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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethiopia, foreign relations'
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1
Yahovkin, Anton. "TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN-ETHIOPIAN RELATIONS IN 1965-1967." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 33 (March 12, 2024): 159–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2022.33.270472.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of American-Ethiopian relations in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the American-Ethiopian relations on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1965–1967, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Somalia and Eritrea. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only: due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the Northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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Yahovkin, Anton. "Ethiopia and the Egyptian-Ethiopian conflict in the context of American-Ethiopian relations (1955 – 1957)." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.5.
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In this article, the author aims to explore the place and role of Egyptian-Ethiopian relations during the Suez Crisis in US geopolitical strategies. The scientific novelty lies in a comprehensive analysis of the impact of the Suez Crisis on the East African region in the context of US foreign policy. Research methods. Historical-genetic method is used in the article, which gave an opportunity to explore the genesis of East African politics of the USA, to identify the main tendencies of this policy direction at every stage. A systematic approach was used for the comprehensive analysis of the USA East Africa policy in 1955–1957, which gave an opportunity to identify economic and geopolitical interests of the USA in East Africa, goals and objectives of major counties towards Egypt and Ethiopia, and to trace in this regard the attitude of the USA towards Ethiopia’s confrontation with Egypt. Conclusions. Despite the orientation of the Foreign policy of the emperor of Ethiopia to the USA and his attempts to satisfy the USA interests (including the allocation of a military base in Ethiopia), Haile Selassie I failed to fully attract not only American private fund but also to make Ethiopia one of the Foreign policy priorities of the USA government. Ethiopia was of no interest to the USA not only as a potential economic partner (it remained an agricultural country with obsolete modes of production), but also as a military ally. The USA supported some plans of the emperor of Ethiopia, for example the project of accession of Eritrea to the Ethiopian Empire, for the following reasons only:1. due to independent Eritrean country’s insolvency; 2. due to the necessity to maintain peace and order in the northeastern Africa, on the west coast of the Red Sea. «Right» was given to the Ethiopian Empire, which needed the access to the sea and which at that time had a relatively strong army capable to battle any inner reaction and to defend the borders of Eritrea, where American military bases were located.
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Markuš, Petar. "Neki aspekti političkih i ekonomskih odnosa Jugoslavije i Etiopije od 1975. do 1990." Radovi Zavoda za hrvatsku povijest Filozofskoga fakulteta Sveučilišta u Zagrebu 54, no. 2 (2022): 191–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/radovizhp.54.15.
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The Non-Aligned Movement formed the backbone of Yugoslavia’s foreign policy during the Cold War. As one of the founders of the Non-Aligned Movement, Yugoslavia sought to maintain, as much as possible, a balance within the Movement, which encompassed countries with differing political affiliations and systems, some of which had close relations with the opposing blocs led by the USA or USSR. After the Ethiopian revolution of 1974, which overthrew Emperor Haile Sellasie, the country was led by the Derg, a junta officially known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council, which was in 1977 taken over by a Marxist-ideological current led by Mengistu Haile Meriam, who openly showed sympathy for the Soviet bloc. The Ogaden War between Ethiopia and Somalia in 1977-1978 would prove to be a turning point in Ethiopia’s foreign policy, which moved toward closer political and economic cooperation with the USSR and Cuba. Closer ties to Cuba was a particular concern for Yugoslavia, due to Cuba’s desire to impose itself as the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement and thus turn the balance of political forces within the Movement to its advantage. In this paper we want to explore political and economic relations between Ethiopia and Yugoslavia, including economic relations between the Socialist Republic of Croatia and Ethiopia, from 1975, when a new revolutionary Ethiopian diplomatic delegation came to Yugoslavia to continue Ethiopian-Yugoslavian relations, and ending in 1990, with the disintegration of Yugoslavia and socialist systems in general, when the Yugoslav role in the Non-Aligned Movement slowly eroded. The paper will also present the joint Yugoslav-Ethiopian project Nekemte, which was implemented during the 1980s and aimed at showcasing methods to increase agricultural production in Ethiopia.
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Konokhova, Mariya. "Foreign Economic Potential of Ethiopia." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 60, no. 3 (2022): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-60-3-39-52.
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Over the past few years, Ethiopia’s economy has been one of the fastest growing in the world. The country has great potential to boost national economy by increasing its participation in international trade and expanding foreign economic relations. The following article is dedicated to the resources, capacity, and opportunities of Ethiopia to produce goods and services, export them, enhance their competitiveness in a foreign market, and thus contribute to socio-economic development of the country. At the beginning of the article the definition of the notion «foreign economic potential», as well as its main characteristics are given. In other sections a detailed overview of key factors that define and form the foreign economic potential of Ethiopia is presented. The author gives a short description of major natural resources of the country, their exploitation and managing, the prospects of hydropower generation and the development of transport infrastructure. The last one is particularly important, as it shows to what extent this landlocked country is integrated into regional and international economic. The government aims at developing transport corridors, establishing an efficient and profitable transport communication system that connects Ethiopia with the port infrastructure of her neighbors by creating national railway network and expanding road lines. The article emphasizes the significance of foreign investors in this process and studies the role of foreign direct investment and its possible impact on economic development. It is also noted that Ethiopia has a huge youth potential as more than 70% of its population is under 30. This human capital, if properly used, may become an economy-boosting asset. Overall, Ethiopia’s priority objective is to reach its full potential and put all the existing ideas and projects into practice.
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Nesterova, T. P. "France and Attempt to Resolve the Italo-Ethiopian Conflict in Late 1935: the Hoare–Laval Plan." Nauchnyi dialog 1, no. 8 (2020): 398–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-8-398-411.
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The article is devoted to the policy of France towards Italy and Ethiopia at the initial stage of the Italo-Ethiopian war of 1935—1936. It is shown that in the autumn of 1935, the French government took a position aimed at a peaceful settlement of the Italian-Ethiopian conflict at the expense of Ethiopia, since relations with Italy were much more important for France than relations with Ethiopia, and “real policy” required France to reach an agreement primarily with Italy. It is noted that a similar position was taken by the United Kingdom. It is indicated that this resulted in the formation of a plan for the settlement of the conflict, put forward in December 1935 by the head of the French government, Pierre Laval, and the British foreign Minister, Samuel Hoare. It is proved that the Hoare–Laval plan was an early form of the policy of “appeasement of the aggressor,” which became the leading direction of French and British foreign policy during the collapse of the Versailles system of international relations in 1938—1939. The research is based on publications of Soviet, French, Italian and Canadian diplomatic documents, League of Nations documents, memoirs of political figures of that era, as well as unpublished documents from the Archive of Publicistic Activity (Germany).
