Academic literature on the topic 'Ethiopia – Foreign relations – Cuba'

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Journal articles on the topic "Ethiopia – Foreign relations – Cuba"

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Maria Alexandra, Florentina Wulandari. "US FOREIGN POLICY IN RESTORING DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH CUBA IN 2015-2016." Sociae Polites 20, no. 2 (December 10, 2019): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33541/sp.v20i2.1459.

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At the end of 2014, the United States, under the leadership of President Barack Obama, decided to improve relations with Cuba. The relationship between the two countries has a long history. After 53 years of severing diplomatic ties with Cuba, America finally made a change through the policy of diplomatic relations improvement that began in 2015. This study analyzes the background that encourages the restoration of political ties between the United States and Cuba, examining the implementation of foreign policy forms between the two countries As a result of the restoration of diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba through diplomatic channels. This research uses foreign policy theory and the theory of international pathways. The research method used is qualitative research with a secondary data source, with a data collection technique through a literature study. The study found that in the policy of restoring the diplomatic relations between the United States and Cuba happened for three main reasons, the first one. President Obama realized that US sanctions to Cuba is a policy that is not successful; the United States no longer wants to lose the market, which was very promising in Cuba. And also, the United States has a ton amount of pressure internationally and domestically, asking them to recover their relations with Cuba. These reasons ultimately implemented through diplomatic channels by both countries. They have implications such as increased bilateral visits, increased investment, and business as well as cultural exchange through communities and students.
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Zapariy, E. S. "Development of Cuban foreign policy at the present stage." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 438–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-4-438-449.

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The article highlights the premises of cooperation and further development of relations between the Republic of Cuba and a number of key stakeholders in the global stage. The article analyzes the materials on this issue and reveals the trends in the country’s position on the subject of economic, political, social and other types of cooperation.The article points out the prerequisites and ways of developing the Republic of Cuba foreign policy, with the participation of which positive results were achieved on a number of international issues, in particular on the issue of international conflicts in a number of countries. The article reviews the characteristics of relations between the United States of America and the Republic of Cuba, characteristic of the declared time period. The article focuses the reader’s attention on such aspects as: the position of Cuba on key international issues, the signing of agreements with actors in international relations and the Cuba pivotal international interests.The article summarizes the positive dynamics of the relations development at the present stage with the countries of the Caribbean, African countries, as well as cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region in countries such China, which, in general, stresses of the growing influence of the Republic of Cuba at the world level.
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Covarrubias, Ana. "Cuba and Haiti in Mexico's Foreign Policy." International Journal 61, no. 3 (2006): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204196.

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LeoGrande, William M. "From Havana to Miami: U.S. Cuba Policy as a Two-Level Game." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 1 (1998): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166301.

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For thirty years, Cuba was a focal point of the Cold War. Before the demise of the Soviet Union, Cuba’s close ideological and military partnership with the communist superpower posed a challenge to U.S. foreign policy, especially in the Third World (see, e.g., Domínguez 1989). With the end of the Cold War, Cuba retrenched, ending its aid programs for foreign revolutionaries and regimes. Without the Soviet Union’s sponsorship, Cuba could no longer afford the luxury of a global foreign policy exporting revolution. Instead, its diplomats focused on reorienting Cuba’s international economic relations toward Latin America and Europe, building friendly relations with former adversaries.
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Saputra, Muhamad Bayu. "FAKTOR IDIOSYNCRATIC RAUL CASTRO DALAM PERUBAHAN HUBUNGAN LUAR NEGERI KUBA-AMERIKA SERIKAT." Global Political Studies Journal 2, no. 1 (April 30, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/gpsjournal.v2i1.1999.

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The purpose and goal of this research is to know what the response taken by the US government to Raul Castro, the changes in the foreign relations of both countries, presence idiosyncratic factors of Raul Castro to the foreign relations of both countries. The method used is descriptive analysis techniques. Most of the data collected through literature and website searches. These results indicate that the factor of idiosyncratic Raul Castro in changes in foreign relations between Cuba and the United States. The conclusion from this study is the change that occurs in the foreign relations between the two countries, the changes occurring in the country of Cuba after Raul became president of Cuba, as well as the response taken by the US government against the government of Raul Castro well with the reopening of diplomatic relations between both countries, and issued a foreign policy that is intended to drive the Cuban economy, the type of personality that is owned by Raul Castro based on idiosyncratic theory is influential
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Mckenna, Peter. "Comparative Foreign Policies toward Cuba: Plus Ça Change..." International Journal 59, no. 2 (2004): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40203927.

