Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Ethiopia – Foreign relations – Cuba'

In the post-cold war era, debate has been renewed regarding the United States' foreign policy towards Cuba. One aspect of this debate concerns the link between U.S. policy and prospects for future democratisation in Cuba. The thesis examines three theories ("squeeze", "communication" and "normalization"), which suggest that either increasing or decreasing economic and diplomatic ties with Cuba will encourage prospects for democratisation. The paper assesses the validity of these theories by using a theoretical framework to explain regime legitimacy, and considers which policy offers the greatest potential for regime change. Next, the paper looks at the current Cuban political and economic environment to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the Castro regime. To conclude, the author suggests that the current U.S. policy of opposing trade and diplomatic links with Cuba will have a counter-productive effect in encouraging democratisation.

This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.

On 24 February 1996, two US-registered civil aircraft operated by members of the anti-Castro organisation Brothers to the Rescue were shot down by Cuban fighters. This action was denounced by the United States and the majority of the international community on the grounds that international air law, as reflected in Article 3bis of the Chicago Convention, prohibits the use of force against civil aircraft. However, at the time of the incident, the 1984 Protocol introducing Article 3bis in the Chicago Convention was not in force nor had it been ratified by Cuba or the United States. This thesis will examine the international legal rules applicable to the incident and will assess the legality of the Cuban action.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Dept. of Political Science and Dept. of History. University of Missouri--Kansas City, 2004.
"A dissertation in political science and history." Advisor: Robert Evanson. Typescript. Vita. Title from "catalog record" of the print edition Description based on contents viewed Feb. 28, 2006. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 236-252). Online version of the print edition.

Over the past decade, road construction has come to represent Chinese engagement with Ethiopia. This study considers the lives of Chinese workers at the lower end of one such project in Tigray, northern Ethiopia. By examining the ways in which Chinese road workers tried to make sense of daily life on the construction site, I reveal the inherent contradictions of a state rhetoric that promoted 'win-win cooperation' ('huying huli hezuo') and 'friendly collaboration' ('youhao hezuo') between China and Africa, and demonstrate the local manifestations of the much-debated 'China Model'. Initial expectations coloured by state narratives, as well as the migrants' own experiences with domestic development, stood in sharp contrast to realities on the ground. Convinced of the goodwill nature of their activities, Chinese workers were puzzled by and resentful of the apparent ingratitude of local Ethiopians, their lack of cooperation, and, worse, repeated attempts to sabotage the construction work. Chinese workers' struggles with development in Africa, I argue, should be understood in relation to their background as upwardly mobile rural migrants at the bottom of the corporate hierarchy, successors of engineers dispatched under Mao Zedong who had enjoyed a respectable reputation at home - a reputation current workers felt they were about to lose - and as citizens aware of their country's status in the world as superior to Africa and inferior to the West. The workers sought to live up to Chinese ideals of development by demonstrating and promoting the virtues of self-development, simultaneous development, and entrepreneurialism. Ethiopians, however, did not concede to these ideas, and their lack of cooperation stirred resentment and expressions of self-pity on the part of the Chinese, who blamed the Ethiopian labourers, their suzhi (human quality), and wenhua (culture) for the limited success of the projects. What Chinese workers failed to realise was that the attitude of Ethiopians was in fact a response to asymmetrical and contested power relations that did not allow for win-win cooperation and friendly collaboration.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Harold A. Trinkunas, Thomas C. Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-55). Also available online.

Thesis advisor: Paul Gray
Since Fidel Castro rose to power in Cuba over fifty years ago, U.S.-Cuban relations have been defined by mutual hostility. As the hegemon of the Western Hemisphere, the United States has labored to combat this repressive force that threatens democracy only ninety miles from its shores. In this paper, I analyze the embargo against Cuba and the Cuban Medical Professional Parole Program, both of which are U.S. government initiatives intended to weaken the Cuban government. I find that neither of these initiatives has been effective and that the United States’ failure to reevaluate longstanding and unsuccessful policies is detrimental to the populations they are intended to serve. In order to create more effective programs, the United States government must consider human rights in its decisions, continuously follow through with and reevaluate its policies, and ensure that initiatives are in the best interest of all parties involved
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: International Studies Honors Program
Discipline: International Studies