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Guo, Yiling. "Chinas and Japans Foreign Aid Policies towards Ethiopia2010-2020." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 7, no. 1 (2023): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/7/20230203.
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The phenomenon of Asia-African relations has received considerable attention since the start of the 21st century. As China and Japan are two leading Asian donors of Africa, their foreign aid policies are worth analyzing and comparing. Among African countries, Ethiopia is located in the horn of Africa, whose strategic position is relatively significant. In addition, Ethiopia has not been colonized in the history, which makes this case more meaningful. Most of the previous studies have concentrated on either one specific aspect like economic or certain countrys foreign aid policies towards Ethiopia. This research aims to analyze and compare Chinas and Japans multifaceted foreign aid policies towards Africa and Ethiopia in particular. For this purpose, the primary data and materials have been collected from the official websites, official reports, and previous studies. The result shows that their differences involve political, economic and societal aspects. The Japanese government has tended to design detailed policies, guide companies to invest in Ethiopia and cooperate with the NGOs. On the contrary, Chinas policies towards Ethiopia are more general, and the Chinese government has played a leading role in economic aiding than the Japanese government. In terms of the societal aspect, the Chinese government is more tending to cooperate with the Ethiopian government instead of the NGOs.
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Abera, Communist G. "English-Ethiopian Relations: from the Establishment of the First Consulate to the War between the Two Countries (1848-1868)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 2 (218) (June 23, 2023): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2023-2-44-50.
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Ethiopia's international relations with Great Britain obtained their modern form under Tewodros II. It happened during his reign when the British representative office and its diplomatic mission in Ethiopia were opened. The United Kingdom was the first country to open its consulate in Ethiopia in 1848. For the British, Palmerston's opening of the consulate in Ethiopia in 1848 was a very important undertaking. However, this event was doomed to failure, as the political situation in the UK and Ethiopia made the effec-tive trade relations between them impossible. The English-Ethiopian policy of 1848-1868 can be considered as a kind of triumph of Foreign Ministers Palmerston, Russell and Prime Minister Stanley. At the same time, Emperor Tewodros of Ethiopia was very wary of the true motives of the British. The absence of an immediate response from Queen Victoria to his letter in 1862, which contained a request for military supplies, and Britain's general preference for Ethiopian neighbors did not contribute to the warm attitude of the Emperor of Ethiopia to the British consulate. Subsequently, this led to an open conflict between the two countries.
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Abate, Ayalew. "Ethiopia’s Bilateral Investment Treaties and Environmental Protection; The Need of Re-Negotiation for Corporate Responsibility." Global Jurist 21, no. 2 (2021): 341–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/gj-2020-0067.
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Abstract This article argues that the bulk of the bilateral investment treaties (BITs) that Ethiopia has ever concluded, to regulate its bilateral foreign investment relations, don’t contain an environmental provision that require investing corporations to discharge responsibility towards environment and there is a pressing call for either to re-negotiate, update or engage in concluding of environmental side agreements (ESA). To substantiate the argument the trends of BIT making is assessed, the status of Ethiopian BITs have been evaluated through content analysis, environmental responsibility of Ethiopia has been examined both from domestic and international perspective, relevant reasons for the regulation of environment in foreign investment through BIT have been discussed and justifications for the need to renegotiate, update or make ESA in Ethiopia have been highlighted.
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Tsypkin, Georgy. "Ethiopia and the Soviet Union: on the Occasion of the Eightieth Anniversary of the Restoration of Diplomatic Relations." ISTORIYA 13, no. 3 (113) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840020228-9.
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The article examines the causes and circumstances of the process of restoring diplomatic relations between the two countries, first established at the end of the 19th century and interrupted after the October Revolution. In the face of the impending threat to the independence of Ethiopia from Italy in the mid-1930s. Now the Ethiopian side itself has taken steps to strengthen relations with the USSR. The occupation of Ethiopia and the outbreak of World War II delayed the development of this process until 1943, when the prestige of the Soviet Union, bearing the main burden of the fight against fascism, increased significantly in the world. The successes and difficulties of relations between the two countries in subsequent years, caused, in particular, by the orientation of Ethiopia in foreign policy towards the United States, are also considered.
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Tessema Deneke, Damtew. "Ethio-Sudan Relations፡ Critical Probe on the Post-2018 Dynamisms." Berhan International Research Journal of Science and Humanities 6 (February 9, 2022): 48–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.61593/dbu.birjsh.01.01.106.
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There were no significant changes in the features, focus of national interest and foreign policy behaving in the relationship between Ethiopia and Sudan. Since the independence of Sudan in 1956, the relations of them were characterized by cooperation and conflict or friendship and hostility. Bewildering issues such as disputes over their common border, Nile water, and practices of implicit and explicit interventions are persistent. This article employed qualitative approach and narrative research design to provide analytical pictures regarding the dynamisms of Ethio-Sudan relations in Post-2018. The post-2018 relationship of Ethiopia and Sudan has three distinct phases and features. These are the period of friendship, hostility and normalization. Following Tigray People Liberation Front’s ouster in Addis Ababa; there was a warm and blooming relationship between the two countries. This was the first phase and in which Sudan’s political forces recognized Ethiopia to mediate their domestic political divergences. In the second and third phases (from 2020 onward), confrontational and normalization were the respective features their relationships. During the second phase, the internal vulnerabilities of Ethiopia encouraged Sudan to enhance its pressures on Ethiopia`s government. Sudan exacerbated row over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, border disputes, as well as engaged in proxy conflict through anti–government groups. Sudan also put international pressures over Ethiopia including the declaration of the withdrawal of Ethiopia`s forces from Abyei Mission. The all-around pressures of Sudan on Ethiopia, the proactive-defensive diplomatic manoeuvring of Ethiopia and the involvement of the third bodies are the major points of the dynamism. Finally, the Nairobi Summit of 2022 was a watershed in the relationships of the two countries. Since this summit the intensified tension declined, and the normalization (third phase) process has started.
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Kuzmin, Dmitrii. "The goals and objectives of Italy in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War: position in the League of Nations and propaganda." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2021): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.3.35147.
