Relevant bibliographies by topics / Established democracy

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Established democracy'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 11 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Established democracy"

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Roberts, Kenneth M. "Democratization in Unlikely Places: Comparative Lessons from the Latin American Experience." Middle East Law and Governance 10, no. 3 (2018): 402–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01003008.

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The Latin American experience at the end of the 20th century demonstrates that democratic regimes can be established and stabilized in “unlikely” places that would not appear to have the requisite “preconditions” for democracy as conventionally theorized. The region may thus provide insights into the prospects for democracy in other parts of the world, such as the MENA region, that also lack the traditional correlates of democracy. An understanding of democracy’s institutional roots in deep societal conflicts, rather than political consensus, civic cultures, or economic prosperity, is an essential starting point for such cross-regional perspectives.
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Álvarez Álvarez, Leonardo. "Soberanía y democracia en el discurso europeo del Tribunal Constitucional alemán : ¿una nueva defensa ad extra de la democracia? = Sovereignty and democracy in the european speech of the Constitutional German Court." Teoría y Realidad Constitucional, no. 32 (July 1, 2013): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/trc.32.2013.11788.

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Este trabajo se ha propuesto analizar la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional Federal alemán sobre al proceso de integración europeo. Las categorías de soberanía y democracia, los dos pilares en los que se ha apoyado tradicionalmente su argumentación, se han concebido como cualidades de un ordenamiento nacional. Por ello, la naturaleza, las funciones y límites de la UE se han definido por el Tribunal Constitucional Federal a partir de categorías de derecho interno. Este trabajo ha tratado de demostrar cómo desde la Sentencia sobre el Tratado de Lisboa (2009), se han parecido sentar las bases para definir los conceptos soberanía y democracia, a partir de la tradición constitucional común de los Estados miembros. En definitiva, de lo que modernas escuelas de pensamiento científico denominan un iuspublicum europaeum. Esta transformación metodológica se lleva cabo por el Tribunal Constitucional Federal alemán retornando a la concepción material de democracia presente en su jurisprudencia de los años 50 y 60. Si esta sirvió entonces para construir una democracia militante ad intra frente a los enemigos de la democracia, es posible que pueda servir también ahora para la defensa militante ad extra de la democracia. El respeto de la identidad política alemana impuesta a la UE en la Sentencia Lisboa puede hablar a favor de ello.This paper analyzes the German Federal Constitutional Court case-law about the European integration process. Both concepts of sovereignty and democracy, base of its reasoning, have been constructed as related to a national legal system. Therefore, the nature, functions and limits of the EU has been determined by the BVerfG in relation to state categories. This paper tries to show how since Lisbon’s ruling (2009), the bases for a definition of sovereignty and democracy from the point of view of the common constitutional tradition of Member States may have been established. That’s to say, what modern Schools for Scientific Thought call iuspublicum europaeum. The German Federal Constitutional Court makes this methodological transformation returning to the material concept of democracy established during the 50’s and 60’s. If it was then used in order to construct a militant democracy ad intra against the enemies of democracy, it may be now used to the militant defense ad extra of democracy. The respect for German political identity imposed by Lisbon’s ruling supports this idea.
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Saunders, Robert. "Doubtful democrats: Democracy in Britain since 1800." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 2 (2019): 184–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419835749.

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Over the ‘long’ 19th century, British politics underwent a quiet revolution: a revolution, not in its governing institutions, but in the ideas that underpinned them. In little more than a century, the idea of ‘democracy’—once a term of abuse, from which even radical politicians sought to disassociate themselves—established itself as the civic religion of British politics: the one authority against which there could be no court of appeal. Like other religions, democracy spawned a variety of sects and denominations, each of which sought to defend it against false democratic creeds: ranging from ‘social democracy’ and ‘industrial democracy’ to ‘Tory democracy’, ‘the property-owning democracy’, and ‘the democracy of the market’. The result, paradoxically, was to establish democracy both as the universal principle of British politics and as its central battlefield: an idea to which all paid tribute, but which seemed permanently under siege. This article explores the peculiar voyage of British democratic thought over the 19th and 20th centuries, focusing on its usage as an instrument of political warfare. The first section charts its emergence as the most potent challenge to the dominant narratives of the early-19th century: Whig constitutionalism and ‘reform’. A second section then charts the absorption of democracy into the core narratives of British political thought, while exploring the very different ends to which its authority could be put. A final section identifies three narrative battlegrounds for democracy in the 19th century, opening up fault lines that continue to structure British politics in the present.
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Bühlmann, Marc. "The Beauty and the Beast?" International Journal of Social Ecology and Sustainable Development 4, no. 1 (2013): 44–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jsesd.2013010103.