How can political science account for the decision of African states to strengthen their ties with China, often at the expense of other alliances and often in the face of economic risks? This thesis explores this question in the context of relations between Ethiopia and China, especially in the context of investments made by Chinese sovereign wealth funds in the Ethiopian economy. To begin to answer this question this thesis recasts the China-Africa debate to focus on African, i.e. Ethiopian, agency. The focus is on how Ethiopia's political leaders make foreign policy decisions and on the factors that shape their preferences. This focus reveals the influence of cognitive variables on their foreign policy decisions; the influence of their guiding ideology, 'revolutionary democracy,' is especially key. An analysis of Ethiopia's formal institutions demonstrates they are inadequate to explain the policy choices of Ethiopian leaders; they have been designed to reflect the concepts of revolutionary democracy. Using the language of prospect theory, a descriptive theory of decision-making under risk, this thesis contends that Ethiopian leaders select foreign policy options by weighing their possible outcomes as gains or losses relative to revolutionary democracy as their reference frame. Ethiopian leaders sanctioned China's finance of the Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation despite the monopoly it gave to China and its impact on Ethiopia's debt. They formed a front company between Ethiopia and China's military industrial complexes despite its negative effects on economic development. They opened Ethiopia’s regions to Chinese capital although capital flows only to state-owned enterprises. Yet in each case, ideological objectives were advanced. This examination demonstrates how non-structural factors play a critical role in a bureaucratized state. Theoretical frameworks that account for these factors, like prospect theory, are therefore valuable to more robust understandings of Ethiopia, and Africa's, deepening relations with China.

Since the beginning of the Revolutionary government in Cuba, a comprehensive foreign policy involving medical personal and equipment has been implemented worldwide. Known as medical internationalism, thousands of doctors have been sent to developed and less developed nations in the spirit of solidarity and humanitarian aid. Even more, thousands of students have been given free medical education in Cuba at its world renowned university, the Latin American School of Medicine (ELAM). Often, no monetary or direct political gain is made by Cuba and the doctors simply receive their normal government salary. While the success of Cuba's medical internationalism is well documented (Feinsilver 1993, Kirk & Erisman 2009), the reasons and guiding forces behind it are much less understood. Based on a Cultural/Political Foreign Policy model created by Marijke Breuning to study foreign policy, this study aims to show that the concept of proletarian internationalism is the guiding principle in Cuba's medical internationalism programs.

Diploma thesis analyses mutual relations between Cuba and Soviet Union between 1959 (victory of the Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro) and 1991 (the dissolution of Soviet Union). The thesis is divided into five chapters, first of which deals with the historical development of the island. The rest of the chapters describe circumstances leading to establishing, deepening, or worsening mutual relations and explains the causes of such development. Motivation factors leading both countries to cooperation are object of the work. This thesis intends to find out whether geographical location of Cuba was the main reason for Soviet Union to cooperate and support financially the Caribbean island. The role of Marxism-Leninism ideology in mutual relations is also clarified.

The aim of this essay is to examine how the foreign relationships of Ethiopia has developed as a result of the construction and filling of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam between 2011 and 2021. This essay therefore asks: How has Ethiopia’s foreign relations with the EU, Egypt, Sudan and China changed, have those relationships become more conflictual or cooperative, and how could potential changes be explained using a constructivist perspective? Constructivism is used as a means of explaining changes in the statements, positions and policies of these countries through concepts such as “norms” and “identities”. It additionally utilizes concepts from other studies such as “Hydro-hegemony”, “Benefit Sharing” and “Ethiopian renaissance”. It uses the BAR-scale from Wolf et al. (2003) to determine the different stages of Ethiopia’s relationships. The study concludes that Ethiopia’s relationship with the EU and China have progressed positively as a result of the GERD, and they have now started considering Ethiopia a more equitable partner for further cooperation. The relationship with Egypt and Sudan initially improved, with new Ethiopian norms of cooperation and equitable utilization becoming mainstay. However, Ethiopia’s unilateral action during recent events broke these norms, and has turned the relations conflictual once again.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.