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This article gives an assessment one of the most notable episodes of the interwar period in the history of international relations – the development of Italian foreign policy in the context of the Italo-Ethiopian war. In the early 1935, Italy was ruled by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. One of the cornerstones of his foreign policy paradigm was the creation of the “New Roman Empire”. One of the initial targets of his expansion were Ethiopia and the Mediterranean. Italy replenishes its military and economic resources; however, it was deficient to achieve the set foreign policy goals. Therefore, the war in Ethiopia became one of the key vector of Rome’s official diplomacy. The warfare also unfolded in the ideological context – propaganda, politics within the League of Nations, and interlocutory instructions to the diplomats. The scientific novelty is defined by the absence of comprehensive research on the topic. The relevance of lies the fact that the Russian historiography did not give due attention dedicated to the secret plans of Italy during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. However, namely the plans of Cesare De Vecchi and Emilio De Bono that shed light on the crucial nuance of the Italian diplomacy of this period, and allow to properly stress topic and priorities with regards to foreign policy. This the article analyzes the ration between the objectives in Ethiopia and the Mediterranean basin –the cornerstone task within the framework of building a New Roman Empire.
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Marsai, Viktor. "Go south! – The establishment of Hungarian–Ethiopian diplomatic relations in 1959-1960." Human Affairs 32, no. 3 (2022): 334–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/humaff-2022-0027.
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Abstract In the mid-1950s, the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs made an effort to break free of the isolation brought about by the military defeat and communist takeover after WWII. One of the main priorities of Hungarian foreign policy was the developing world, including Africa. Although the revolution and subsequent reprisals of 1956 temporarily halted the opening up, at the end of the decade Hungary launched a new diplomatic offensive. Ethiopia, which symbolized African independence and power, was among the main targets. In spite of the setbacks and challenges, and thanks to the determination of Hungarian diplomats, Hungarian-Ethiopian relations were normalized in 1959–60. This paper examines this process by analyzing documents from the Hungarian National Archive and explains why establishing diplomatic connections proved valuable to both parties.
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Poble, D. K., and A. N. Mindelis. "COLLISION TRENDS IN THE BILATERAL RELATIONS OF EGYPT AND ETHIOPIA DURING THE LAST DECADE." International and Political Studies, no. 36 (October 9, 2023): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2023.36.288712.
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The fluctuations in Egypt’s and Ethiopia's foreign policies, in general, and in relation to a non consumptive hydropower project being built by Ethiopia on the Nile, in particular, go back centuries. The purpose of this article is to study the collision tendencies of bilateral relations between Egypt and Ethiopia in the last decade. The article indicates a certain degree of uniqueness due to its actuality from a practical point of view, and, despite the availability of numerous research works and publications on the subject written by Ukrainian-, US-, and British-based researchers of Ethiopian and Egyptian origin, and official documents of the concerned countries, it reveals a certain scientific demand. The inter-disciplinary nature and subject of the research resulted in the use of two basic research methods, such as case study and event analysis, supported fragmentarily by historical, functional, geopolitical, and empirical methods. The two methods mentioned allowed for reviewing the quantitative and qualitative peculiarities of the problem. The application of the historical method gave a reference to the initial source of a legal settlement in the last century; the use of the functional method determined the level of development of relations between Egypt and Ethiopia; the use of the geopolitical method made it possible to determine the situation and the involvement of main actors in the region during the last decade; and the empirical component is presented in the form of statistical, sociological, financial, and economic data, as well as archival materials. A cautious prognosis was added with the purpose of forecasting the further outcome of the conflict around the waters of the Nile.
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Gebrewahd, Meressa Tsehaye. "Securitization and Militarization of The Border: Security Dilemma in Post-1998 Ethiopia and Eritrea." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 12, no. 4. (2019): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2018.12.4.6.
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The post-1991 Ethiopia and Eritrea were hoped to become promising and exemplary states in Africa. But, after seven years of euphoria, national stability and security trapped both countries into a bloody conflict, and their relation is now in structural crisis: the ‘no war, no peace’ dilemma. Their security dilemmas are basically centered on the antagonistic foreign and national security as well as nation-building policies. The post-independence nation-building attempt to forge a militarized single national identity in Eritrea, under the motto of “one people, one heart” and the remaking of the age-old Ethiopian state based on ethnic federalism further deepen the nation-building dilemma. The post-1998 security dilemma between the two states is, therefore, the result of securing Eritrea’s nation-building policies and the militarization of the Yika’alo-Warsay generation where Ethiopia has been made to be “a relevant enemy to its Singaporization vision” and Eritrea is subsequently viewed as a “relevant enemy to Ethiopia’s renaissance vision and securitization of poverty”. During the militarization of the borders, Badme still remains symbolically the hotbed of the ‘no war, no peace’ regime. This article, therefore, analyzes the post-2000 security dilemma between Ethiopia and Eritrea and the subsequent dynamics that have led to securing and/or militarizing their relations.
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Dulin, John. "Are Salafis and Pentecostals the Same? How Orthodox and Sufi Mediation Practices Shape Responses to Reformism in Gondar, Ethiopia." Northeast African Studies 22, no. 2 (2022): 37–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.22.2.0037.
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Abstract Many Orthodox Christians and Sufi Muslims in Ethiopia put Salafis and Pentecostals in the same category. Because both denounce the intercessory powers of otherworldly figures, like saints and awaliyya, some claim Salafis are “like Pentes.” Some refer to the similar mediation practices of Sufis and Orthodox Christians to paint Pentecostals/Salafis as other, as foreign. This article explores how these discursive parallels play out in practical interactions in Gondar, Ethiopia, a historical center of Ethiopian Orthodoxy with a sizable Muslim minority. In some ways, Orthodox-Pentecostal relations mirror Sufi-Salafi relations because of similarities in Orthodox and Sufi mediation practices. However, the Sufi–Salafi boundary is relatively porous due to the detachability of Sufi practices of intercession from more encompassing practices like salat and Ramadan. Pentecostal–Orthodox boundaries are more robust in part because the intercession of Saints infuses all levels of Orthodox practice. This boundary becomes particularly sharp in the context of funerals.
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Lyons, Scott W. "Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship between Eritrea and Ethiopia." International Legal Materials 58, no. 1 (2019): 237–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2019.4.