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There are two competing hypotheses concerning the connection between democracy and globalization. The critics hold globalization responsible for an ongoing crisis of democracy. The enthusiasts highlight the positive contributions of financial openness and international political cooperation on the development of democracy. In this contribution the author investigates the interrelation between globalization and the quality of established democracies. He introduces the Democracy Barometer, a new instrument that measures the quality of democracy in 30 established democratic regimes between 1995 and 2005 and that explicitly does not measure sustainable government because it aims at serving as dependent as well as independent variable to explain different economic, societal and natural environment, i.e. sustainable development. Based on this instrument, the author first shows that one cannot speak of an ongoing crisis of (established) democracies. Second, he also conducts several multilevel analyses to model the different developments of the quality of democracy in the different countries. The author then shows that economy, i.e. economic globalization indeed has a positive impact on the quality of democracy. However, this impact is stronger in stable, i.e. older than in younger established democracies. Further investigations show that a high quality of democracy also goes hand in hand with societal and environmental performance.
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Díaz Revorio, Francisco Javier. "Democracia, representación y participación ciudadana, a la búsqueda de un equilibrio que la Constitución no logró // Democracy, Representation and Citizen Participation, in search of a balance that 1978 Constitution did not achieve." Revista de Derecho Político 1, no. 101 (2018): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/rdp.101.2018.21961.

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Resumen:A la hora de regular el modelo de democracia y los mecanismos de participaciónciudadana, la Constitución de 1978 fue conformista y prudente. Estableció un modelo de democracia representativa basado en la posibilidad de elegir representantes cada cuatro años, pero sin especiales fórmulas de control y exigencias de responsabilidad política hacia ellos. Por lo demás, estableció una regulación restrictiva de los instrumentos de democracia directa y semidirecta, en especial del referéndum y de la iniciativa legislativa popular.Cuatro décadas después, las exigencias ciudadanas se han intensificado, generándose un cierto déficit de confianza entre electores y representantes. El trabajo analiza los principales déficits de la Constitución de 1978 en la materia, realizando varias propuestas para mejorar la calidad democrática, que en buena parte implican una amplia reforma constitucional: eliminar las restricciones constitucionales del referéndum y la iniciativa popular, incorporar vías de exigencia de responsabilidad y rendición de cuentas, limitar los mandatos del presidente, asegurar la democracia interna de los partidos políticos, eliminar algunas prerrogativas de los parlamentarios, entre otros.Abstract:When regulating the model of democracy and the mechanisms of citizen participation, the Constitution of 1978 was conformist and prudent. It established a model of representative democracy based on the possibility of electing representatives every four years, but without special formulas of control and demands of political responsibility towards them. Moreover, it established a restrictive regulation of the instruments of direct and semi-direct democracy, especially the referendum and popular legislative initiative. Four decades later, citizen demands have intensified, generating a certain lack of trust between voters and representatives. The paper analyzes the main deficits of the 1978 Constitution in the matter, making several proposals to improve the democratic quality, which in large part imply a broad constitutional reform: eliminate the constitutional restrictions of the referendum and popular initiative, incorporate channels of exigency of responsibility and accountability, limiting the president’s mandates, ensuring the internal democracy of political parties, eliminating some prerogatives of parliamentarians, among others. Summary:1. Representative democracy, direct democracy institutions, and citizen participation in Spanish Constitution: context and conditioning factors. 2. Some citizen participation institutions. 2.1. Referendum. 2.2. Popular initiative of Law. 2.3. The open council. 2.4. Participation in Administration. 2.5. The jury and others. 3. Four decades later, a crisis of confidence? 4. The task of democratic regeneration: good governance, participation, trust. 5. Development and legal reforms. 6. A task always pending: constitutional reform. 7. Conclusions
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Burchill, Richard. "The EU and European Democracy—Social Democracy or Democracy with a Social Dimension?" Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 17, no. 1 (2004): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003866.