Les relations entre Cuba et les Etats-Unis sont conflictuelles depuis plus d’un demi-siècle, plus précisément depuis l’arrivée de Fidel Castro au pouvoir le 1er janvier 1959. Cette étude porte sur le régime du général Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) et plus particulièrement sur la guerre civile cubaine – période de vingt-cinq mois allant du débarquement des révolutionnaires cubains menés par Castro le 2 décembre 1956 à la fuite de Batista le 1er janvier 1959. L’analyse de cette période est cruciale pour comprendre les raisons de l’émergence d’un puissant mouvement à Cuba et de la transformation politique, économique et sociale la plus radicale de l’histoire de l’Amérique latine, mettant ainsi un terme à près de soixante ans d’hégémonie étasunienne sur l’île des Caraïbes (1898-1958). Elle permet également de saisir les enjeux actuels du conflit bilatéral qui oppose Washington et La Havane. L’interventionnisme des Etats-Unis, tant politique que militaire, dans les affaires internes cubaines en vue de protéger leurs propres intérêts économiques et stratégiques était une norme qui était de mise durant toute la période républicaine (1902-1958). L’objectif de cette étude consiste à analyser en profondeur la politique étrangère de l’administration Eisenhower vis-à-vis de Cuba durant toute la guerre civile cubaine qui opposa principalement le Mouvement 26 Juillet de Castro et ses alliés au régime de Batista. L’hostilité persistante de Washington à l’égard de Cuba vingt ans après la disparition de l’Union soviétique illustre le constat que les rapports bilatéraux entre les deux nations ne peuvent être analysés seulement à l’aune de la Guerre Froide
Relations between Cuba and the United States have been troubled for more than half a century, more precisely since Fidel Castro's arrival to power on January 1, 1959. This study concerns the regime of General Fulgencio Batista (1952-1958) and particularly the Cuban civil war - the twenty-five month period from the landing of Cuban revolutionaries led by Castro on December 2, 1956 to the flight of Batista on January 1, 1959. The analysis of this period is crucial to understanding the reasons for the emergence of a powerful movement in Cuba and the most radical political, economic and social transformation in the history of Latin America, which ended nearly sixty years of American hegemony over the Caribbean island (1898-1958). It also provides an understanding of the essence of the current bilateral conflict between Washington and Havana. U.S. intervention, both politically and militarily, in Cuban internal affairs in order to protect its own strategic and economic interests was the norm throughout Cuba's Republican era (1902-1958). The aim of this study is an in depth analysis of the foreign policy of the Eisenhower administration towards Cuba throughout the Cuban civil war, which primarily pitted Castro's 26th of July Movement and his allies against the Batista regime. Washington's persistent hostility towards Cuba twenty years after the demise of the Soviet Union illustrates the finding that bilateral relations between both nations can not be analyzed only through the framework of the Cold War