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Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki signed a historic agreement on July 9, 2018, in Asmara, Eritrea, ending over two decades of open hostilities and war. The Joint Declaration of Peace and Friendship (Joint Declaration) marks a fundamental change for the Horn of Africa, with the reconciliation possibly altering the economic and political dynamics of the region. The Joint Declaration resulted from several key developments occurring over a few weeks from June through early July 2018. Ethiopia announced its acceptance of the original Algiers Agreement, dated December 12, 2000, which had never been implemented, and its willingness to abide by the 2002 international Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC) ruling that awarded disputed territory to Eritrea, including the border town of Badme. Previously, Ethiopia had rejected the ruling and asked for a new ruling. Ethiopia had also previously insisted that relations must be restored before any territorial resolution. President Afwerki agreed to negotiate, after stating for years that Ethiopia had to withdraw its troops from the disputed town of Badme first. A few weeks before the signing of the Joint Declaration, the Eritrean foreign minister visited Addis Ababa, the capital of Ethiopia, marking the first bilateral meeting between the two since the war began.
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YIMER, Nigusu Adem. "ETHIOPIA: THE CHANGING ASPECTS OF THE ETHIO-EGIPT WATER DIPLOMACY – KEY DRIVES, CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS." Conflict Studies Quarterly, no. 41 (October 5, 2022): 78–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.41.5.
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Starting the inception of the 2010s, Ethiopia’s relations with Egypt have been experiencing one of the deepest crises in the relationship of the two countries’ history. Ethiopia, one of the upper riparian states of the Nile River not only theoretically challenged the exclusive veto power of Egypt over the Nile River but also practically start constructing one of Africa’s largest hydropower dams on the Blue Nile since 2011. The challenging behavior of Ethiopia over the Nile River worried the long-standing regional hegemon, Egypt. Against this background, this paper aims to forward a new insight into how and why Ethiopia challenged the long-standing superior-subordinate Egypt-led order over the Nile River. Moreover, in its discussion, the paper tries to address key drives, challenges, and prospects of Ethiopia-Egypt water diplomacy. The paper also illustrates how and why the Ethio-Egypt water diplomacy strain becomes a cross-cut on the two nation’s foreign policy matters. The paper has also attempted to understand how the superior-subordinate power duality approach works over the Nile River against the new balancer. Keywords: Ethiopia, Egypt, Relation, Nile River, Challenges, Prospects
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Crummey, Donald. "Society, State and Nationality in the Recent Historiography of Ethiopia." Journal of African History 31, no. 1 (1990): 103–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700024804.
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Events since 1974 have challenged fundamental assumptions about Ethiopian history, calling in question the country's borders and internal coherence, the nature of its social order, the centrality of its monarchy and Zionist ideology to the maintenance of the polity, and the viability of the peasant way of life. In so doing they challenge a young, but vigorous, historiography, one founded in the 1960s with the creation of a History Department at what is now Addis Ababa University and of an international coterie of scholars. Its early stages were marked by archivally-based studies of Ethiopia‘s international emergence in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and of trade and politics. Its later stages were marked by a steady growth in the number of contributors and in the emergence of major new themes many of which depend on the use of indigenous sources, both oral and written. Class and class relations; economy, state, and society; the Kushitic- and Omotic-speaking peoples; the use of social anthropology—such are the concerns of contemporary historians of Ethiopia. These concerns inform new work on agrarian issues and on the roots of famine, on urbanization, on the nature of the twentieth-century state, on the revolution itself and on the roots of resistance and social unrest, and on ethnicity. Meanwhile, more traditional work continues to glean insights from the manuscript tradition and to bring to light major new texts both Ethiopian and foreign. The article surveys this material and concludes by noting the persistence of certain limitations—the lack of work on women or on pastoralism, the scarcity of it on Islam, the heavy emphasis on that part of the country lying west of the Rift Valley, and the absence of an integrating synthesis—and the prospective integration of work on Ethiopia into the mainstream of African historiography.
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Yalew, Mesafint T. "The Dynamics of China - Ethiopia Relations during the Ogaden War, 1977-1978." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 23, no. 1 (2023): 130–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2023-23-1-130-143.
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This study examines superpower competition in the Horn of Africa during the Ogaden War (1977-1978). It deals mainly with China’s response to the Ogaden War. The author uses both primary and secondary sources. Primary research sources were collected from various agencies and institutions such as the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Institute of Ethiopian Studies (IES), and periodicals using memoirs, speeches, and correspondence exchanges. Secondary sources are gathered from published and unpublished sources. The study defines conventional wisdom about superpower and Chinese intervention in the Horn of Africa during the Ogaden War; it seeks to highlight the complex interplay of real China’s foreign policy toward the Horn of Africa. It also describes China’s perspectives on policy in Africa and its response to the Ogaden War. The study claims that the Soviet Union’s influence in the Horn of Africa generally draws China into regional affairs. Indeed, Soviet influence in the Horn of Africa shifted the Ogaden War into an international dimension. Thus, the study concludes that China’s reaction to the Horn events was primarily aimed at leveling out the Soviet Union’s sphere of influence in the region.
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Ibrahim, Amer Jabret, and Abbas Saadoun Refaat. "The Future of Egyptian Foreign Policy Directions Towards Africa." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 8 (2024): 913–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/2ey72z59.
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The research apportioned with expecting the future of Egyptian foreign policy directions towards Africa, indicating the most essential circumstances and changes that the African continent is going through, whether regional or international. The study highlighted the most serious aspects of the future direction of this strategy towards Ethiopia and Libya in particular, signifying the political will to combine and activate its relations with the countries of the continent for mutual profit and to restore its ancient role in the continent, to uncover a set of challenges facing Egypt’s foreign policy towards Africa, besides reviewing future imaginations for foreign policy directions towards Egypt to accomplish with the most important consequences and suggestions.
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A. Mamo, Siyum, and Abiot D. Habte. "The Political Economy of Commercial Agricultural Land in Ethiopia." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 1, no. 1 (2020): 49–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v1i1.1362.
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This paper provides a critical examination of the political economy of commercial agricultural land in Ethiopia, taking a case from the peripheral State of Gambella where the Anyuaa and the Nuer ethnic groups interact. Since 2002, the government of Ethiopia has pursued a controversial investment approach that promotes large-scale investment dominated by FDI while officially denouncing the current wave of the neoliberal economic discourse. Such investment ventures in the State of Gambella have put significant agricultural lands under a long-term lease to foreign developers. The central argument of this study lies in the point that, in a political economy avenue where practices contradict official state ideology, mechanized agricultural developments face failure beyond adverse social and ecological crises. Under the guise of the political economy of development where the state takes in hand the responsibility for playing a leadership role, private developers cannot easily find a space for leverage for making productive investments. Rather, such ventures as the case of Gambella tend to institute land alienation of the rural indigenous poor who are already marginalized because of their double-peripheral positions – a manifestation of South in the South. The consequence of both inter-group relations and the environment is catastrophic. The paper concludes that the influence of (trans)national companies on indigenous communities living especially in fragile environments continues to be disconcerting whereas the conflation of the neoliberal inspiration in the peripheral regions appears to be disguising while leaving the local environment and inter-group relations at stake. Thus, the Ethiopian government should recognize the contradiction between its official ideology and the investment practices in agricultural lands overtaken by (trans)national developers.