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In recent years democracy has become a prominent topic in the development of international law and relations. The trend in the international system in pursuit of international legal requirements of democracy is perhaps most evident in Europe with significant support coming from the regional organisations of Europe. The EU is part of this development having established treaty-based provisions making democracy a requirement for current and potential members. At the same time the economic integration project of the EU places a range of demands upon states which directly impact the type of democracy they may be striving for. Significantly, the EU’s requirements will influence the extent to which social democratic practices may be pursued. Examining the type of democracy the EU is promoting among its current and potential members will be useful for understanding the meaning and content of the type of democracy international law is working towards and also for the future of social democratic practices in Europe.
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Ma’afi, Rif’at Husnul. "Politik Islam di Indonesia Pasca Kemerdekaan Hingga Demokrasi Terpimpin." al-Daulah: Jurnal Hukum dan Perundangan Islam 3, no. 1 (2013): 77–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/ad.2013.3.1.77-95.

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Abstract: This article describes about the Islamic political development in Indonesia after its independence to the guided democracy. In the early days of its independence, there was a debate among Islamists and nationalists in formulating legislation until they agreed upon the first principle “Belief in one God”. At the time of parliamentary democracy, many Islamic organizations established a political party and participated in the general election in 1955, including Masjumi, NU, PSII and Perti. At the time of the guided democracy, there were two groups of the Islamic party. The first group was Masjumi which viewed that the participation in the authoritarian political system as a deviation from Islamic teachings. The second group was the Muslim League (NU, PSII and Perti). They argued that participating in the guided democracy was a realistic and pragmatic attitude. The destruction of the Guided Democracy occurred after a mutiny by PKI’s movement on September 30th, 1965. With the expiration of the Guided Democracy’s period then ended the old order and changed into the new order under the Suharto’s power. This resulted a change in Islamic politics in Indonesia.Keywords: Islam, post-independence, guided democracy
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Hyde, Susan D. "Democracy’s backsliding in the international environment." Science 369, no. 6508 (2020): 1192–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.abb2434.

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If the end of the 20th century was defined by the relatively widespread acceptance of democracy, the second decade of the 21st century is marked by concerns about backsliding in new and established democracies alike and by a notable decline in foreign support for democracy around the world. As democracy’s global tailwinds shift to headwinds, scholars have an opportunity to better understand how experience with even superficial forms of democratic institutions across a diverse set of contexts influences citizen behavior when formal democratic institutions erode or disappear. This shift also provides the opportunity to examine whether citizen movements alone—absent external support—are sufficient to check newly emboldened autocrats.
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Plattner, Marc F., and Larry Diamond. "International Forum for Democratic Studies Established by the National Endowment for Democracy." PS: Political Science and Politics 28, no. 1 (1995): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420594.

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Plattner, Marc F., and Larry Diamond. "International Forum for Democratic Studies Established by the National Endowment for Democracy." PS: Political Science & Politics 28, no. 01 (1995): 113–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500056195.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Established democracy"

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Al, Mutawe´h Ebrahim. "Community leadership in a new democracy." Thesis, Brunel University, 2012. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/7076.