Le développement démocratique engendre-t-il un changement dans la politique étrangère du Mexique ?La politique étrangère « traditionnelle » mexicaine est réputée pour être passive, légaliste et nationaliste, telle la définie le Parti Révolutionnaire Institutionnel au début du XXème siècle, jusqu’à la fin des années 1990. Depuis cette date, la politique étrangère mexicaine est en pleine transition sous l’effet d’un nouvel ordre mondial et du processus de démocratisation interne.En 2000, l’élection du président Fox jouit d’une légitimité internationale qui lui permet de renouveler la politique extérieure en se focalisant sur la défense des droits de l’Homme et de la démocratie. Ce changement diplomatique marque une rupture politique avec le régime précédent.Par le biais de la révision du ALENA, il cherche d’une part, à approfondir l’intégration avec les États-Unis avec la négociation d’un accord migratoire, et d’autre part, à développer une activité multilatérale, en particulier au sein des forums de l’ONU. Cette politique vise à réduire la dépendance du Mexique vis-à-vis des États-Unis en intensifiant sa présence multilatérale. Cet objectif sera néanmoins fortement perturbé par des éléments internes, comme l’inertie bureaucratique, et externes, avec les attentats terroristes du 11 septembre.Cette recherche s’appuie sur la littérature politiste spécialisée sur la politique étrangère mexicaine.Elle critique les analyses qui s’attachent exclusivement à démontrer le manque d’habilité et les erreurs diplomatiques de l’administration Fox. La thèse soutient au contraire, que ces changement sont permis de mettre sur l’agenda politique des dossiers fondamentaux comme la politique migratoire, les droits de l’Homme et la coopération pour le développement
Has Mexican foreign policy changed with the advent of the new democratic rule in Mexico?Traditional Mexican Foreign Policy, known as passive, reactive, legalistic, and nationalistic, was installed by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) from the start of the 20th century to the late90s. Since that date, Mexican foreign policy faces a double transformation dynamic: the external,with the establishment of a new world order; and the internal, with the Mexican democratization process.2000 elections, depicted as a transparent process, gave president Vicente Fox sufficient international legitimacy to modify foreign policy agenda, introducing the protection of human rights and democratic values. These changes produce a political rupture with the previous regimeand triggered a change in the foreign policy behaviour.The new foreign policy program includes a complementary strategy: first, widen the regional integration within the United States, by the revision of the NAFTA, with a negotiation of amigration agreement; second, deploying a strong multilateral activity (mainly United Nationsforums). This stratagem seeks to reduce Mexico’s U.S. dependence, by intensifying its multilateral presence. But, internal and external causalities, inertial bureaucratic practices and the effects of September 11 reversed this policy.This research is based on political literature specialized in Mexican foreign policy. It critically analyzes the classic approach that focus exclusively on the lack of diplomatic skill and blunders of Fox’s administration. This thesis argues instead that these changes have helped set the politicalagenda of fundamental issues as migration policy, human rights and development cooperation
¿Hubo cambio en la política exterior de México con la llegada de la democracia?La política exterior “tradicional” de México, conocida como pasiva, legalista y nacionalista,instalada a inicios del siglo XX por el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) se enfrenta, en los años noventa, a un doble contexto de transición: el externo, ante la influencia de un nuevo orden mundial; y el interno, con el proceso de democratización. La elección del 2000, considerada un proceso electoral transparente y equitativo, le otorga algobierno de Fox una legitimidad internacional que le permite proponer una agenda de política exterior “nueva”, centrada en la protección de los derechos humanos y la democracia. Esto representa una ruptura política con respecto al régimen anterior y un signo de cambio en el comportamiento hacia el exterior.El nuevo programa de política exterior incluye una estrategia complementaria: primero, profundizar la integración con Estados Unidos, mediante la revisión del TLCAN, con la negociación de un acuerdo migratorio; y segundo, una actividad multilateral, particularmente en los foros de la ONU. Esta política busca reducir la dependencia de Estados Unidos, intensificando su presencia multilateral. Este objetivo es revertido a causa de factores tanto de causalidad interna como externa,como las inercias burocráticas y los efectos de los atentados del 11 de septiembre.Esta investigación se basa en la literatura especializada sobre la política exterior mexicana, y criticalos análisis enfocados exclusivamente en la falta de habilidad y los errores diplomáticos de la administración Fox. Esta tesis sostiene lo contrario, que estos cambios permitieron meter en la agenda política temas fundamentales como la política migratoria, los derechos humanos y la cooperación para el desarrollo

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The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy

Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia has experienced constant instability and conflict for nearly two decades. With a collapsed state, widespread violence and criminal activity, as well as continued disagreement between warring factions, the prospect of peace seems bleak. The purpose and rationale of this research has been to critically examine root causes and perpetuating factors of the protracted war in Somalia in order to arrive at a comprehensive analysis of the reasons for the intractability of this conflict. This study aims to fill a gap in the literature by pointing to some elements which have previously been overlooked in existing research on the topic, especially the impact of the war economy on the fuelling of the conflict. While the thesis first and foremost set out to identify factors which contribute to the intractability of conflict in Somalia, a thorough conceptualisation of relevant theory and a historical overview of the case study were provided as a point of departure. An analysis then followed which tied theory to empirical data. According to my analysis, the most significant internal factors contributing to intractability of conflict in Somalia were the long absence of a central governing authority, the low level of economic development, the role of Islam, as well as particular choices made by the parties to the conflict. Relational factors which are crucial are the similar military strength of the opposing sides, their lack of cooperation, and their different views regarding the country’s law and governance. Finally, external factors were deemed to have had a particularly strong effect on the long war. Ethiopia’s constant meddling; Eritrea’s support of al-Shabaab; the UN’s and the AU’s various missions; as well as the presence of a plethora of humanitarian aid agencies have shaped the conflict throughout its course. The conclusion was drawn that the war economy had the greatest impact on conflict in the first rounds of the civil war, but with the transformation, re-escalation and re-intensification of the conflict that has occurred over the last couple of years, the opportunities for benefiting from war and instability may again have increased. Piracy stands out as a new, prominent pillar of the contemporary war economy. The war economy of today continues to have an influence on the Somali conflict; it adds to its intractability, makes it increasingly difficult to establish a legitimate and stable non-corrupt government, and generally sustains violence in the country. I suggest that further research be undertaken on the topic of state collapse in Somalia, as it is clear that the long absence of a central government is a factor which has had a significant impact on the prolongation of conflict. In addition, as accurate data on the current war economy is rare, I recommend that field research should be conducted in Somalia to gain a more precise understanding of shadowy economic activities and their linkages to conflict.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië beleef vir byna twee dekades konstante onstabiliteit en konflik. Met wydverspreide geweld, kriminele aktiwiteite, voortgesette verskille tussen strydende faksies en die verbrokkeling van die Somaliese staat, lyk die vooruitsig vir vrede in die land onwaarskynlik. Die doel en rasionaal van hierdie navorsing is om krities te ondersoek wat die grondoorsake en verewigings faktore is, van die uitgerekte oorlog in Somalië. Die navoring meen dus, om 'n omvattende ontleding te gee van die redes vir die hardnekkigheid van konflik in die land. Die studie poog ook om 'n gaping in die literatuur te vul deur te wysig op kritiese elemente wat nalatig was in bestaande navorsing en meer fokus te gee aan die impak van die oorlogsekonomie wat konflik in Somalië aanspoor. Alhoewel die proefskrif hoofsaaklik poog om die faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië te bestudeer, word 'n deeglike begrip van die toepaslike teorie en 'n historiese oorsig van die studie voorsien as die vertrekpunt van die navorsing. Dit word dan opgevolg deur ‘n analise, wat die teorie bind aan empiriese data. Volgens my analise is die belangrikste interne faktore wat bydra tot die hardnekkigheid van konflik in Somalië; die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale beherende gesag, die lae vlak van ekonomiese ontwikkeling, die invloed van Islam, sowel as unieke keuse van partye tot die konflik. Relevante faktore wat noodsaaklik is, is die soortgelyke militêre krag van die opponerende kante, die gebrek aan samewerking, en hul teenstrydige standpunte oor die land se wet en bestuur. Laastens is daar gevind dat eksterne faktore 'n besonder sterk invloed gehad het op die langdurigheid van die oorlog. Ethiopië se konstante inmenging, Eritrea se ondersteuning van al-Shabaab, die VN en AU se verskeie misies, asook die teenwoordigheid van 'n oorvloed van humanitêre hulpagentskappe het deel gehad in die formulering van konflik oor tyd. Die gevolgtrekking was dat die oorlogsekonomie die grootste impak gehad het op die konflik in die eerste rondtes van die burgeroorlog, maar met die transformasie-, her-eskalasie en reintensivering van die konflik oor die afgelope paar jaar, is daar weereens ‘n styging in die geleenthede vir individue om te baat uit die onstabiliteit en oorlog. Seerowery staan uit as 'n nuwe, prominente pilaar van die huidige oorlogsekonomie. Die huidige oorlogsekonomie het nog steeds 'n invloed op die Somaliese konflik, dit dra by tot sy hardnekkigheid, maak dit toenemend moeilik om ‘n wettige en stabiele onkorrupte regering te stig en dit fasiliteer die voortduur van geweld in die land. Ek stel voor dat verdere navorsing onderneem word oor die onderwerp van die ineenstorting van die staat in Somalië. Dit is duidelik dat die lang afwesigheid van 'n sentrale regering 'n beduidende faktor is, wat ‘n impak op die verlenging van konflik het. Verder, omdat akkurate data oor die huidige oorlogsekonomie so skaars is, beveel ek aan dat verdere navorsing gedoen moet word om ‘n meer akkurate begrip van donker ekonomiese aktiwiteite in Somalië te kry en hul impak op konflik.

Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.