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Geboye Desta, Melaku. "Accession for What? An Examination of Ethiopia’s Decision to Join the WTO." Journal of World Trade 43, Issue 2 (2009): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2009014.
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Ethiopia, a founding member of many of the international and regional organizations today and the second most populous country in the UN list of least–developed countries (LDCs), is currently in the early stages of negotiating its accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). This article asks the basic questions of why Ethiopia uncharacteristically stayed out of such an important multilateral endeavour for so long and why it wants to join now, and what the potential implications of the decision to join the system will be for the legal, institutional and economic policy landscape of the country both during the accession process as well as after achieving membership. The Ethiopian Government argues that WTO accession would help facilitate economic growth, attract foreign investment, secure predictable and transparent market access, and allow it to have a say on the direction of globalization. While many of these are in line with the conventional explanations about the benefi ts of WTO accession, this article argues that the balance of rights and obligations contained in the WTO legal framework and its enforcement mechanism mean that Ethiopia’s ability to make use of the system to realize these ambitions is, at best, limited. However, the article concludes with a positive note that, if the accession process is handled carefully and final membership obligations carried out in good faith, WTO accession is likely to contribute to those goals indirectly through, interalia, the review and reform of national laws and policies, the establishment of objective, impartial and effective administrative procedures and implementing institutions, and its potential overall contribution to the establishment of a system of rule of law, administrative transparency and accountability in the country.
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AREFAYNE, Demoz, Leake LEGESSE, and Daniel ALEMSHET. "ASSESSMENT OF PROMOTIONAL MIXES PRACTICE OF TIGRAY TOURISM INDUSTRY, ETHIOPIA." GeoJournal of Tourism and Geosites 36, no. 2spl (2021): 597–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.30892/gtg.362spl06-688.
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Tigray Regional State has significant tourism potentials. However, it is unable to exploit the existing tourism products using a promotional strategy. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to assess the promotional practice of the Tourism industry. This study applied a quantitative study design. The data was collected from 180 foreign and domestic tourists. The findings of the study indicated that Tigray tourism office frequently used television and radio promotional Media which are the most traditional, but infrequently used modern promotional tools (Websites, Short Mobile Messages (SMS), word of mouth, public relation). Sales Promotion and Public Relations mixes are mostly applied promotional elements in Tigray tourism sites.
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Venkataraman, Manickam, and Thewodros Aregay Gebrezgiabiher. "Foreign Policy and Human Rights: Eritrea in the Post Algiers Period." African and Asian Studies 16, no. 4 (2017): 359–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341393.
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Abstract The interconnection between foreign policy and human rights is increasingly recognized both at academic and practice levels owing largely to the increasing internationalization and pre-eminence of human rights in global politics. In fact, human rights and democracy promotion have secured a place in foreign policy agendas and has gained significance in conflict resolution and peace work as well. Also, human rights norms and principles are recognized and enshrined in international laws and endorsed in regional treaties and national constitutions and has gained prime importance in international relations. As a result, internal and external dynamics of states have been effectively intertwined. This article analyses Eritrea’s foreign policy dynamics and its implications on human rights particularly in the aftermath of the Algiers Peace Agreement of December 2001 that concluded a three years border conflict with Ethiopia. This is done by enquiring whether the conflict and failure to implement the Algiers agreement has anything to do with the gross human rights violations that is witnessed in that country. The article proceeds to analyse the issue in a descriptive and analytical manner by using both secondary and primary sources, including treaties, official statements of public bodies, peace accords and un Drafts,1 and it concludes that the ongoing human rights violations is a product of the stalemate with Ethiopia that has provided a mechanism for continued repression and authoritarian rule in the country.
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Ignatiev, P., and P. Bovsunivskyi. "EGYPT’S FOREIGN POLICY UNDER ABDEL FATTAH EL-SISI." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, no. 134 (2018): 4–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2018.134.0.4-15.
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The article covers revolutionary changes in Egyptian foreign policy after the rise to power of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. The authors note that the new President introduced a multidimensional policy, taking steps away from traditional dependence on the United States of America. To this end Egypt diversified suppliers for armed forces with the assistance of France and the Russian Federation, simultaneously expanding economic ties with China and the EU countries. The focus on the GCC monarchies that provide significant financial assistance to the regime also remains the important component of the Egyptian foreign policy. The article states that the aggravation of water shortages forces Egypt to conduct more active relations with African states, primarily with the Nile basin countries, but those attempts are “too little, too late”. The authors conclude that after exhausting all diplomatic means, Egypt can apply military force to protect its own water security against Ethiopia, but such policy will lead to direct clash with the United States of America and deterioration of Egyptian influence in Africa.
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ZOLLMANN, JAKOB. "African International Legal Histories – International Law in Africa: Perspectives and Possibilities." Leiden Journal of International Law 31, no. 4 (2018): 897–914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156518000468.
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AbstractHitherto, the ‘African part’ of the history of international law has often been limited to the (critical engagement with) ‘the acquisition of Africa’ since the 1880s and questions of ‘state succession’ and international borders following independence starting in the 1950s. In this historical narrative, the dominance of colonialism is evident. It seems that ‘Africa’ as a narrative concept in international legal history remains tied to abstract contrasts such as ‘foreign domination’ versus ‘independence’, or ‘exploitation’ versus ‘development’. However, if twenty-first century writings about ‘international law in Africa’ and its histories remain shaped by this perspective, historians may lose sight of issues, questions, or ideas formed in historical Africa that do not fit into this preconceived dichotomous matrix. After discussing methodological challenges, this article asks for other ‘contacts’, other arenas of ‘internationality’ and international law in Africa’s pre-colonial past. These contacts reach back very far in history. Three arenas are mentioned: the Red Sea area and Ethiopian-Arab relations; the Indian Ocean rim; and finally, the case of nineteenth-century Ethiopia.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Pankhurst, Richard. "Innovation and Misoneism during the Reign of Emperor Yoḥannǝs IV (1872–1889)". Aethiopica 8 (18 листопада 2012): 48–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/aethiopica.8.1.325.
