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Academic literature on the topic 'Estonians – Ethnic identity – Congresses'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Estonians – Ethnic identity – Congresses"

1

Jääts, Indrek. "Ethnic Identity of the Setus and the Estonian–Russian Border Dispute." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 4 (December 2000): 651–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990020009665.

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The Setus are an ethnic group, small in numbers, in the southeastern part of the Republic of Estonia and the Russian territories bordering on Estonia (Petseri raion of the Pskov oblast). The Setus can be seen as ethnographic raw material that both Estonian and Russian nationalists have attempted to claim. Generally, the Setus has been viewed as an ethnographic subgroup of Estonians and their language as part of the South Estonian dialect. Unlike the Estonians, who are predominantly Lutheran by tradition, the Setus are Orthodox. The specific characteristics of the Setus have emerged as a result of the combined influence of religious and linguistic peculiarities and a historic fate that is different from the Estonian. Because of the fact that they were considered Estonians when the censuses took place, the exact number of the Setus is unknown; however, I estimate the number of the Setus living in Setumaa and in Estonian towns to be about 5,000–6,000.

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2

Tambi, Sergey Aleksandrovich. "PLYUSSA ESTONIANS: FROM ETHNIC HISTORY OF NORTH-WESTERN RUSSIA (BASED ON PERIODICAL LITERATURE)." Yearbook of Finno-Ugric Studies 13, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 293–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2224-9443-2019-13-2-293-311.

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The article studies the way of life of Estonians who migrated from Governorate of Estonia and Governorate of Livonia to the eastern direction, to the Plyussky region. In the study the author gives the list of places of compact residence of Estonians in this region in the 19th-20th centuries (farmsteads, villages; Plussa and Lyady among others). The author also investigates the religious peculiarities of the life of the Estonian population of the region. The author collected, systematized and presented in this work the materials from pre- and post-revolutionary newspapers in Estonian language, which are first introduced into scientific circulation. The article shows the cultural identity of the local Estonian community of the Plyusskiy District, tells about the traditions of the Estonians of the region. The author describes biographies of the Estonians who are the famous natives of the Plyussa region and their contribution to the history of the region, as well as about the current situation of Estonian population in this region. In the conclusion, the author states that Estonians made the significant contribution to the history and culture of the multinational Plyusskiy District. The main methods used in the study are the generalization method, system approach, historical-descriptive method, analysis of the documents, and empirical descriptive method.

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3

Rodionov, Germogen Y. "Civic identity and acculturation expectations of Muscovites and Tallinn residents: the role of perceived threat. 2021." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 12, no. 2 (2021): 194–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2021.12.2.722.

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Currently, Russia ranks fourth in terms of the influx of migrants (officially, their number in the country is 12 million), with most of them concentrated in Moscow. In Estonia, the influx of migrants is significantly lower, however, after the collapse of the USSR, quite a lot of Russians ended up in the status of an ethnic minority. At the moment they make up almost a quarter of the population of Estonia (the total number is more than 300 thousand people). This study examines the role of perceived threat as a moderator of the link between civic identity and acculturation expectations in two different ethnic groups in two different countries. The aim of the study is to provide the answers to the questions: What role does perceived threat play in the relationship between civic identity and the acculturation expectations of the host population? Is the perceived threat a moderator? What are the differences in the role of the perceived threat in different contexts: from Muscovites (ethnic Russians) to migrants and from Tallinn residents (ethnic Estonians) to Russians who are an ethnic minority? This study was conducted using an online socio-psychological survey. The responses of the survey participants determined the level of civic identity, perceived threat and acculturation expectations. The sample consisted of 214 ethnic Russians living in Moscow and 288 ethnic Estonians living in Tallinn. The results of the study showed that the perceived threat is a moderator of the connection between civic identity and integration among Muscovites. It is significant that here the cultural and economic threat became the moderator, and the physical threat turned out to be significant only at the level of tendencies. For Tallinn residents, the perceived economic threat turned out to be a moderator of the link between civicl identity and the "melting pot", and the physical threat - a moderator of civic identity and "segregation." Thus, the cultural threat did not show any influence among Tallinn residents. It should be noted that the moderation effect worked differently in each group. For Muscovites, the perceived threat was associated with integration attitudes. In Tallinn, it has shown links with two strategies that imply a complete lack of integration.

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4

Fein, Lisa C. "Symbolic Boundaries and National Borders: The Construction of an Estonian Russian Identity." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 3 (September 2005): 333–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500193196.