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The concept of community leadership as a field of study has attracted the attention of researchers for many years across the globe. The role of municipality councils is of great importance as an aspect of democratic governance. Councils have a significant role to play as partners to the central government in providing community services. This research attempts to explore community leadership in a new democracy focusing on the relationship between community members, community leadership and government organisations compared to the same of established democracies. The specific focus of the research investigation is community leaders and community members in the Kingdom of Bahrain as a new democracy. This thesis is an investigation of the success factors and barriers that influence the performance of municipal councils' members as community leaders. It also investigates how community leaders have practiced their roles and duties and assesses their performance and characteristics in new democracy compared to those of established democracies as exemplified in the UK, Canada, Australia, and the Philippines. The research objectives are: (1) to identify success factors that influence community leadership performance in a new democracy as perceived by community leaders; (2) to identify barriers that hinder community leadership performance in a new democracy as perceived by community leaders; (3) to identify the roles and duties practiced by community leadership in new democracies as perceived by community leaders and community members; (4) to assess community leadership performance in new democracy as perceived by community members; and (5) to identify characteristics practiced by community leadership in a new democracy as perceived by community members. Three sequential pilot studies were undertaken to gain better feedback from respondents and to build a strong foundation for the main survey. Two sets of questionnaires were developed for this study; the first set of questionnaires dealt with community leaders in new democracies, where they evaluated the success factors, barriers and roles and duties practiced by community leadership in established democracies. The second set of questionnaires dealt with community members in a new democracy, where they evaluated their community leaders through roles and duties, performances and characteristics practiced by community leadership in established democracies. The findings showed that municipal councils‘ members agreed on the importance of success factors and barriers that influence communities in established democracies and they were very positive about their own perceptions of their roles and duties in municipality work. On the other hand community members were negative about their own perception of their municipal leaders‘ roles and duties, performance and characteristics. The results also revealed an absence of clear demarcations of roles between government agencies and councils, and disproportionate demarcation of the constituents. The respondents agreed that awareness programs could be an important undertaking to improve and enhance the effectiveness of council leaders. This study may contribute to the literature by filling the gap related to success factors and barriers that influence community leadership performance in new democracies, focusing on problems facing community leadership and the solutions to overcome these problems. Furthermore, the governments of new democracies can use the empirical evidence to create and adopt new laws, policies and regulations that will redound to community improvement services, leadership enhancement and goal achievement.
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Paskeviciute, Aida. "The role of political parties for political system support in established and new democracies." Online access via UMI:, 2005.

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Mikhnovets, Iryna. "What do corruption and democracy mean for Swedish state and Swedish international companies established on a foreign market : A case of IKEA in Russia." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-41526.

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Milam, Trent F. "Orientation of community-based tourism programs towards sustainable tourism criteria in a newly established democracy the case of CBT Kochkor, Kyrgyz Republic /." Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10450/10778.

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Thesis (M.S.)--West Virginia University, 2009.<br>Title from document title page. Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 107 p. : ill. (some col.). Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-64).
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Olsson, Jonathan, and Josephine Sturesson. "Det är "fake news" : En komparativ diskursanalys av etablerade respektivealternativa nyhetsmediers framställning av falska nyheter." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för hälsa och välfärd, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-39986.

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Under det amerikanska presidentvalet 2016 blev falska nyheter ett omtalat fenomen, vilketkarakteriserades av att avsiktligt falsk eller vilseledande information spreds över internet ochsociala medier. Falska nyheter är falska eller vilseledande påståenden som avsiktligtpresenteras som sanna nyheter. Utvecklingen av internet och sociala medier medför att detidag finns en distinktion mellan etablerade och alternativa medier. För att förstå fenomenetfalska nyheter har studien undersökt hur begreppet påverkats av denna medieutveckling.Syftet var att undersöka hur rapporteringen kring falska nyheter ser ut i etablerade medierrespektive alternativmedier. Huvudfrågan var: Hur konstrueras begreppet falska nyheter i deetablerade och alternativa nyhetsmedier i Sverige som valts för denna uppsats? Studien haranvänt sig av diskursanalys för att undersöka olika diskursiva gestaltningar av falska nyheter,och hur alternativmedier förhåller sig till övrig media i medielandskapet. Resultatet visar attetablerad media huvudsakligen har en internationell diskurs medan alternativmedier fokuserarmer på den nationella diskursen. Vid analysen av resultatet har teorier om ideologi,diskursanalys samt gestaltning använts. Analysen visar att falska nyheter används avnyhetsmedierna som ett ideologiskt begrepp för att visa på skillnader mellan etablerad mediaoch alternativmedier samt att förståelsen av begreppet ”falska nyheter” är beroende av englobal intertextualitet.<br>During the US presidential election in 2016, “fake news” became a well-known phenomenon,which was characterized by the deliberate spread of false or misleading information over theinternet and social media. False news is false or misleading claims intentionally presented asreal news. The development of internet and social media means that there is today adistinction between established and alternative media. To understand the phenomenon of fakenews, the study has investigated how the concept was affected by this media development.The purpose was to investigate how reporting on false news appears in established media andalternative media. The main question was: How is the concept of fake news constructed inestablished and alternative news media in Sweden? The study has used discourse analysis toinvestigate various discursive news reports of fake news, and how alternative media relate toother news media. The result shows that established media mainly have an internationaldiscourse while alternative media focus more on the national discourse. The result has beenanalyzed with theories of ideology, discourse analysis and framing. The analysis shows thatfake news is used by the news media as an ideological concept to show differences betweenestablished media and alternative media and the understanding of the term "fake news" isdependent on a global intertextuality.
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Gunnarsson, Sofia, and Angela Ottosson. ""Det upplevda hotet mot nationen" : - En kvalitativ studie av radikal högerpopulism bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare." Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Sektionen för hälsa och samhälle (HOS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-23084.