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The article attempts to examine the character and extent of innovation and misoneism during the reign of Yoḥannǝs, i.e. the period between the largely frustrated aspirations of Tewodros and of more substantial achievements of Mǝnilǝk. The study suggests that the reign of Yoḥannǝs in fact witnessed changes in many fields of life. These included improvements in communication between Ethiopia and the outside world; the advent of new imports; changes in land tenure and class relations; the strengthening of church land-holding; attempted action against slavery and the slave trade; increasing diffusion of fire-arms; the forced conversion of Muslims, and prohibition of foreign missionaries; the banning of tobacco; the depletion of wild-life; the introduction of a national flag, the appointment of a foreign consul abroad, and the building of a church in Jerusalem.
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Семенович, В. С. "FINANCIAL RELATIONS OF RUSSIA WITH DEVELOPING COUNTRIES UNDER PANDEMIC CONDITIONS." Modern Science, no. 1 (July 5, 2021): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53039/2079-4401.2021.3.1.011.
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С 1988 года начался новый период экономических и политических отношений России с развивающимися странами Азии, Африки и Латинской Америки. Особо тесные торговые и финансовые отношения России сложились и поддерживаются с Венесуэлой, Бразилией, Индией, Эфиопией, Ливией, Ганой, Алжиром, Нигерией, Сирией, Ираком и другими развивающимися странами. Но с 2019 года это взаимодействие усложнилось в связи с мировым кризисом вследствие пандемии Covid-19. Все страны мира были вынуждены вносить коррективы в свои внешнеэкономические связи. Since 1988, a new period of economic and political relations between Russia and the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America began. Particularly close trade and financial relations of Russia have developed and are maintained with Venezuela, Brazil, India, Ethiopia, Libya, Ghana, Algeria, Nigeria, Syria, Iraq and other developing countries. But since 2019, this interaction has become more complex due to the global crisis due to the Covid-19 pandemic. All countries of the world were forced to make adjustments to their foreign economic relations
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Kifleyesus, Abbebe. "Muslims and Meals: The Social and Symbolic Function of Foods in Changing Socio-Economic Environments." Africa 72, no. 2 (2002): 245–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2002.72.2.245.
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AbstractThis article is about ideas and practices concerning the production, distribution, preparation and consumption of food among the Muslim Argobba of Ethiopia. Food among the Muslim Argobba of Ethiopia is an essential idiom, both for drawing a hierarchy of in-group/out-group distinctions and for expressing relationships within groups. The in-group/out-group relations are typically expressed in terms of what foods are consumed by the Muslim Argobba and their non-Muslim Amhara neighbours, by the Muslim Argobba and their Muslim Oromo and Adal neighbours and indeed by some wealthy trader Argobba families and poor Argobba peasant households. Food preparation and distribution, on the other hand, express relations internal to the group, either in terms of gender within the household, as in who serves what to whom, where and in what quantities, or in informal exchanges, as in establishing social links among men and women. Nowadays fewer and fewer Argobba are producing the food they consume, and many are drawn away from their rural homelands either as merchants or as wage labourers. The article examines how Argobba consumers have become accustomed to foreign foods and new modes of preparation and distribution and how such changes have also altered the ways in which food has expressed social relations in terms of class, ethnic and gender identity. It investigates the relative importance of the social and symbolic function of Muslim meals, and discusses the material life of cooking and cuisine in changing socio-economic environments.
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Podeh, Elie, and Andrew Felsenthal. "Israel and Sudan: The Origins of Clandestine Relations (1954–1964)." Israel Studies 28, no. 2 (2023): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/is.2023.a885227.
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ABSTRACT: The years 1954–1964 witnessed two phases of clandestine contacts pursued by Israeli and Sudanese representatives. During the first phase, 1954–1958, Israel developed secret ties with the Sudanese Umma party Israel in an attempt to establish the southern tier of the Periphery Alliance, with Ethiopia and Sudan against Nasser's Egypt but the attempt was sabotaged by the 1958 'Abboud coup. During the second phase, beginning in 1961, the Division for Politico-Economic Planning (DPEP) of Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs developed secret ties with certain Sudanese officials with the aim of helping Sudan compete with its primary competitor in the cotton market, Nasser's Egypt, in order to deal a blow to the Egyptian economy and the Arab boycott of Israel. Although at first the DPEP supplied the 'Abboud regime with anonymous information, over time the Sudanese partners recognized and approve the identity of their Israeli benefactor. This article reveals the extent of the secret ties between Israel and Sudan and the ingenious ways in which Israel fought against Egypt and the Arab Boycott.
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Marcum, John A. "Angola: The Present Opportunity." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050078x.
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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the “principal” cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Cambodia reinforced this perception of Angola as the beginning of the end of detente.
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Abdusselam, Tepe. "On the Policy of the Republic of Turkey in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa Region in the Context of its Rivalry With Other Islamic States." Islamovedenie 12, no. 1 (2021): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2077-8155-2021-12-1-55-67.
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The article is devoted to the Turkish foreign policy in the region of the African Horn. It provides: historical research of the Turkish relations with Somalia, the Sudan, Ethiopia; analysis of the basic priorities which precondition Turkish relations with the states of the Red Sea region; research of the economic and military constituents of the Turkish cooperation and strategic part-nership with Somalia; analysis of the conflict between Turkey from one side and Saudi Arabia, UAE and Egypt from the other on the ground of rivalry for regional influence. The author con-siders that during the last ten years Turkey pursues a successful policy in the African Horn. This policy is in line with political agenda to turn Turkey into global power. Thus, Turkish leadership secured national interests employing the principle of Islamic solidarity and choosing as a partner Somalia – the poorest and most unstable state of the region. At the same time, Turkish expansion in the region provoked tensions and conflicts in the Turkish relations with Saudi Arabia, UAE and Egypt
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Becker, Derick A., Derick A. Becker, and Hannah Wittmeyer. "Africa’s Land Rush and the Embedded Neoliberal State: Foreign Agricultural Investment in Ethiopia and Mozambique." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 6 (2013): 753–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341284.
