active. Thus social groups generally widen the participation gap defined by social status alone.
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Hellwig, Timothy, Yesola Kweon, and Jack Vowles. Democracy Under Siege? Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846208.001.0001.
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For the worlds democracies, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–9 was catalyst for the most precipitous economic downturn in eight decades. This book examines how the GFC and ensuing Great Recession affected the workings of mass politics in the established democracies. The initial wave of research on the crisis concluded it did little to change the established relationships between voters, parties, and elections. Yet, nearly a decade since the initial shock, we are witnessing a wave of political changes, the extent to which has not been fully explained by existing studies. How did the economic malaise bear on the political preferences of citizens? This book pushes against the received wisdom by advancing a framework for understanding citizen attitudes, preferences, and behaviour. We make two main claims. First, while previous studies of the GFC tend to focus on an immediate impact of the crisis, we argue that economic malaise had a long-lasting impact. In addition to economic shock, we emphasize that economic recovery has a significant impact on citizens assessment of political elites. Second, we argue that unanticipated exogenous shocks like the GFC grant party elites an opening for political manoeuvre through public policy and rhetoric. As a result, political elites have a high degree of agency to shape public perceptions and behaviour. Political parties can strategically moderate citizens economic uncertainty, mobilize/demobilize voters, and alter individuals political preferences. By leveraging data from over 150,000 individuals across over 100 nationally representative post-election surveys from the 1990s to 2017, this book tests these research claims across a range of outcomes, including economic perceptions, policy demands, political participation, and the vote.
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Dalton, Russell J. The Political Leanings of the Choir. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0010.
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Do unequal levels of participation across social groups correspond to unequal policy preferences in the political voices of the active citizenry? Across the established democracies, the politically active lean toward the Left at each level of social status. The end result is that the political biases of upper-social-status individuals are moderated by those who are politically active. However, this pattern varies. For traditional economic issues, there is a conservative bias among activists controlling for their social status. For cultural issues such as gay rights and protection of immigrants, political activists are more liberal than their social-status peers. This asymmetry in political voice across different issues is an under-recognized aspect of democratic participation.
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Bickerton, Christopher J., and Carlo Invernizzi Accetti. Technopopulism. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807766.001.0001.
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Technocratic appeals to expertise and populist invocations of ‘the people’ have become mainstays of political competition in established democracies. This development is best understood as the emergence of technopopulism—a new political logic that is being superimposed on the traditional struggle between left and right. Political movements and actors—such as Italy’s Five Star Movement and France’s La Républiqe En Marche—combine technocratic and populist appeals in a variety of ways, as do more established parties that are adapting to the particular set of incentives and constraints implicit in this new, unmediated form of politics. In the first book-length treatment of the phenomenon of technopopulism, the authors combine theoretical and historical approaches, offering a systematic definition of the concept of technopopulism, while also exploring a number of salient contemporary examples. The book provides a detailed account of the emergence of this new political logic, as well as a discussion of its troubling consequences for existing democratic regimes. It ends by considering some possible remedies moving beyond the simplistic idea that in the right ‘dose’ populism and technocracy can counter-balance one another.
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Norris, Pippa. Political Activism: New Challenges, New Opportunities. Edited by Carles Boix and Susan C. Stokes. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199566020.003.0026.
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This article discusses political activism and provides an overview that highlights four key themes that have emerged during the last ten years. The first two themes are the growing recognition of the importance of the institutional context of formal rules for electoral turnout and the widespread erosion of party membership in established democracies and questions about its consequences. The last two themes, on the other hand, are the substantial revival of interest in voluntary associations and social trust spurred by theories of social capital and the expansion of diverse forms of cause-oriented types of activism. After briefly illustrating some of the literature which has developed around these themes, the article concludes by considering the challenges for the future research agenda in comparative politics.
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Grömping, Max. Domestic Monitors. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190677800.003.0009.