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Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna.<br>The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.
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Books on the topic "Established democracy"

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Brender, Adi. Political budget cycles in new versus established democracies. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2004.

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Boek, Walter E. How to establish a democracy or improve the one you now have: A practical guide for developing essential government and business structures and personal systems of values. College of Democracy of National Graduate University, 1993.

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Expressing support for the efforts of the people of the Republic of Belarus to establish a full democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights and urging the government of Belarus to conduct free and fair presidential elections in 2006; and concerning the government of Romania's ban on intercountry adoptions and the welfare of orphaned or abandoned children in Romania: Markup before the Subcommittee on Europe and Emerging Threats of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, One Hundred Ninth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 673 and H. Res. 578, February 14, 2006. U.S. G.P.O., 2006.

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Establishing the House Democracy Assistance Commission for the 110th Congress; and calling on the government of the UK to immediately establish a full, independent, and public judicial inquiry into the murder of Northern Ireland defense attorney Patrick Finucane in order to move forward on the Northern Ireland peace process: Markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, on H. Res. 24 and H. Con. Res 20, January 23, 2007. U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Buckley, Fiona. Electoral Management: Institutions and Practices in an Established Democracy. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315564180.

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Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945. Cambridge University Press, 2004.

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Evans, Diana, Michael Marsh, Cees van der Eijk, et al. Voter Turnout and the Dynamics of Electoral Competition in Established Democracies since 1945. Cambridge University Press, 2004.

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Buckley, Fiona, and Theresa Reidy. Electoral Management - Institutions and Practices in an Established Democracy: The Case of Ireland. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Aarts, Kees. Myth and Reality of the Legitimacy Crisis: Explaining Trends and Cross-National Differences in Established Democracies. Oxford University Press, 2017.

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Hellwig, Timothy, Yesola Kweon, and Jack Vowles. Democracy Under Siege? Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846208.001.0001.

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For the worlds democracies, the Global Financial Crisis of 2008–9 was catalyst for the most precipitous economic downturn in eight decades. This book examines how the GFC and ensuing Great Recession affected the workings of mass politics in the established democracies. The initial wave of research on the crisis concluded it did little to change the established relationships between voters, parties, and elections. Yet, nearly a decade since the initial shock, we are witnessing a wave of political changes, the extent to which has not been fully explained by existing studies. How did the economic malaise bear on the political preferences of citizens? This book pushes against the received wisdom by advancing a framework for understanding citizen attitudes, preferences, and behaviour. We make two main claims. First, while previous studies of the GFC tend to focus on an immediate impact of the crisis, we argue that economic malaise had a long-lasting impact. In addition to economic shock, we emphasize that economic recovery has a significant impact on citizens assessment of political elites. Second, we argue that unanticipated exogenous shocks like the GFC grant party elites an opening for political manoeuvre through public policy and rhetoric. As a result, political elites have a high degree of agency to shape public perceptions and behaviour. Political parties can strategically moderate citizens economic uncertainty, mobilize/demobilize voters, and alter individuals political preferences. By leveraging data from over 150,000 individuals across over 100 nationally representative post-election surveys from the 1990s to 2017, this book tests these research claims across a range of outcomes, including economic perceptions, policy demands, political participation, and the vote.
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Book chapters on the topic "Established democracy"

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Tanneberg, Dag. "Why Do Established Democracies Violate Human Rights?" In Democracy and Crisis. Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72559-8_13.