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AbstractAs changes to traditional economic power relationships upend the global economy, there is a resurgent interest in Africa’s raw materials by an increasing number of states beyond the traditional post-colonial coterie. These states are not fundamentally altering Africa’s status as a small economic player supplying raw goods to the world. But the level of interest, the states involved, and the changing nature of Africa’s involvement are raising questions about the long-term benefits and consequences of this renewed interest. Of particular concern is the trend in scale and type of commercial agricultural projects where land deals are slowly consuming vast sections of Africa’s agricultural land for export crops. NGOs, a few academics and virtually any news story on the subject inevitably invoke the term neo-colonialism. Our argument, however, is that the neo-colonial thesis – as well as the embedded state and neoliberal state theses taken separately – fail to capture the complexity of African commercial agriculture, particularly in the cases of Ethiopia and Mozambique. Despite ample evidence of massive, opaque land deals, investments do not tend to be restricted in bi-lateral ways nor are the investing parties members of the traditional Western world. While the role of elites is similar to the embedded state thesis, deals are mediated via wider market relations and conditions and justified in neoliberal terms. We propose that a synthesis of these latter theoretical strands better captures both the character and outcomes of African land acquisitions in our two case studies, and Africa at large.
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Güçlü, Yücel. "The Basic Principles and Practices of the Turkish Foreign Policy Under Atatürk." Belleten 64, no. 241 (2000): 949–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.37879/belleten.2000.949.
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The basic foreign policy of Turkey under Atatürk was one of friendship with all its neighbours and non-involvement in Great Power politics. Atatürk was essentially a realist. He repudiated adventurism and expansionism. What Turkey wanted was to accomplish its internal reconstruction in peace. The major stance of Atatürk's diplomacy was not only pacific, but was also clearly respectful of law. Since the Republic of Turkey came into existence, the main background of Turkish foreign policy had been friendship with the Soviets. Good relations with Russia guaranteed Turkey's continued security on its northeastern frontier and in the Black Sea. Following the Italian conquest of Ethiopia and basically on account of this fact a Turco-British rapprochement started to take shape since 1935. Close co-operation between Turkey and Britain during the Montreux Straits Conference further accelerated the pace. Another aspect of Turkish foreign policy was the Balkan Entente of 1934 to guard against aggression in the region. Turkey's part in the Saadabad Pact of 1937 had also been active and enthusiastic. Regaining of Turkish sovereignty over the Straits at the Montreux Conference and winning back of the district of Hatay were among the most important successes of the Turkish diplomacy under Atatürk's auspices.
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Imiru, Getie Andualem. "Exploring the Relationship among Export Resources, Exporting Capability & Exporter-Foreign Distributers relationship on Export Performance: In the Case of Exporting Companies in Ethiop." International Journal of Marketing Studies 14, no. 1 (2022): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijms.v14n1p60.
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Export Performance and Economic Growth Relations are becoming the main agenda in the international and regional development programs around the world. The purpose of this study was to exploring the Relationship between Export Resources, Exporting Capability, Exporter-Foreign Distributers Relationship and their effect on Export Performance. Despite the fact that 300 questionnaires were issued to a random sample of Ethiopian exporters, 291 questionnaires were returned at the end of the data collection process, yielding a 97 percent response rate. Proportional stratified sampling approaches were used to sample small, medium, and large export businesses. The relationship between the exporter and the distributor, as well as the management of export resources, has a positive and significant impact on export performance. On the other side, export capabilities failed to mediate the relationship between export resources and export performance. The connection between Export Resources and Export Performance was mediated by Managing the Exporter-Distributor Relationship. Ethiopian exporters should focus on building strong ties with international distributors headquartered either at home or in the host countries to boost their export performance. Future research could look into the differences in the export business between larger, medium, and small exporters, all of whom have different resources, qualified personnel, bargaining strength, and so on. Finally, Resource capability’s failure to mediate Export resources and export performance warrants further investigation. For undeveloped countries like Ethiopia, export is a critical component of economic growth and long-term development. As a result, policymakers should work to improve the country’s export performance by increasing credit availability, simplifying export sector laws, and formulating short-term, medium-term, and long-term export growth plans. To enhance trade, the government should aid exporters in creating, nurturing, and growing stronger cooperation among national, regional, and worldwide distributors.
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Haruna, Abdallah Imam, and A. Abdul Salam. "Rethinking Russian Foreign Policy towards Africa: Prospects and Opportunities for Cooperation in New Geopolitical Realities." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 2 (2021): 10–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.2.24.
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Diplomatic ties between Africa and the Russian Federation dates back to Africa’s dark decades of collective struggle for continental decolonization and severance in relations with its European colonizers. There is a vestige of historical evidence to support the claim that Russia had contributed immensely to this struggle in the early 1950s. Historically, the Russian Revolution of 1917 set the stage for the strenuous global struggle against colonialism and imperialism. This revolution, subsequently, inspired leaders of the nationalist movements on the African continent like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Nnamdi Azikiwe of Nigeria, Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, among others to champion the fight for the liberation of Africa. Between 1945 and 1991, international politics was in a hegemonic geopolitical tension between the Soviet Union and the United States and their respective global allies. This power struggle polarized the world into the contrasting ideologies of Capitalism and Socialism. Some African nationalists situated the crusade for self-rule within the Eastern Bloc led by the Soviet Union. The collapse of the USSR on 26 December 1991 and the fall of the Berlin wall on 9 November 1989 heralded a new era in global politics. This paper is on the assumption that three decades into the demise of the Soviet Union, it is now time to reflect on the influence of Russia in international politics, with particular focus on Moscow’s foreign policy towards Sub-Saharan Africa. This rethinking is crucial because of the criticism that Russia’s renewed interest in Africa is a grand strategy to dominate affairs of the continent, rather than a search for new opportunities for economic cooperation and geopolitical alliances.
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Rugutt, Winnie, Maria Nzomo, and Pontian G. Okoth. "Examining Foreign Development Assistance in Africa through Emerging Power Dynamics: A Focus on Turkey’s Engagement in the Horn of Africa." European Journal of Development Studies 3, no. 6 (2023): 78–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejdevelop.2023.3.6.317.
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In the last two and a half decades of the 21st century, a modern-day “scramble” for Africa, led by traditional Western powers, has taken shape. This coincides with Africa’s expanding external relations, notably with non-traditional powers like Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS). The emerging powers share an objective of advancing their interests in Africa, particularly through exploiting its strategic resources. Turkey has also joined this narrative, yet existing scholarly literature focuses disproportionately on the BRICS, sidelining other players like Turkey. This article addresses this gap by comprehensively investigating Turkey’s distinctive role and its ramifications in Africa. It specifically probes Turkey’s contributions to development in the Horn of Africa, encompassing diverse forms of aid and investments. Turkey strategically wields soft power tools, including humanitarian aid, loans, grants, and technical expertise, to bolster its political and economic sway, thus fostering trade and investment prospects across the Horn of Africa. This engagement has been warmly received, particularly in nations like Somalia and Ethiopia, which have long sought constructive developmental partnerships. This development assistance, however needs to be taken with caution and accompanied by a clear strategy on the mode of response by the Horn of Africa countries in regards to self-guarding themselves from being sucked into a deeper dependence relationship where power is heavily weighted in favor of global powers. This necessitates a clear roadmap to prevent unwarranted dependency on external forces and to preserve a balanced power dynamic. In essence, this study underscores the importance of equitable engagement for sustainable growth and self-determination in the continent.