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Domínguez, Jorge I. "US-Cuban Relations in the 1980s: Issues and Policies." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 1 (February 1985): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165663.

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Should the United States go to war with Cuba? If not, what should be the policy of the US government toward Cuba? What should be Cuban policies toward the United States and the Soviet Union? Should Cuba increase or decrease its worldwide commitments and should it emphasize formal or informal foreign policy instruments? These have been the central questions affecting US-Cuban relations during the past quarter century. This essay endeavors to address some of the aspects they raise for US-Cuban relations for the remainder of the decade.
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Terentev, Pavel, and Yulia Vlasova. "Prospects for the development of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s era." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2020): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.4.33983.

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This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.
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Trask, Roger R., John P. Glennon, and Ronald D. Landa. "Foreign Relations of the United States, 1958-1960. Vol. VI: Cuba." Journal of American History 79, no. 4 (March 1993): 1680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2080346.

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Gonzalez Saez, Ruvislei. "Cuba – Asia y Oceanía: historical relations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2021): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-4-79-91.

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The countries of Asia and Oceania occupy a prominent place in Cuba’s foreign policy orientation, which is especially relevant today when the country is facing another strengthening of restrictions by the United States, as well as trying to overcome the crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. The author analyzes the history and potential of Cuba’s cooperation with Asia, which is the most dynamic region in the world economy, in order to demonstrate the level of existing interaction and the prospects of emerging opportunities. The article provides an overview of the process of Cuba’s establishing diplomatic relations with the countries of Asia and Oceania, reflecting on both the incentives and the difficulties that accompanied this dynamic. The author looks at different areas of cooperation with the countries of the region, including health care (exchange of medical professionals, support by sharing medical brigades, shipments of diagnostic equipment and medications), agriculture and food security, academic exchange, etc. Particular attention is paid to trade, where economic ties with key partners are examined, taking into account the structure of trade. In conclusion, the research stresses the essential importance of developing already consolidated and trending relations between Cuba and the Asia-Pacific region, both with its “giants” and with the smaller states. This thesis is also supported by political preconditions, in particular by the fact that, from the political perspective, the countries of the region have expressed support and agreement with Cuba in many bilateral and multilateral aspects, especially those related to the condemnation of the U.S. economic and financial embargo against Cuba.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ethiopia – Foreign relations – Cuba"

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McKercher, Asa. "Canada, Britain, the United States, and the Cuban revolution, 1959-1968." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648348.

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Long, Paul. "U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba and prospects for democratisation." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22603.

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In the post-cold war era, debate has been renewed regarding the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. One aspect of this debate concerns the link between U.S. policy and prospects for future democratisation in Cuba. The thesis examines three theories ("squeeze", "communication" and "normalization"), which suggest that either increasing or decreasing economic and diplomatic ties with Cuba will encourage prospects for democratisation. The paper assesses the validity of these theories by using a theoretical framework to explain regime legitimacy, and considers which policy offers the greatest potential for regime change. Next, the paper looks at the current Cuban political and economic environment to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Castro regime. To conclude, the author suggests that the current U.S. policy of opposing trade and diplomatic links with Cuba will have a counter-productive effect in encouraging democratisation.
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Othieno, Timothy. "Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029.

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This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
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Simantirakis, Christina. "The Cuban shoot-down of two US-registered civil aircraft on 24 February 1996 : study of a new case of use of weapons against civil aircraft." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=33367.

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On 24 February 1996, two US-registered civil aircraft operated by members of the anti-Castro organisation Brothers to the Rescue were shot down by Cuban fighters. This action was denounced by the United States and the majority of the international community on the grounds that international air law, as reflected in Article 3bis of the Chicago Convention, prohibits the use of force against civil aircraft. However, at the time of the incident, the 1984 Protocol introducing Article 3bis in the Chicago Convention was not in force nor had it been ratified by Cuba or the United States. This thesis will examine the international legal rules applicable to the incident and will assess the legality of the Cuban action.
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Scott, Randall Paul Evanson Robert Kent. "Cuba constructed the impact of perception on foreign policy decision-making /." Diss., UMK access, 2004.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Political Science and Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004.
"A dissertation in political science and history." Advisor: Robert Evanson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252). Online version of the print edition.
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Smith, Christine Kay. "The role of feedback in state support and sponsorship of terrorism : foreign policy implications /." Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-10312009-020044/.