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Müller, Lisa. "Comparative Research on Media and Democracy." In Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137391384_2.

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Müller, Lisa. "The Functions of the Media for Democracy." In Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137391384_3.

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Müller, Lisa. "The Supposed Impact of Media on the Quality of Democracy." In Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137391384_7.

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Müller, Lisa. "Media Systems and the Quality of Democracy: Testing the Link." In Comparing Mass Media in Established Democracies. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137391384_8.

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Glassman, Ronald M. "Return from Exile: Theocracy Established." In The Origins of Democracy in Tribes, City-States and Nation-States. Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-51695-0_64.

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Kettle, Martin. "How Should Established Parties Respond to the Rise of Identity Politics in Their Electoral Base?" In Authoritarian Populism and Liberal Democracy. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-17997-7_13.

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Sorensen, Lone. "Disrupting Transitional and Established Democracy: The Stories and Contexts of UKIP and the Economic Freedom Fighters." In Populist Communication. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65756-7_2.

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"6. Democratic Congruence Re-Established: The Perspective of ‘Substantive’ Democracy." In How Democracy Works. Amsterdam University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9789048513369-007.

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Devellennes, Charles. "Democracy." In The Gilets Jaunes and the New Social Contract. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529212204.003.0005.

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This chapter deals with democracy and Rousseau's participative polity. The demands of positive freedom are also those of the political body, constituted of citizens, to organize itself. The chapter explores this ever-important notion. No freedom can be complete without a fully democratized state — and this includes the subjection of the economy to public rule. The national dimension of the movement is clearly established. Although it is largely working class, it has involved many other segments of society and can best be described as a movement of the small-middle stratum of citizens — either lower-middle class or upper-working class — what is described as 'the small-mean class'. It has been foreshadowed by police tactics against the banlieues; it has involved the most modest parts of French society directly, who have largely contributed to the movement, the middle classes, who have been commenting on it and trying to portray it as a jacquerie, or peasant revolt, and the upper classes, who have seen their iconic boulevards closed off and vandalized.
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Conference papers on the topic "Established democracy"

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Klincakova, Gabriela. "THE NATIONALIST POPULISM AND RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM AS A THREAT OF ESTABLISHED DEMOCRACY IN SLOVAKIA." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.051.

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Wynn, Bear L., and John T. Roth. "Object Function Control Science Study for Homeland Security." In ASME 2007 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2007-43838.

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Firstly we put forward an object function control method and guideline, by which we can control the Function of object when we cannot control object itself. In such a case object function control will be beneficial to us forever and without any harm especially when armament system and high harm are used improperly. Then we use it to improve functions of the system and get safer methods so as to establish an integrated safeguard system, and the functions of the system and a more solid human security and stability in the establishment of the strategy, to create an integrated world of justice and peace in the security system. The object function control (constraint) includes: Main body control, Guest body control and Established body object control. Based on the goal of we can control the Function of object when we cannot control object itself, it showed a new technological means of the democracy, freedom, and peace of world. Based on the method of object function control, a new technical mode can be presented, which provides measures dealing with difficult problems (Such as to fight against the evil of the world and the international terrorism, safeguard the human justice and peace) and acceptable to many countries (Union) and becomes their strong support.
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Ho Schar, Cathi. "Design in Government." In 2019 ACSA Fall Conference. ACSA Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.fall.19.16.