Malgré l'utilisation croissante des sanctions en tant qu’outil de politique étrangère de plus en plus populaire dans le paysage des relations internationales contemporaines, les recherches liant les sanctions au tourisme sont limitées, et ce, malgré leur impact considérable sur les destinations et les flux touristiques. Le tourisme est profondément affecté par les sanctions qui peuvent détériorer profondément l'image d’une destination, restreindre sévèrement les voyages internationaux, et perturber les investissements financiers et les chaînes d'approvisionnement. Des sanctions plus globales peuvent engendrer des difficultés économiques considérables sur les destinations, ainsi que des effets indirects, notamment une baisse de la valeur monétaire et des pressions inflationnistes. Peu de pays ont subi un aussi grand nombre de sanctions que l’Iran. Le pays fait l’objet de longues et lourdes sanctions depuis près de quarante ans. L’accord nucléaire iranien de 2015 a permis un rebond du tourisme iranien. Or, le retrait unilatéral américain de 2018 a brutalement mis fin aux espoirs de développement rapide. À partir de l’analyse des conséquences touristiques des sanctions contre l’Iran, et dans le cadre d’une géopolitique émergente, ce travail propose une double approche de ces relations. La première analyse la littérature des sanctions dans le tourisme, en montrant les différents impacts des sanctions sur l’écosystème touristique définissant le cadre conceptuel et théorique de l’étude. Cette première approche est complétée par l’analyse des entretiens passés avec des acteurs clés en Iran pour décrypter les contraintes des sanctions pour les professionnels iraniens du tourisme. La deuxième s’attache à comprendre les mécanismes d'adaptation des autres destinations ayant subi des sanctions (Cuba, Russie et Turquie) pour répondre aux conséquences touristiques des sanctions. Dans l’ensemble, ce travail de recherche approfondit la connaissance des relations entre la géopolitique, la politique étrangère et le tourisme, fournit une analyse des effets des sanctions internatonales sur les destinations et étudie les phénomènes de résilience touristique
Despite the growing use of sanctions as an increasingly popular foreign policy tool in the contemporary international relations landscape, there is limited research on sanctions in a tourism context despite their substantial impact on destinations and tourist flows. Tourism is profoundly affected by sanctions impacting tourism and hospitality businesses and destination image, severely restricting international travel, and disrupting financial investment and supply chains. More comprehensive sanctions may lead to substantial economic hardship in destinations as well as indirect effects including decline in the value of currency and inflationary pressures. Few countries have suffered as many sanctions as Iran. The country has been subjected to long and severe sanctions for nearly forty years. The Iranian nuclear agreement of 2015 allowed a rebound of the Iranian tourism. However, the US unilateral withdrawal of 2018 has brutally put an end to hopes for rapid development. From the analysis of the tourist consequences of the sanctions against Iran, and within the framework of an emerging geopolitics, this thesis proposes a double approach of these relations. The first analyzes the literature of sanctions in tourism, showing the different impacts of sanctions on the tourist ecosystem defining the conceptual and theoretical framework of the study. This first approach is complemented by the analysis of interviews with key actors in Iran to decipher the constraints of sanctions for Iranian tourism professionals. The second focuses on understanding the adaptation mechanisms of other sanctioned destinations (Cuba, Russia and Turkey) to address the tourism consequences of sanctions. Overall, this work deepens the understanding of the relationships between geopolitics, foreign policy and tourism, provides an analysis of the effects of international sanctions on destinations and studies the phenomena of tourism resilience

This dissertation explores the central paradox of Mexico's foreign relations with Cuba and the United States in the decade following the Cuban Revolution--why did a government that cooperated with the CIA and practiced conservative domestic policies defend Castro's communist regime? It uses new sources to prove that historians' previous focus on the foreign and ideological influences on Mexico's relations with Cuba was misplaced, and that the most important factor was fear of the domestic Left. It argues that Mexican leaders capitalized upon their country's "special relationship" with Castro as part of their efforts to maintain control over restive leftist sectors of the Mexican population. This project uses new sources to illuminate how perceptions of threat shaped Mexico's foreign and domestic politics. In 2002, the Mexican government declassified the records of the two most important intelligence organizations--the Department of Federal Security and the Department of Political and Social Investigations. The files contain the information that Mexico's presidents received about potential dangers to their regime. They reveal that Mexican leaders overestimated the centralization, organization, and coordination of leftist groups, and in so doing gave them more influence over policy than their actual numbers or resources logically should have afforded. The dissertation uses the concept of threat perception as an analytic and organizational tool. Each chapter considers a different potential source of danger to the Mexican regime in the context of the Cold War and the country's relations with Cuba. For the sake of clarity, it breaks the threats into the categories of individual, national, and international, even though these subjective categories may blend into one another throughout the course of the analysis. The first chapter begins with an individual threat: Lázaro Cárdenas, a powerful former president who became one of Fidel Castro's most dedicated supporters. The next three chapters analyze threats on the national level by looking at the domestic groups that Mexican leaders perceived to be the greatest dangers to their regime. The final two chapters move to the international level and examine the roles of Cuba and the United States. As a whole, this study of the connections between Mexico's foreign and domestic politics makes a significant and timely contribution to the historiographies of modern Mexico, U.S.-Latin American relations, and the Cold War.
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This study examines the role of bilateral investment treaties in securing foreign investment in Ethiopia. Using books, journal articles, and legislation, the study has found that those bilateral investment treaties have a role in securing international investments for Ethiopia. It has also found that BITs do not only safeguard foreign investors but can also attract more investment. The study concludes by providing a list of recommendations, highlighting the benefits of BITs for Ethiopia.
Public, Constitutional, & International Law
LL.M. (International Economic Law)