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This chapter analyzes the roles of domestic election observers who are monitoring contests in countries around the world where elections have been commonly undermined by malpractices such as clientelism, fraud, intimidation, and vote buying. It predicts that the formation and maintenance of domestic election watchdog groups depends primarily on a combination of grievances (incidents of serious electoral malpractice) and political opportunities (the freedom of civil society groups to mobilize around such issues). Moreover, these factors are theorized to interact. As a result, domestic monitors are expected to be strongest in hybrid regimes that are neither established democracies nor electoral autocracies, displaying an inverted U-shape pattern across levels of democratization. The chapter presents evidence supporting this proposition by drawing from a new data set documenting the global distribution of domestic monitoring groups.
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Papadopoulos, Yannis. Multilevel Governance and Depoliticization. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198748977.003.0007.
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‘Multilevel’ governance (MLG) refers to the fact that, in contemporary established democracies, collectively binding decisions are frequently formulated or implemented in a cooperative manner by networks composed of public actors attached to different jurisdictional levels (from the local to the supranational) and of non-public actors such as experts, interest representatives, and members of cause groups. This chapter develops the expectation that the occurrence and magnitude of depoliticization in MLG depend on a number of its defining traits, and that the presence and intensity of these traits depend in turn on the specific empirical configuration and actor constellation of governance arrangements. The chapter first lays out the relationships that may exist between different facets of depoliticization in MLG, and then explores how MLG is depoliticized when technocratic rule, deficits of representation, lack of political control, and lack of public debate tend to prevail.
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McClintock, Cynthia. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190879754.003.0001.
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During the third wave, like most democratizing countries worldwide, Latin American countries replaced plurality rules for presidential election with runoff rules. To date, most scholars fear the proliferation of political parties under runoff and favor plurality. I argue, however, that Latin American leaders were correct to adopt runoff. Runoff established a virtuous circle: amid lower barriers to entry, opposition parties and new parties held greater respect for the democratic process and this respect was in turn important to elites’ toleration of their entry. By contrast, plurality often facilitated political exclusion by long-standing dominant parties and exacerbated cynicism and polarization. Although the larger number of parties under runoff was problematic, and measures for the amelioration of the problem are important, the number of parties was considerable under plurality; runoff enabled democracies to cope, increasing the legitimacy of their elected presidents.
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Varol, Ozan. The Democratic Coup d'État. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190626013.001.0001.
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The term “coup d’état,” --French for stroke of the state--brings to mind coups staged by power-hungry generals who overthrow the existing regime, not to democratize but to concentrate power in their own hands as dictators. We assume all coups look the same, smell the same, and present the same threats to democracy. It’s a powerful, concise, and self-reinforcing idea. It’s also wrong. The Democratic Coup d’État advances a simple yet controversial argument: Sometimes a democracy is established through a military coup. The book covers events from the Athenian Navy’s stance in 411 BC against a tyrannical home government to coups in the American colonies that ousted corrupt British governors and to twentieth-century coups that toppled dictators and established democracy in countries as diverse as Guinea-Bissau, Portugal, and Colombia. Connecting the dots between these neglected events, the book tackles several baffling questions: How can an event as undemocratic as a military coup lead to democracy? Why would imposing generals—armed with tanks and guns and all—voluntarily surrender power to civilian politicians? What distinguishes militaries that help build democracies from those that destroy them? Varol’s arguments made headlines across the globe in major media outlets and were cited critically in a public speech by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan of Turkey.
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Bedock, Camille. To Reform or Not to Reform? Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198779582.003.0003.
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This theoretical chapter presents the existing contributions in order to enable understanding of the determinants of democratic reforms, but also the processes leading to reform in established democracies. It focuses, first, on the sets of incentives and obstacles to change of the institutions: political crisis, political instability, and the state of the pre-existing institutional system. On the other hand, the research in this field has confirmed the existence of several barriers to change, the importance of taking the roles of complexity and uncertainty into account, and how the type of reform and the type of process leading to reform (or non-reform) are intrinsically linked. Second, this chapter shows that authors often fall into traps, of which there are several, and these mainly derive from the absence of cross-national and multidimensional data on institutional change: that reforms are rare, mainly self-interested, and tend to happen as isolated events.
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. Rethinking Party Reform. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198849940.001.0001.