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Today, governments must address the demand for solutions to complex and multi-dimensional urban and regional problems, greater citizen engagement, participatory democracy, innovative leadership practices, and organizational change. According to the Observatory for Public Sector Innovation’s (OPSI) global review, “Governments and their partners are undergoing transformation to overcome unprecedented challenges and seize vast opportunities”. This need for change has opened up a new space for design and innovation in government also fueled by the “growing interest in evidence-based policy making and the application of “design thinking” to policy-making”. However most of this integration of design-thinking and design has focused a round service and information design rather than environmental design, which forces the question: What is the role of the environmental design disciplines in this transformation? This paper explores various past and emerging models of design and government partnerships to provide a context for envisioning this future role, including a new hybrid model for university and government alignment presented by the newly established University of Hawai’i Community Design Center. Finally, this paper will end with a summary of the interactive session held at the 2019 ASCA Less Talk More Action conference that asked attendees to apply this inquiry to the design of an Office of Design within their academic or governmental institutions.
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Kijevčanin, Ružica. "MEDIJI I NjIHOV UTICAJ NA IZBORE." In XVII majsko savetovanje. Pravni fakultet Univerziteta u Kragujevcu, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/uvp21.539k.

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The aspiration of every modern state is to establish the rule of law, which incorporates the basic principles on which a free, open and prosperous society should lie. Some of these principles are civil democracy and secret and direct elections. The legal conduct of elections is the basic way to achieve peace and satisfaction among the population, because it puts the exercise of power and the regulation of issues of essential importance under their control. With the development of technology, trends, but also everyday life are changing, so, in addition to elections, the media are synonymous with freedom and citizenship rights. The media are a means of information that introduces citizens to information of various contents, and above all fundamental. Depending on the norm, level of development, protection mechanisms, the media conscientiously perform their function, or do not do it completely. What are the consequences when reporting on a specific phenomenon that is the basis of a healthy society in the first or second case is a central question that we will analyze in this paper. The importance of elections has been continuously confirmed throughout history, while the necessity of the media has been expanding for decades, in the intensity that elevates them to the top and equates them with the election process.
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Andersone, Rudite, and Ineta Helmane. "Citizenship Education in the Mathematics Curriculum after the Reform of the Education Content in Latvia." In 14th International Scientific Conference "Rural Environment. Education. Personality. (REEP)". Latvia University of Life Sciences and Technologies. Faculty of Engineering. Institute of Education and Home Economics, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22616/reep.2021.14.002.

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Immense transformations occur in the modern society. Values, human rights, democracy, engagement in the life of the local community, school and the society at large are the content issues to be learnt at school which help to develop into responsible citizens of the country. The issues of citizenship education have been more extensively included both in the teaching/learning content and its implementation in all school subjects, including mathematics. Citizenship education is viewed in three aspects: knowledge about the society, skills to form relations with other people, to establish a safe and supporting environment, to follow rules and norms, attitudes to responsibilities and rights. Mathematics as a school subject is a sphere that has been little researched regarding its content and learning strategies in the aspect of citizenship education. The aim of the study is to explore and assess what changes have taken place after the education content reform in the mathematics curriculum in citizenship education. The data in the qualitative study have been obtained employing documentary research. Three criteria with respective indicators have been chosen for the analysis of the mathematics curriculum: civic knowledge, civic skills, civic values and attitudes. The study analyses two curricula of teaching/learning mathematics that are effective in Latvia for basic school (Grades 1–9) and secondary school (Grades 10–12). The results of the analyses are represented in the comparison showing the data obtained in 2013 and data obtained in 2020. The mathematics curriculum has extensively incorporated skills for learning selfrespect and respect for others, developing the capacity to engage with each other, to contribute to a safe environment, as well as the skills to offer the opportunity to experiment practically with democratic principles, working alone, in small and bigger groups, listening to classmates’ opinions and giving arguments for their opinion. The innovation in the new mathematics curriculum is the inclusion of the transversal skills in the learning outcomes, including the civic participation.
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Luan, Xiaoying, and Yi Zhang. "A study on the mode of public participation in Chinese urban design under the concept of multi-body participation. Community building oriented with multi-age participation." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/gxie2200.