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Driessen, Miriam. "Asphalt encounters : Chinese road building in Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:160b0802-8bb6-4ddb-8bb1-e9c8cd3f11d7.

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Over the past decade, road construction has come to represent Chinese engagement with Ethiopia. This study considers the lives of Chinese workers at the lower end of one such project in Tigray, northern Ethiopia. By examining the ways in which Chinese road workers tried to make sense of daily life on the construction site, I reveal the inherent contradictions of a state rhetoric that promoted 'win-win cooperation' ('huying huli hezuo') and 'friendly collaboration' ('youhao hezuo') between China and Africa, and demonstrate the local manifestations of the much-debated 'China Model'. Initial expectations coloured by state narratives, as well as the migrants' own experiences with domestic development, stood in sharp contrast to realities on the ground. Convinced of the goodwill nature of their activities, Chinese workers were puzzled by and resentful of the apparent ingratitude of local Ethiopians, their lack of cooperation, and, worse, repeated attempts to sabotage the construction work. Chinese workers' struggles with development in Africa, I argue, should be understood in relation to their background as upwardly mobile rural migrants at the bottom of the corporate hierarchy, successors of engineers dispatched under Mao Zedong who had enjoyed a respectable reputation at home - a reputation current workers felt they were about to lose - and as citizens aware of their country's status in the world as superior to Africa and inferior to the West. The workers sought to live up to Chinese ideals of development by demonstrating and promoting the virtues of self-development, simultaneous development, and entrepreneurialism. Ethiopians, however, did not concede to these ideas, and their lack of cooperation stirred resentment and expressions of self-pity on the part of the Chinese, who blamed the Ethiopian labourers, their suzhi (human quality), and wenhua (culture) for the limited success of the projects. What Chinese workers failed to realise was that the attitude of Ethiopians was in fact a response to asymmetrical and contested power relations that did not allow for win-win cooperation and friendly collaboration.
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Alva, Luis. "The growth in the role of the Catholic Church in Cuba : internal and external factors /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA404710.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Harold A. Trinkunas, Thomas C. Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-55). Also available online.
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Wentworth, Christina. "U.S.-Cuba Non-Relations: An Analysis of the Embargo and the Cuban Medical Professional Parole Program." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3025.

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Thesis advisor: Paul Gray
Since Fidel Castro rose to power in Cuba over fifty years ago, U.S.-Cuban relations have been defined by mutual hostility. As the hegemon of the Western Hemisphere, the United States has labored to combat this repressive force that threatens democracy only ninety miles from its shores. In this paper, I analyze the embargo against Cuba and the Cuban Medical Professional Parole Program, both of which are U.S. government initiatives intended to weaken the Cuban government. I find that neither of these initiatives has been effective and that the United States’ failure to reevaluate longstanding and unsuccessful policies is detrimental to the populations they are intended to serve. In order to create more effective programs, the United States government must consider human rights in its decisions, continuously follow through with and reevaluate its policies, and ensure that initiatives are in the best interest of all parties involved
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies Honors Program
Discipline: International Studies
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Gadzala, Aleksandra Weronika. "China and Ethiopia : the political dynamics of economic relations in the new global order." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5ff4c53a-029e-42b5-a82b-1c13895ddf16.