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The functioning of representative democracy crucially depends on political parties that mediate between citizens and the state. It is widely doubted, however, that contemporary parties can still perform this connective role. Taking seriously the ensuing challenges for representative democracy, this book advances a normative account of party reform, drawing on both democratic theory and political science scholarship on parties. Moving beyond purely descriptive or causal-analytical perspectives on party reform, the book clarifies on theoretical grounds why party reform is centrally important for the sustainability of established democracies, and what effective party reforms could look like in an age where most citizens look to parties with scepticism and distrust. In doing so, the book underlines in distinctive fashion why scholars and citizens should care about re-inventing and transforming political parties, resisting widespread tendencies of either declaring parties unreformable or theorizing them out of the picture.
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Paxton, Robert O. Comparisons and Definitions. Edited by R. J. B. Bosworth. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199594788.013.0030.
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Why did fascism succeed in some parts of Europe and not in others? This question places the topic squarely in the domain of comparative history. The development of fascism in Europe after 1919 presents a fruitful terrain for comparison. Every European nation, indeed all economically developed nations with some degree of political democracy, had some kind of fascist movement. At further stages of development, the outcomes were dramatically different. In Italy and Germany, fascist movements became major players and achieved power. In the most solidly established Western European democracies, such as Britain and Scandinavia, fascist movements remained marginal. In some cases, such as France and Belgium, they became conspicuous but could approach power only after foreign conquest. A number of authoritarian regimes, including Franco's Spain, Salazar's Portugal, Antonescu's Romania, Horthy's Hungary, imperial Japan, and Vargas's Brazil, borrowed some trappings from fascism but excluded fascist parties from real power.
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du Toit, Fanie. Restoring the Rule of Law. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881856.003.0007.
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The second typology theorizes reconciliation as restoring the rule of law. Typical of the international liberal consensus exemplified by the UN, this approach views the inception of reconciliation as synonymous with the call to join the family of liberal democracies. Its unfolding is characterized by holding perpetrators of political crimes to account and the security that judicial processes are supposed to generate; its promise is one of civic trust based on the acceptance of equality before the law. I identify difficulties with this approach, including the lack of an adequate theory of change; it is not empirically established if prosecutions lead to a cessation of conflict and enhanced security. Emphasis on equality before the law may mask ongoing power relations and subtle forms of subjugation if “rule of law” is taken prematurely to exclude redress and transformation. A final concern relates to what reconciliation may look like in non-liberal societies.
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Marsh, Michael, David Farrell, and Theresa Reidy, eds. The post-crisis Irish voter. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526122643.001.0001.
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This is the definitive study of the Irish general election of 2016 – the most dramatic election in a generation, which among other things resulted in the worst electoral outcome for Ireland’s established parties, the most fractionalized party system in the history of the state, and the emergence of new parties and groups, some of these of a ‘populist’ hue. This was one of the most volatile elections in Ireland (and among one of the most volatile elections in Europe), with among the lowest of election turnouts in the state’s history. These outcomes follow a pattern seen across a number of Western Europe’s established democracies in which the ‘deep crisis’ of the Great Recession has wreaked havoc on party systems. The objective of this book is to assess this most extraordinary of Irish elections both in its Irish and wider cross-national context. With contributions from leading scholars on Irish elections and parties, and using a unique dataset – the Irish National Election Study (INES) 2016 – this volume explores voting patterns at Ireland’s first post crisis election and it considers the implications for the electoral landscape and politics in Ireland. This book will be of interest to scholars of parties and elections. It should provide important supplementary reading to any university courses on Irish politics. And it should also be of interest to general readers interested in contemporary Irish affairs.
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Newell, James L. Corruption in contemporary politics. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719088919.001.0001.
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This book provides an accessible account of current thinking about political corruption, recognising that the phenomenon is a serious problem: since it infringes rules defining legitimate and illegitimate means of the acquisition of wealth and the exercise of power, corruption damages the interests of the advantaged and disadvantaged alike. The advantaged find that wealth cannot be pursued and maintained safely, the disadvantaged that development is thwarted and resources redistributed from the poor to the rich. Against this background, the book takes the reader on a journey – a journey that begins with what corruption is, why its study might be important and how it can be measured. From there it moves on to explore corruption’s causes, its consequences and how it can be tackled – before finally discovering how these things are playing out in the established liberal democracies, in the former communist regimes and in what used to be commonly referred to as ‘the third world’. On the way it takes a couple of detours – first, to ascertain how the minimum of trust necessary for the corrupt transaction to take place at all is established and underwritten, and second to survey the phenomenon of scandal – to which corruption may give rise. The book is therefore offered as an informative ‘travel guide’ of potential interest to journalists and policy makers as well as to students and academics researching matters on which political corruption has a bearing.