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If the destruction of the Berlin Wall came to symbolize freedom in Central Europe, for the republics of the former Soviet Union it was the construction and recognition of new walls in the form of national borders that represented liberation. In the case of Estonia, the end of what was considered illegal Soviet occupation marked a return to the country's republic's rightful place as an independent, European nation. In demographic respects, however, Estonia could not easily escape the legacies of Soviet rule, due in part to the migration of hundreds of thousands of non-ethnic Estonians to the Estonian SSR. Far from completing a clean break with the past, Estonian independence has replaced legal distinctions between nationalities with social and symbolic boundaries between ethnic groups.

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5

Polese, Abel, and Oleksandra Seliverstova. "Luxury consumption as identity markers in Tallinn: A study of Russian and Estonian everyday identity construction through consumer citizenship." Journal of Consumer Culture 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 194–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540519891276.

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While the importance of consumption of luxury goods as a mechanism accompanying upwards movement in a social hierarchy has been well acknowledged, attention to the role and perceptions of luxury in multicultural societies has been scarce so far. It is nonetheless intriguing that ethnic groups inhabiting the same territory, and exposed to a same culture, might develop substantially different notions of luxury, which may end up affecting the integration, or isolation, of one of the groups. Our article addresses this deficiency in the literature by exploring the case of Estonia, a multi-ethnic society where Russians make up almost one-fourth of the population. Much has been written about the integration, and lack thereof, of ethnic Russians into Estonian society. We contrast these views by looking at inter-ethnic relations in the country from a different angle and by a) looking at consumption of luxury in the country through the concept of ‘conspicuous consumption'; b) endorsing Foster's concept of consumer citizenship. This allows us to shed light on an under-explored tendency and maintain here that, in a significant number of cases, ordinary citizens challenge official identity narratives by the state through counter-narratives centred around consumption of luxury at the everyday level. The identified counter-narratives end up translating into (consumer behaviour) instructions for those Russians willing to assert their Estonianness thus allowing them to seek integration into the majority group by simply consuming luxury items that they perceive as appreciated among Estonians, or associated with Estonian high status. By doing this, we make a case for expanding the parameters for academic scrutiny of social integration to include more ‘banal' forms of consumer practices through which top- down narratives and macro studies may be challenged.

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6

Vihalemm, Triin. "Crystallizing and Emancipating Identities in Post-Communist Estonia." Nationalities Papers 35, no. 3 (July 2007): 477–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701368738.

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This article concerns collective identities in the context of EU enlargement and the post-Soviet transition of Estonian society, particularly of the two main ethno-linguistic groups: ethnic Estonians and the Russian-speaking population in Estonia. The empirical basis of the study is formed by factor structures of self-identification. The data were obtained from nationally representative surveys carried out in 2002, before Estonia joined the EU, and in 2005. The thinking patterns behind the structures of self-categorization are discussed mainly on the basis of theoretical concepts of individualization and transition culture. For background information, comparative data collected in Latvia (2006) and in Sweden (2003) are used. The survey results reveal that in the post-communist transformation, EU integration and spread of global mass culture have homogenized the mental patterns of the Estonians and the Russians. It is characteristic of post-communist Estonia that both minority and majority groups have utilized trans-national and civic identity and individualistic patterns of self-identification in terms of (sub)culture and social and material achievement, extracted from social norms and existing structures. Surveys confirm that for political actors in both Estonia and Russia it is hardly possible any more to create a common umbrella identity for the Russians in Estonia—the self-designation patterns of the Estonian Russians have been emancipated during the transition period.

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7

Epner, Luule, and Anneli Saro. "Constructing Finno-Ugric Identity through Theatre." Nordic Theatre Studies 32, no. 2 (January 22, 2021): 156–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nts.v32i2.124358.

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The article investigates the construction of transnational Finno-Ugric identity through the theatre festival Mayatul and different performative strategies. This kind of identity construction is investigated through the framework of identity politics and transnationalism. The definition of the Finno-Ugric peoples (Finns, Estonians, Hungarians, Samis, Mordvins, Komi, Udmurts and others) is based foremost on their language kinship. It is believed that similar characteristics of languages and a similar natural environment and climate have shaped the close-to-nature lifestyle and the particular perception of the world shared by the Finno-Ugric peoples.Essential platforms for constructing transnational Finno-Ugric identity are different theatre festivals, among which Mayatul (since 1992) is the most prominent. The majority of productions at the festival are performed in Finno-Ugric languages and interpret the literary texts or folklore of these peoples. However, only a few productions strive for indigenous aesthetics like those of Estonian theatre director Anne Türnpu. The Finno-Ugric peoples’ identity is predominantly a minority identity because mostly they represent a small national and language group in a bigger state like Russia, and only Finland and Hungary have enjoyed one hundred years of independence. Nevertheless, all countries and nations embrace smaller ethnic or cultural minorities, thus minority identity is a universal concept. Theatre festivals are able to unite minority identities into larger transnational identites, even when it is just an imagined community.

