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Academic literature on the topic 'Ethiopia, foreign relations'
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Journal articles on the topic "Ethiopia, foreign relations"
1
Yahovkin, Anton. "TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN-ETHIOPIAN RELATIONS IN 1965-1967." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 33 (March 12, 2024): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2022.33.270472.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of American-Ethiopian relations in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the American-Ethiopian relations on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1965–1967, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Somalia and Eritrea. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only: due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the Northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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Yahovkin, Anton. "Ethiopia and the Egyptian-Ethiopian conflict in the context of American-Ethiopian relations (1955 – 1957)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.5.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of Egyptian-Ethiopian relations during the Suez Crisis in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Suez Crisis on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1955–1957, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Egypt and Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Egypt. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only:1. due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency; 2. due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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Markuš, Petar. "Neki aspekti političkih i ekonomskih odnosa Jugoslavije i Etiopije od 1975. do 1990." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 2 (2022): 191–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.15.
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The Non-Aligned Movement formed the backbone of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia sought to maintain, as much as possible, a balance within the Movement, which encompassed countries with differing political affiliations and systems, some of which had close relations with the opposing blocs led by the USA or USSR. After the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, which overthrew Emperor Haile Sellasie, the country was led by the Derg, a junta officially known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council, which was in 1977 taken over by a Marxist-ideological current led by Mengistu Haile Meriam, who openly showed sympathy for the Soviet bloc. The Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia in 1977-1978 would prove to be a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, which moved toward closer political and economic cooperation with the USSR and Cuba. Closer ties to Cuba was a particular concern for Yugoslavia, due to Cuba’s desire to impose itself as the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement and thus turn the balance of political forces within the Movement to its advantage. In this paper we want to explore political and economic relations between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, including economic relations between the Socialist Republic of Croatia and Ethiopia, from 1975, when a new revolutionary Ethiopian diplomatic delegation came to Yugoslavia to continue Ethiopian-Yugoslavian relations, and ending in 1990, with the disintegration of Yugoslavia and socialist systems in general, when the Yugoslav role in the Non-Aligned Movement slowly eroded. The paper will also present the joint Yugoslav-Ethiopian project Nekemte, which was implemented during the 1980s and aimed at showcasing methods to increase agricultural production in Ethiopia.
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Konokhova, Mariya. "Foreign Economic Potential of Ethiopia." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 60, no. 3 (2022): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-60-3-39-52.
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Over the past few years, Ethiopia’s economy has been one of the fastest growing in the world. The country has great potential to boost national economy by increasing its participation in international trade and expanding foreign economic relations. The following article is dedicated to the resources, capacity, and opportunities of Ethiopia to produce goods and services, export them, enhance their competitiveness in a foreign market, and thus contribute to socio-economic development of the country. At the beginning of the article the definition of the notion «foreign economic potential», as well as its main characteristics are given. In other sections a detailed overview of key factors that define and form the foreign economic potential of Ethiopia is presented. The author gives a short description of major natural resources of the country, their exploitation and managing, the prospects of hydropower generation and the development of transport infrastructure. The last one is particularly important, as it shows to what extent this landlocked country is integrated into regional and international economic. The government aims at developing transport corridors, establishing an efficient and profitable transport communication system that connects Ethiopia with the port infrastructure of her neighbors by creating national railway network and expanding road lines. The article emphasizes the significance of foreign investors in this process and studies the role of foreign direct investment and its possible impact on economic development. It is also noted that Ethiopia has a huge youth potential as more than 70% of its population is under 30. This human capital, if properly used, may become an economy-boosting asset. Overall, Ethiopia’s priority objective is to reach its full potential and put all the existing ideas and projects into practice.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Guo, Yiling. "Chinas and Japans Foreign Aid Policies towards Ethiopia2010-2020." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 7, no. 1 (2023): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/7/20230203.
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The phenomenon of Asia-African relations has received considerable attention since the start of the 21st century. As China and Japan are two leading Asian donors of Africa, their foreign aid policies are worth analyzing and comparing. Among African countries, Ethiopia is located in the horn of Africa, whose strategic position is relatively significant. In addition, Ethiopia has not been colonized in the history, which makes this case more meaningful. Most of the previous studies have concentrated on either one specific aspect like economic or certain countrys foreign aid policies towards Ethiopia. This research aims to analyze and compare Chinas and Japans multifaceted foreign aid policies towards Africa and Ethiopia in particular. For this purpose, the primary data and materials have been collected from the official websites, official reports, and previous studies. The result shows that their differences involve political, economic and societal aspects. The Japanese government has tended to design detailed policies, guide companies to invest in Ethiopia and cooperate with the NGOs. On the contrary, Chinas policies towards Ethiopia are more general, and the Chinese government has played a leading role in economic aiding than the Japanese government. In terms of the societal aspect, the Chinese government is more tending to cooperate with the Ethiopian government instead of the NGOs.