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Herron, Erik S., Robert J. Pekkanen, and Matthew S. Shugart, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Systems. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190258658.001.0001.
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No subject is more central to the study of politics than elections. All across the globe, elections are a focal point for citizens, the media, and politicians long before-and sometimes long after—they occur. Electoral systems, the rules about how voters’ preferences are translated into election results, profoundly shape not only the results of individual elections but also many other important political outcomes including party systems, candidate selection, and policy choices. Electoral systems have been a hot topic in established democracies from the United Kingdom and Italy to New Zealand and Japan. Even in the United States, events like the 2016 presidential election and court decisions such as Citizens United have sparked advocates to promote change in the Electoral College, redistricting, and campaign finance rules. Elections and electoral systems have also intensified as a field of academic study, with groundbreaking work over the past decade sharpening our understanding of how electoral systems fundamentally shape the connections among citizens, government, and policy. This volume provides an in-depth exploration of the origins and effects of electoral systems.
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Shugart, Matthew S., Matthew E. Bergman, Cory L. Struthers, Ellis S. Krauss, and Robert J. Pekkanen. Party Personnel Strategies. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897053.001.0001.
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The book develops the notion of “party personnel strategies”, which are the ways in which political parties assign their elected members—their “personnel”—to serve collective organizational goals. Key party goals are to advance a policy brand and maximize seats in the legislature. We offer a theory of how assignments of members to specialized legislative committees contribute to these goals. Individual members vary in their personal attributes, such as prior occupation, gender, and local experience. Parties seek to harness the attributes of their members by assigning them to committees where members’ expertise is relevant; doing so may enhance the party’s policy brand. Under some electoral systems, parties may need to trade off the harnessing of expertise against the pursuit of seats, instead matching legislators according to electoral situation (e.g., marginality of seat) or characteristics of their constituency (e.g., population density). The book offers analysis of the extent to which parties trade of these goals by matching the attributes of their personnel and their electoral needs to the functions of the available committee seats. The analysis is based on a dataset of around 6,000 legislators across thirty-eight elections in six established parliamentary democracies with diverse electoral systems.
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Weeks, Liam. Independents in Irish party democracy. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099601.001.0001.
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While in almost all competitive political systems parties are omnipotent at elections, in Ireland independents (non-party MPs) remain significant players. At the Irish general election in 2016, independents won 23 of the 157 contested seats, proportionally the highest level of elected independent representation in the national parliament of any established democracy since 1950, and more than the combined total in all other industrial democracies. Not only have independents in Ireland persisted, but they have also had a significant political impact. Regularly holding the balance of power as kingmakers in hung parliaments where no party or coalition has an overall majority, independents have been able to use this position to extract policy influence. The purpose of the book is to examine and explain this persistence of the independent phenomenon in a stable party democracy. With Ireland as the primary case, but also using comparative data, it assesses how and why independents can endure in a democracy that is one of the oldest surviving in Europe and has historically had one of the most stable party systems. The central premise is that it is due to the permissiveness of the Irish political system, in terms of a conducive political culture and institutions, electoral record and key relevance, which all combine to facilitate independents’ emergence.
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Poguntke, Thomas, Susan E. Scarrow, and Paul D. Webb. Political Party Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.227.