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With the society and economy of China entering the transition period, people's requirements for urban life show a trend of diversification and high standards. Urban design is no longer limited to physical space but starts to carry out multi-angle and multi-level comprehensive consideration on the social and spatial problems of symbiosis. In this context, the innovative social governance and the quality improvement of urban public space that highlights the role of the public have become hot topics. As the main body of city users, ordinary people entering into the deep and substantial participation from the superficial and symbolic is the only way for urban design to transform from the expert-led "optimal scheme" to the "reasonable scheme" recognized by pluralistic bodies. In the process of western democratic politics, the participation theory that focuses on the construction of micro democracy is prevalent, and the public participation based on pluralism has become the theoretical basis for the planning participation. Besides, the concept of communicative planning and collaborative planning, which emphasize cooperation and consultation, also enriches the connotation of multiple participation. Due to different systems and awareness, it is difficult to promote public participation under China's national conditions. Community building, the interdisciplinary product of urban design and social governance under communities, is regarded as the experimental field for participating in the reform. Therefore, under the current administrative system and regulations, this paper tries to make use of the grass-roots management mode with Chinese characteristics to establish an inclusive multi-participation mechanism. It allows residents of different ages can go deep into the process of community building by taking the family unit. Meanwhile, some suggestions and strategies are raised for effective participation. We hope the bottom-up process of urban design in microscale can be an effective instrument to reflect the public's will and repair social relations at the same time, while explore and solve urban problems in diverse cooperation.
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Contin, Antonella, and Valentina Galiulo. "What is the quality of a city? Ways of thinking spaces that change." In Post-Oil City Planning for Urban Green Deals Virtual Congress. ISOCARP, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/pjow6960.

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Understanding the effects of a metropolis' changes in scale - the rate of growth and its speed - rather than pursuing the search for optimal city size, is mandatory. The New Urban Agenda discussed performance dimensions of the contemporary city’s functioning mode, knowing that place quality derives from a mutual effect with the society that uses it. However, our research focuses on how city performance dimensions can be measured to establish the values of the metropolitan form that are capable of endowing metropolitan projects with meaning. The Metropolitan Paradigm of inter-scalar connection and the Metropolitan Architecture Project Hybrid Typology are the references to measure the metropolis’ performance. The Metropolitan Paradigm concerns the five city dimensions: physical, economic, energetic, social and governance. In particular, the aim of the paper is to study the physical metropolitan framework and its impact on the lives of metropolitan inhabitants, socio-economic flows and the meaning of the concept of "environment" today. The city is still analysed as a spatial phenomenon represented by data/quantities related to space. Nevertheless, the value of form plays a fundamental role within the Metropolitan Discipline at all scales, as spatial relationships within metropolitan settlements are increasingly not metric but relational. In conclusion, we study the connection between history and geography, environmental issues, the Metropolitan Structural Paradigm, and the new Public Realm heterogeneous elements to represent the metropolitan quality and living-related values that constitute the Metropolitan Democracy’s opportunity.
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Reports on the topic "Established democracy"

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Barry, Charles L., and Samuel R. Greene. What Democracy for Afghanistan? An Analysis Utilizing Established Norms and Five Non-Western Case Studies. Defense Technical Information Center, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada507806.

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Herbert, Siân. Donor Support to Electoral Cycles. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.043.

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This rapid literature review explains the stages of an election cycle, and how donors provide support to electoral cycles. It draws mainly on policy guidance websites and papers due to the questions of this review and the level of analysis taken (global-level, donor-level). It focuses on publications from the last five years, and/or current/forthcoming donor strategies. The electoral cycle and its stages are well-established policy concepts for which there is widespread acceptance and use. Donor support to electoral cycles (through electoral assistance and electoral observation) is extremely widespread, and the dominant donors in this area are the multilateral organisations like the United Nations (UN) and the European Union (EU), and also the United States (US). While almost all bilateral donors also carry out some work in this area, “almost all major electoral support programmes are provided jointly with international partners” (DFID, 2014, p.5). Bilateral donors may provide broader support to democratic governance initiatives, which may not be framed as electoral assistance, but may contribute to the wider enabling environment. All of the donors reviewed in this query emphasise that their programmes are designed according to the local context and needs, and thus, beyond the big actors - EU, UN and US, there is little overarching information on what the donors do in this area. While there is a significant literature base in the broad area of electoral support, it tends to be focussed at the country, programme, or thematic, level, rather than at the global, or donor, level taken by this paper. There was a peak in global-level publications on this subject around 2006, the year the electoral cycle model was published by the European Commission, International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). This review concludes by providing examples of the electoral assistance work carried out by five donors (UN, EU, US, UK and Germany).
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