Long-time friends, Americans and Canadians share many world-views and values. Yet, important differences exist. This study examines one foreign policy where these differences are striking. The United States and Canada have had very different policies toward Cuba, especially since Fidel Castro assumed power in 1959. Canada's policy of constructive engagement stands in marked contrast to the isolationist solution adopted by the American government. Much of the current literature offers traditional economic or domestic interest group explanations for the two policies. This study challenges these conventional narratives. By examining each country's policy toward Cuba in tandem this study demonstrates that there is far more than domestic political or economic calculations involved in the formulation of these foreign policies. Adopting a constructivist approach, this study will show that differences exist over Cuba because the two countries are different in other ways—they have their own identities, values and perceptions that contribute to the formation of very distinct approaches toward this island regime. Canadians and Americans perceive Cuba through different lenses. The American identity as an exceptional country and their corresponding view of Cuba as inferior as well as the perception that Cuba is within the American sphere of influence has affected the relationship between the United States and Cuba since the days of the Monroe Doctrine. The American identity as the guardian of freedom and democracy helped to construct American policy. After 1959, Cuba was seen to be an anathema to everything the United States represented. In contrast, the Canadian identity as “not American” and the need to assert this in foreign policy, as well as their identity as a good international citizen with its emphasis on values such as dialogue and compromise have greatly influenced the Canadian perception of Cuba. In sum, the examination of identity and its related values, perceptions, and norms offers an alternative way of making sense of US-Cuban and Canadian-Cuban relations. These two case studies reveal how these variables influence foreign policy and enable us to better understand Canadian and American foreign policy as well as international relations.

The fall of authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya has changed political dynamics on the African continent. One immediate concern has been the implications of these developments for the African Union (AU) and its member states. Would overall political dynamics in the AU be changed? Would the most powerful member states use the altered circumstances to enhance their influence on AU policies andframeworks? What would the impact be for the AU's overall authority? In this Discussion Paper series, three edited papers are presented that tackle AU political and institutional dynamics in light of the Arab revolts. A particular puzzle addressed is the current postures of South Africa,Ethiopia and Algeria within the AU. A separate analysis of Nigeria's role was published earlier in the NAI-FOI Lecture Series on African Security. The work in this discussion series reflects the longstanding collaboration between the Swedish Defence Research Agency's Project Studies in African Security and the Nordic Africa Institute to build Africa-related research capacity on peace and security.

"Media cold warriors of Operation Pedro Pan" is a case study in which I examine the impact of 1960s Cold War rhetoric on contemporary U.S.-Cuba policy. In my report, I contextualize the 1960s covert U.S. endeavor Operation Pedro Pan and draw parallels between the media portrayals of Pedro Pan children from the 60s and the discourse utilized by adult Pedro Panes today to market their immigration experience to contemporary voters and younger generations of Cuban Americans. Operation Pedro Pan was intended to undermine the Castro Government and accomplish democracy in 1960s Cuba. I argue, however, that because of the contemporary publicity surrounding Pedro Panes and their use of the same Cold War rhetoric to characterize their immigration experiences, the children of Operation Pedro Pan will ultimately prevent the same achievement of democracy in Cuba that the covert endeavor purported to accomplish in the 1960s.
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Unlike many other international instruments, accession to the WTO does not simply require the commitment of the government to sign and ratify the multilateral agreements. A country needs to make considerable legislative and administrative changes to comply with the standards of the WTO and its members to finalize the negotiation for accession. For governments with impure free market economy policy the challenges amplify. The government of Ethiopia publicly pronounces its adherence to the ideology of the developmental state. On the other hand the nucleus of WTO principles is progressive trade liberalization. Therefore, this dissertation tries to provide some reflection on the paradox created as a result of the divergence in priority between WTO principles and developmental state in the context of Ethiopian desire to join the organization. The research is an interdisciplinary work. The issues that will be discussed are not purely legal in their nature. They have legal, political and economic dimensions. And the main focus of the paper is on trade in services and foreign investment negotiation aspect of the accession. Furthermore the objective of the dissertation is to give some insight for policy makers about the challenges and opportunities that „Developmental State‟ ideology will pose in the accession process of Ethiopia to the WTO. The research is divided into five chapters. Chapter one gives introductory remarks about the concept of the developmental state and accession to the WTO. The limitations of the WTO accession process and an overview of the features of developmental state in the world and particularly in Ethiopia are also briefly discussed in the chapter. The origin and concept of developmental state in the world, in Africa and Ethiopia is discussed in some detail under chapter two. The chapter also tries to show the impact of developmental state policies in the laws of the country that are going to be deliberated in the process of accession. Chapter three is about accession to the WTO. In this chapter the requirements, benefits, challenges and procedures of accession are dealt in depth. The writer debates and tries to show the fact that the system is slowly shifting from rule based negotiation to power and precedent based negotiation. By analyzing the laws of Ethiopia that are inspired by the principles of developmental state against the legal and precedent requirements to join the WTO, I tried to correlate the findings of chapter two and three in chapter four. Specific strategies and advises on how to move the negotiation forward on certain areas are also outlined in this chapter. Finally, conclusion and my summarized recommendations are placed under chapter five.
Economics
LL.M (with specialization in International Economic Law)