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How can political science account for the decision of African states to strengthen their ties with China, often at the expense of other alliances and often in the face of economic risks? This thesis explores this question in the context of relations between Ethiopia and China, especially in the context of investments made by Chinese sovereign wealth funds in the Ethiopian economy. To begin to answer this question this thesis recasts the China-Africa debate to focus on African, i.e. Ethiopian, agency. The focus is on how Ethiopia's political leaders make foreign policy decisions and on the factors that shape their preferences. This focus reveals the influence of cognitive variables on their foreign policy decisions; the influence of their guiding ideology, 'revolutionary democracy,' is especially key. An analysis of Ethiopia's formal institutions demonstrates they are inadequate to explain the policy choices of Ethiopian leaders; they have been designed to reflect the concepts of revolutionary democracy. Using the language of prospect theory, a descriptive theory of decision-making under risk, this thesis contends that Ethiopian leaders select foreign policy options by weighing their possible outcomes as gains or losses relative to revolutionary democracy as their reference frame. Ethiopian leaders sanctioned China's finance of the Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation despite the monopoly it gave to China and its impact on Ethiopia's debt. They formed a front company between Ethiopia and China's military industrial complexes despite its negative effects on economic development. They opened Ethiopia’s regions to Chinese capital although capital flows only to state-owned enterprises. Yet in each case, ideological objectives were advanced. This examination demonstrates how non-structural factors play a critical role in a bureaucratized state. Theoretical frameworks that account for these factors, like prospect theory, are therefore valuable to more robust understandings of Ethiopia, and Africa's, deepening relations with China.
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Books on the topic "Ethiopia – Foreign relations – Cuba"

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Manuel, Soriano, and Association of European Journalists, eds. Cuba despierta. Madrid: Compañía Literaria, 1996.

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Ethiopia and the world. Addis Ababa: Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, 2006.

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Segrera, Francisco López. Cuba y centroamérica. México: Claves Latinoamericanas, 1986.

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Cuba y Centroamérica. México, D.F: Claves Latinoamericanas, 1986.

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Skoug, Kenneth N. Cuba: "our last adversary". Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, 1988.

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Skoug, Kenneth N. Cuba: "our last adversary". Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, 1988.

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Skoug, Kenneth N. Cuba: "our last adversary". Washington, D.C: U.S. Dept. of State, Bureau of Public Affairs, 1988.

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Russo, Daniel L. The Cuba-Panama connection. [Coral Gables]: Institute of Interamerican Studies, Graduate School of International Studies, University of Miami, 1990.

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Ireland. Oireachtas. Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs. Project Ethiopia: Report. Dublin: Stationery Office, 2003.

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Shearman, Peter. The Soviet Union and Cuba. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ethiopia – Foreign relations – Cuba"

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Villanueva, Omar Everleny Pérez. "Foreign Direct Investment in Cuba: A Necessity and a Challenge." In A New Chapter in US-Cuba Relations, 143–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29595-4_11.

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"Ethiopia's Foreign Relations to 1500." In Ethiopia and the Red Sea, 37–41. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203043363-4.

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"Ripple Effects of Perestroika on Relations with Cuba." In A Foreign Policy in Transition, 76–106. Duke University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822383017-005.

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"Ripple Effects of Perestroika on Relations with Cuba." In A Foreign Policy in Transition, 76–106. Duke University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11g979t.7.

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"The U.S. Government Responds to Revolution. Foreign Relations of the United States." In The Cuba Reader, 530–35. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822384915-101.

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"4. Ripple Effects of Perestroika on Relations with Cuba." In A Foreign Policy in Transition, 76–106. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822383017-005.

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Entwistle, Mark. "11. Canada-Cuba Relations: A Multiple-Personality Foreign Policy." In Our Place in the Sun, edited by Robert Wright and Lana Wylie. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442697973-014.

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Wiarda, Howard J. "Cuba and U.S. Foreign Policy in Latin America: The Changing Realities." In U.S.-Cuban Relations in the 1990s, 155–78. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429269875-8.

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"9. Canadian Foreign Policy and the Inter-American System: Implications for Relations with Cuba." In Other Diplomacies, Other Ties, 224–42. University of Toronto Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442622593-011.

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Rodríguez Suárez, Daniel. "Cuba and the United States in the Configuration of a Foreign Policy for Spain." In Open and Innovative Trade Opportunities for Latin America and the Caribbean, 145–78. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-3503-5.ch008.

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After the election of the socialist party in 1982, relations between Spain and Cuba entered a channel of greater understanding, as the two nation's traditional commercial and economic relationship found a complementary association in the greater political affinity between Felipe González and Fidel Castro. In the international context, the Cuban leaders had their own vision of the role that Spain might play on the international stage and sensed the possibilities that the young Spanish democracy could open up for the Third World. For Spain there was a need to maintain a neutral international orientation and remain detached from the military pacts with the great powers. This chapter explores Cuba and the United States in the configuration of a foreign policy for Spain.
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