Full textAbstract:
How political parties organize directly affects who is represented and which policies are prioritized. Political parties structure political choice, which is one of the main functions generally ascribed to them. Their roles as gatekeepers for policies and political careers are closely linked to their nature as membership-based organizations, and to the extent to which they empower members to directly or indirectly influence these crucial choices. Parties also play a crucial role as campaign organizations, whose organizational strength influences their electoral success. The literature often summarizes differences in how parties organize and campaign by identifying major party types, which can be regarded as “classic models” of party organization. Yet, actual parties must adapt to changing environments or risk being supplanted by newer parties or by other political actors. For instance, in recent years one popular adaptation has involved parties opening their decision-making processes by introducing party-wide ballots to settle important questions. Changes like these alter how parties act as intermediaries in representation and political participation. Thanks to the increasing availability of comparable data on party organizations in established and new democracies, and in parliamentary and presidential systems, today’s scholars are better equipped to study the origins and impacts of parties’ organizational differences.
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Gamlen, Alan. Human Geopolitics. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833499.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
This book describes and explains how diaspora engagement institutions have spread globally and begun to unleash a new wave of human geopolitics. Migration has become an urgent priority around the world and at every level of government, but most research still focuses exclusively on immigration policy, even while most governments care more deeply about emigration and the transnational involvements of emigrants and their descendants in the diaspora. Liberal democracies long eschewed emigration controls, which may violate freedom of exit and interfere in other countries’ domestic affairs. But this is changing: in the past quarter century, more than half of all United Nations member states have established a government office devoted to ‘their’ people abroad. What explains the rise of these ‘diaspora institutions’, and how does it relate to the political geographies of decolonization, regional integration and global migration governance since World War II? In addressing these questions, this book reports quantitative data covering all UN members from 1936–2015, and fieldwork with high-level policy makers across sixty states. It shows how, in many world regions, the unregulated spread of diaspora institutions is unleashing a wave of ‘human geopolitics’, involving state competition over people rather than territory. The book suggests the development of stronger guiding principles and evaluation frameworks to govern state-diaspora relations in an era of unprecedented global interdependence.
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Norris, Pippa. Why American Elections Are Flawed (and How to Fix Them). Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501713408.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
The flaws in the American electoral process have become increasingly apparent in recent years. The contemporary tipping point in public awareness occurred during the 2000 election count, and concern deepened due to several major problems observed in the 2016 campaign, worsening party polarization, and corroding public trust in the legitimacy of the outcome. To gather evidence about the quality of elections around the world, in 2012 the Electoral Integrity Project was established as an independent research project based at Harvard and Sydney universities. The results show that experts rated American elections as the worst among all Western democracies. Without reform, these problems risk damaging the legitimacy of American elections—further weakening public confidence in political parties, Congress, and the U.S. government, depressing voter turnout, and exacerbating the risks of mass protests. This book describes several major challenges observed during the 2016 U.S. elections arising from deepening party polarization over basic voting procedures, the serious risks of hacking and weak cyber-security, the consequences of deregulating campaign spending, and lack of professional and impartial electoral management. This book outlines the core concept and measure of electoral integrity, the key yardstick used to evaluate free and fair elections. Evidence from expert and mass surveys demonstrate the extent of problems in American elections. The book shows how these challenges could be addressed through several practical steps designed to improve electoral procedures and practices. If implemented, the reforms will advance free and fair elections, and liberal democracy, at home and abroad.
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Potter, David. Disruption. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197518823.001.0001.
Full textAbstract:
Disruption is about radical change—why it happens and how. Drawing on case studies ranging from the fourth century AD through the twentieth century, we look at how long-established systems of government and thought are challenged, how new institutions are created, and new ideas become powerful. While paying attention to the underlying political, intellectual, economic, and environmental sources of social disruption, we will see that no matter what similarities there might be between forces that shake different societies, these underlying factors do not dictate specific outcomes. The human actors are ultimately the most important; their decisions drive the conclusions that we see over time. Through our case studies, we can explore successful and unsuccessful decision making, and the emergence of the ideas that conditioned human actions. We’ll explore the development of Islam and of Christian doctrine, of constitutional thought, of socialism, and social Darwinism. We’ll look at how these ideas, all of them emerging on the fringes of society, became central. We’ll also have our eyes set on whether the sorts of disruptive forces we’ve seen in the past are present at this time. We’ll look at the issues confronting the liberal democracies that have been the dominant political/economic forces on our planet in the last half century and see how they have come under stress in the last few decades. And we will look at the possibility that we’re facing a new period of disruption and at what we can learn from the past about how change can be constructive rather than destructive.