7
Abera, Communist G. "English-Ethiopian Relations: from the Establishment of the First Consulate to the War between the Two Countries (1848-1868)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (218) (June 23, 2023): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-44-50.
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Ethiopia's international relations with Great Britain obtained their modern form under Tewodros II. It happened during his reign when the British representative office and its diplomatic mission in Ethiopia were opened. The United Kingdom was the first country to open its consulate in Ethiopia in 1848. For the British, Palmerston's opening of the consulate in Ethiopia in 1848 was a very important undertaking. However, this event was doomed to failure, as the political situation in the UK and Ethiopia made the effec-tive trade relations between them impossible. The English-Ethiopian policy of 1848-1868 can be considered as a kind of triumph of Foreign Ministers Palmerston, Russell and Prime Minister Stanley. At the same time, Emperor Tewodros of Ethiopia was very wary of the true motives of the British. The absence of an immediate response from Queen Victoria to his letter in 1862, which contained a request for military supplies, and Britain's general preference for Ethiopian neighbors did not contribute to the warm attitude of the Emperor of Ethiopia to the British consulate. Subsequently, this led to an open conflict between the two countries.
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Abate, Ayalew. "Ethiopia’s Bilateral Investment Treaties and Environmental Protection; The Need of Re-Negotiation for Corporate Responsibility." Global Jurist 21, no. 2 (2021): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2020-0067.
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Abstract This article argues that the bulk of the bilateral investment treaties (BITs) that Ethiopia has ever concluded, to regulate its bilateral foreign investment relations, don’t contain an environmental provision that require investing corporations to discharge responsibility towards environment and there is a pressing call for either to re-negotiate, update or engage in concluding of environmental side agreements (ESA). To substantiate the argument the trends of BIT making is assessed, the status of Ethiopian BITs have been evaluated through content analysis, environmental responsibility of Ethiopia has been examined both from domestic and international perspective, relevant reasons for the regulation of environment in foreign investment through BIT have been discussed and justifications for the need to renegotiate, update or make ESA in Ethiopia have been highlighted.
9
Tsypkin, Georgy. "Ethiopia and the Soviet Union: on the Occasion of the Eightieth Anniversary of the Restoration of Diplomatic Relations." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020228-9.
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The article examines the causes and circumstances of the process of restoring diplomatic relations between the two countries, first established at the end of the 19th century and interrupted after the October Revolution. In the face of the impending threat to the independence of Ethiopia from Italy in the mid-1930s. Now the Ethiopian side itself has taken steps to strengthen relations with the USSR. The occupation of Ethiopia and the outbreak of World War II delayed the development of this process until 1943, when the prestige of the Soviet Union, bearing the main burden of the fight against fascism, increased significantly in the world. The successes and difficulties of relations between the two countries in subsequent years, caused, in particular, by the orientation of Ethiopia in foreign policy towards the United States, are also considered.
10
Tessema Deneke, Damtew. "Ethio-Sudan Relations፡ Critical Probe on the Post-2018 Dynamisms." Berhan International Research Journal of Science and Humanities 6 (February 9, 2022): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.61593/dbu.birjsh.01.01.106.
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There were no significant changes in the features, focus of national interest and foreign policy behaving in the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan. Since the independence of Sudan in 1956, the relations of them were characterized by cooperation and conflict or friendship and hostility. Bewildering issues such as disputes over their common border, Nile water, and practices of implicit and explicit interventions are persistent. This article employed qualitative approach and narrative research design to provide analytical pictures regarding the dynamisms of Ethio-Sudan relations in Post-2018. The post-2018 relationship of Ethiopia and Sudan has three distinct phases and features. These are the period of friendship, hostility and normalization. Following Tigray People Liberation Front’s ouster in Addis Ababa; there was a warm and blooming relationship between the two countries. This was the first phase and in which Sudan’s political forces recognized Ethiopia to mediate their domestic political divergences. In the second and third phases (from 2020 onward), confrontational and normalization were the respective features their relationships. During the second phase, the internal vulnerabilities of Ethiopia encouraged Sudan to enhance its pressures on Ethiopia`s government. Sudan exacerbated row over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, border disputes, as well as engaged in proxy conflict through anti–government groups. Sudan also put international pressures over Ethiopia including the declaration of the withdrawal of Ethiopia`s forces from Abyei Mission. The all-around pressures of Sudan on Ethiopia, the proactive-defensive diplomatic manoeuvring of Ethiopia and the involvement of the third bodies are the major points of the dynamism. Finally, the Nairobi Summit of 2022 was a watershed in the relationships of the two countries. Since this summit the intensified tension declined, and the normalization (third phase) process has started.