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8

Reinelt, Janelle. "National signs: Estonian identity in performance." Sign Systems Studies 33, no. 2 (December 31, 2005): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sss.2005.33.2.06.

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Since Estonia is in the midst of a national redefinition and examination of past traditions and future aspirations, it makes an excellent case study for the potentiality of theatre as an arbiter of national identity. The changing value of the institution itself is part of the equation (will Estonians continue to appreciate and attend the theatre in coming years?). In addition, the historical role of Estonian theatre as a repository for national narratives, especially literary ones, makes it a significant site for struggles around print and technology, and between embodied performances and archival performatives. This essay introduces a series of articles that address how Estonia and its theatre might be regarded and understood in light of its history, memories, present experiences, and future possibilities. The idea of pretence that lies at the heart of theatricality itself provides an ideal means for interrogating national identity in a time of great instability and flux. The examples of productions discussed in these three essays share more than a deliberate utilization of the rubrics of theatricality. It seems no coincidence that the reworking of national classics, Estonian national myths, and ethnic folk songs and ceremonies takes place concurrently with the representation of new technologies, commodity capitalism, and diasporic collisions. Embodying precisely the predicament of culture in a country reassessing its past and confronting its future, the theatre is an important institution for national resignification.

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9

Raun, Toivo U. "Estonia after 1991." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 4 (August 12, 2009): 526–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342113.

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The past two decades have witnessed a reassessment and broadening of conceptions of identity among both the ethnic Estonian and Russian populations in Estonia. In addition to a continuing focus on aspects of national distinctiveness, emphasizing their small numbers, language, culture, territorial homeland, and—as a new factor—the state, the Estonians have increasingly engaged with a wider range of identities (local, regional, and European). Among these, the regional level has been the most productive, enhancing Estonia’s already strong ties to Finland but also fostering closer connections to its other Nordic and Baltic neighbors. Although integration into NATO and integration into the European Union continue to receive strong approval, a European identity is still in the process of formation. For the Russian community, the fall of communism led to a full reevaluation of the bases of its identity. The major trend has seen a shift from a political consciousness (loyalty to the Soviet Union) to a greater emphasis on the Russian language and ethnicity. In spite of the general peacefulness of ethnic relations, any meaningful integration of the two major nationalities in Estonia remains incomplete, as graphically demonstrated in the Bronze Soldier affair in April 2007. Russians, especially younger ones, increasingly know the Estonian language, but views of history, especially regarding World War II, and attitudes toward Russia still differ markedly between the Estonian and Russian populations. The process of integration is further complicated by the neighboring and still powerful kin-state of the local Russian population.

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10

Jürgenson, Aivar. "Eestlaste toidukultuurist võõrsil." Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat, no. 60 (October 12, 2017): 62–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33302/ermar-2017-003.