This thesis analyzes the development of Czechoslovak-Cuban relations in the eighties of the 20th century. In the first part the author is shortly showing development of mutual relations after the Cuban revolution in 1959 and the role of Czechoslovakia in the process of consolidation of the regime of Fidel Castro. Later the author is concentrating on the core of the paper, which is divided into four chapters. These chapters are analyzing in detail particular areas of mutual relations - political, economic, scientific and technical cooperation and cultural. In the political area author is investigating the changes in international relations in connection with advent of Ronald W. Reagan and Mikhail S. Gorbachev and its influences on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Cuba. In the eighties the core of relations had been shifted into the economic sphere and trade, loans and investment units which were often discussed and also were sources of disputes. Scientific and technical cooperation and culture were traditional forms of mutual relations and also during the eighties the cooperation was intense. In the end the author states that the relations in the reporting period are best described by the word "stability" because in the comparison with the years after the Cuban revolution lost it is own dynamic.

The thesis deals with the U.S. foreign policy towards Cuba in the years 1958-1965. It analyses sources of U.S.-Cuban hostility at the beginning of the Fidel Castro era. It shows, how the U.S. foreign policy and the beginning of Cold war contributed to polarization as well as radicalization of politics in Cuba. Thus, it analyses the change of a local conflict into the "international civil war". The aim of the thesis is to argue that Cuba influenced the global balance of power between the Soviet Union and the United States at the beginning of 1960's. The introductory chapters summarize the causes of the Cuban Revolution, the U.S. policy toward friendly dictators, mainly toward Fulgencio Batista in Cuba. Next part deals with the guerilla warfare against Batista and the extent of U.S. influence on this insurrection. The thesis uses a multi-archival research of the U.S. as well as Czech and British sources. The comparison of sources shows the extent of independent Cuban actions and helps to comprehend the logic of the Eastern-European foreign policy. The thesis further analyses the U.S. reaction on Cuban Revolution as well as causes and consequences of the Cuban Missile crisis. Moreover, it deals with the possibilities of improvement in the U.S.-Cuban relations. Last but not least it also analyses the...

The study analyzes the largely understudied cinematic cooperation between Czechoslovakia and Cuba in the first decade following the Cuban Revolution. It is based mostly on archival documents from the former Central Directorship of Czechoslovak State Film, the ministry of education and culture and the ministry of foreign affairs. Several chapters also draw from oral history, data collected from series of interviews with Cuban technicians and artists who have worked in Cuban cinema since the 1960s as well as Czechoslovak experts who worked at the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Arts and Industries in the 1960s. The Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (CICAI), founded in March 1959 shortly after the triumph of the Revolution, faced a shortage of human and material resources since its inception. The film industry, which had been mostly in the hands of the Americans before 1959, lost much personnel due to mass emigration. Later on, due to the American blockade and embargo, it also lost its most important provider of films, material and equipment. The majority of CICAI's technician and artists were just starting and were lacking in technical knowledge required to make films. Czechoslovak State Film (CSF) offered extensive help to Cuban cinema, especially in the area of developing the...