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Alimentary Culture among the Estonian Diaspora Food culture is an important and relatively stable part of an ethnic, national or regional culture. The article examines what happens to food-related customs when an individual or group of people leaves their accustomed environment. It studies how the change of environment affects food shopping and alimentation among Estonian emigrants and what kinds of culinary transformations can be discussed in this connection. It looks at what sorts of Estonian crops were grown abroad, and what had to be abandoned; what was adopted locally and what it meant from the standpoint of food culture. What do emigrants and their descendants consider Estonian food, and what is non-Estonian food for them? Does food culture define ethnic boundaries, and if so, how? What types of integration or segregation mechanisms can be identified in the food-related behaviours of migrants? I have gathered material for analysis from Estonian diaspora groups over 20 years: in Siberia, the Russian Far East, the Caucasus and South America. Written sources are also used. The 19th century agrarian migrations were largely driven by the possibilities of better subsistence abroad. The areas to which people emigrated were assessed by the emigrants in terms of the possibilities they afforded for crop farming or fishing. Often people entertained utopian visions of lands of milk and honey. When they emigrated, Estonians also brought their dietary habits with them. Influenced by local natural conditions, they soon found themselves having to make adjustments in their lifestyle. A number of crops they had grown accustomed to growing in Estonia yielded more poorly in the new conditions. In all of the regions surveyed, rye and barley cultivation had to be abandoned. Many familiar crop farming methods proved impossible. Innovation was inevitable: there was a relatively rapid partial transition to new field crops. In Siberia, wheat became the main grain; in the Caucasus and South America, maize. The methods for working the land were picked up from their new non-Estonian-speaking neighbours. In part, the transition was also due to the local business models (such as the buying-up of maize in the Caucasus). This also meant changes in alimentary culture – the article indicated what sorts of traditional Estonian foods were consumed over the decades in the diaspora communities, but also how many innovations were introduced in Estonians’ alimentary culture due to the influence of the new physical and socio-cultural environment, along with borrowings of the vernacular names of foods and foodstuffs. Food also has an identifying function. People categorize themselves and the world through decisions made on what to eat and what not to eat. Food can express social relationships and mark the boundaries between one’s “own” people and “others”. The article demonstrates how the Estonian settlers and refugees considered certain foods to be clearly Estonian, and how ethnic lines of demarcation are sensed in certain ways of preparing foods, and so on. In the early days of settlement, Estonian foods helped settlers maintain an important link to the motherland. In the decades that followed, many changes took place in the functions and the assortment of Estonian foods. At first, Estonian food remained important, allowing people to feel as if they were at home; later on, their new country became home in their consciousness and food began to be associated with the new homeland and its social pattern. Hybridizing cuisine along with its identifying feature attests to shifts in ethnic boundary lines. What is “Estonian cuisine” to Siberian Estonians is something different to what it is for Estonians in Estonia– its Estonian-ness depends on specific historical and social environments. Cultural elements perceived as one’s own – such as language, traditions, habits, values and foods – play an important role in the process of (re-)constructing identity.

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Books on the topic "Estonians – Ethnic identity – Congresses"

1

Laar, M. Äratajad: Rahvuslik ärkamisaeg Eestis 19. sajandil ja selle kandjad. Tallinn: Grenader, 2006.

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Laar, M. Äratajad: Rahvuslik ärkamisaeg Eestis 19. sajandil ja selle kandjad. Tartu: Kirjastus Eesti Ajalooarhiiv, 2005.

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3

Mamit, James Dawos, Ahi Sarok, Nicholas Amin, and Dayak Bidayuh National Association, eds. Creating a new Bidayuh identity. Kuching: Dayak Bidayuh National Association, 2003.

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4

Ethnic and civic identity: Incompatible loyalties? Utrecht: Royal Dutch Geographical Society, 2003.

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Stanisław, Stępień, ed. Does a fourth Rus' exist?: Concerning cultural identity in the Carpathian region. Przemysl, Poland: South-Eastern Research Institute, 2009.

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6

Konference Trimda, kultūra, nacionālā identitāte (2004 Rīga, Latvia). Konferences Trimda, kultūra, nacionālā identitāte referātu krājums: 2004. gada 30. septembris-2. oktobris, Rīgas latviešu biedrība. Rīga: Nordik, 2004.

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Anglia), Anglo-Spanish Historical Studies Seminar (3rd 1996 University of East. Identities: Nations, provinces and regions, 1550-1900 : proceedings of the III Anglo-Spanish Historical Studies Seminar held at the University of East Anglia, 25-26 October 1996. Norwich: School of History/University of East Anglia, 1999.

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8

1954-, Nishizawa Haruhiko, Ueda Makoto 1957-, Kani Hiroaki 1932-, and Keio Gijuku Daigaku Chiiki Kenkyū Sentā., eds. Shinpojūmu Kanan: Kakyō kajin no kokyō. Tōkyō: Keiō Gijuku Daigaku Chiiki Kenkyū Sentā, 1992.

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9

Medzynarodna naukova konferent͡syi͡a "Pryseli͡eni͡e i z͡hyvot Rusnat͡sokh u Bachkeĭ, Srymu y Slavonyï 1745-1995" (1995 Novi Sad, Serbia). Rusnat͡sy Rusyny, 1745-1995: Zbornïk rabotokh zoz Medzynarodneĭ naukoveĭ konferent͡syï "Pryseli͡eni͡e i zhyvot Rusnat͡sokh u Bachkeĭ, Srymu i Slavonyï 1745-1995" otrymaneĭ u Novym Sadze 27-28. septembra 1995 = Zbornik radova sa Međunarodne naučne konferencije "Doseljenje i život Rusina u Bačkoj, Sremu i Slavoniji 1745-1995" održane u Novom Sadu 27-28. septembra 1995. Beograd: Zavod za udžbenike i nastavna sredstva, 1996.

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10

Facetten des Nordens: Räume, Konstruktionen, Identitäten. Berlin: Nordeuropa-Institut der Humboldt-Universität, 2009.

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