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Kologermanskaya, Ekaterina M. "Analysis of the Legal Regulation of the Use of Renewable Energy Sources in the Energy Law of New Members of the BRICS Intergovernmental Association." Energy Law Forum, no. 1 (March 2024): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.61525/s231243500030176-1.
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The energy industry (including the use of renewable energy sources (RES)) is one of the most promising and investment-worthy areas at both national and global levels. For the member states of the BRICS intergovernmental association, this economy sector is also a platform for cooperation and interaction. On January 1, 2024, six new countries joined the association as full members: Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Iran, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Argentina. This article analyzes the national legal regulation of the use of renewable energy sources in these states. It should be noted that all members of the association have major differences in their technical and economic development, as well as in their statutory regulation of the energy sector in general and renewable energy sources in particular. However, these circumstances only substantiate the need to study the legal regulation experience of the BRICS member states. It should be said that the use of RES in the selected states is subject to government regulation, the parties to public relations associated with RES use, the legal status of RES-based electricity markets and power facilities have been defined, legal requirements for foreign investment in RES projects, etc. have been established. Thus, the analysis conducted focuses on promising legal measures that can be implemented in the national laws in order to improve and update it, as well as contribute to the international legal harmonization efforts.
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Kologermanskaya, Ekaterina M. "Analysis of the Legal Regulation of the Use of Renewable Energy Sources in the Energy Law of New Members of the BRICS Intergovernmental Association." Energy Law Forum, no. 1 (March 2024): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.61525/10.61525/s231243500030176-1.
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The energy industry (including the use of renewable energy sources (RES)) is one of the most promising and investment-worthy areas at both national and global levels. For the member states of the BRICS intergovernmental association, this economy sector is also a platform for cooperation and interaction. On January 1, 2024, six new countries joined the association as full members: Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Iran, Ethiopia, Egypt, and Argentina. This article analyzes the national legal regulation of the use of renewable energy sources in these states. It should be noted that all members of the association have major differences in their technical and economic development, as well as in their statutory regulation of the energy sector in general and renewable energy sources in particular. However, these circumstances only substantiate the need to study the legal regulation experience of the BRICS member states. It should be said that the use of RES in the selected states is subject to government regulation, the parties to public relations associated with RES use, the legal status of RES-based electricity markets and power facilities have been defined, legal requirements for foreign investment in RES projects, etc. have been established. Thus, the analysis conducted focuses on promising legal measures that can be implemented in the national laws in order to improve and update it, as well as contribute to the international legal harmonization efforts.
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Olanrewaju, John S., and Agaptus Nwozor. "Hegemonic Rivalry in a Peripheral Region: An Assessment of Nigeria–South Africa’s Role in African Politics." Insight on Africa 14, no. 1 (2021): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09750878211042618.
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Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa is evident in her foreign policy articulation of African Centre Piece. From 1960, Nigeria has championed the project of Africa through different diplomatic engagements across the continent of Africa most especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo’s civilian administration. Nigeria’s unwavering support against the apartheid regime in South Africa led to the termination of apartheid government in 1994. However, the post- apartheid politics in Africa as well as the post-Cold War politics changed the dynamics of African politics. Nigeria’s claim as the giant of Africa became more contested and hypothetical with the emergence of notable countries such as Ethiopia and South Africa posing serious challenges to Nigeria’s hegemony in the continent. The most viable and notable threats came from South Africa following the end of apartheid regime in South Africa and coupled with its good governance rating, which had heightened the status of the country as a notable continental leader. This article attempts to explain the leadership roles of Nigeria and South Africa in a peripheral region of Africa with the view of analysing who has the sway to lead the affairs of Africa to the path of prosperity. Through the secondary method of data collection and qualitative method of data analysis (discourse analysis), the study concludes that Nigeria and South Africa roles in Africa were motivated by realist considerations. The study, however, recommends concerted efforts between Nigeria and South Africa in addressing socio-economic challenges in the African continent.
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Rybalkina, Inna G. "Social Peculiarities of the Family Planning Problem in Tropical Africa." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 4 (2021): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016080-5.
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The subject is reflected in the important international documents of the UN – the Millennium development Goals 2001 and the Sustainable develop-ment Goals 2015. The article examines implementing family planning pro-grams in Tropical Africa, analyzes the attitude of ruling circles and people masses to this problem in the context of centuries-old traditions of having many children, great value of free child labor in agriculture, polygyny, re-ligiosity and other socio-cultural stereotypes. Despite the efforts of interna-tional organizations, most of the 48 countries in sub-Saharan Africa are experiencing a slow spread of contraception, the birth rate is “stalling” at high rates, or the decline in fertility is slow. But there are some positive examples of countries, where the use of con-traception reaches the 70% level recommended by international experts-demographers, and the birth rate is decreasing, approaching the replace-ment level. These countries are Ethiopia, Rwanda, Madagascar, Ghana, Kenya, and the countries of the South African region. It is likely that the success of family planning and the reduction of the birth rate are due to the consolidated approach of government circles, NGOs, private, public and international organizations, with the crucial role of international donors and financial funds. In the course of evolutionary socio-economic development, fertility rates will decrease. But in the next decades, there will still be an increase in the population of a number of SSA countries by 2–3 times. Without substantial foreign financial assistance peoples of Africa, especially the peoples of Cen-tral and West Africa, will not be able to cope with this problem.
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Marsai, Viktor. "Az utolsó császár Magyarországon – Hailé Szelasszié 1964-es látogatása." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 14, no. 3-4. (2021): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2020.14.3-4.2.
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The visit of the Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie on 20-23 September 1964 was one of the most important events of the Hungarian foreign relations that time. This article aims to examine the circumstances of the meeting and its effects on the Ethio-Hungarian relations. The main statement of the paper is that although the visit did not bring a breakthrough in the collaboration, it helped to strengthen and fill with content the fresh connection between the parties, and it also determined the main frameworks of cooperation for the next two and half decades. Furthermore, the negotiations bred important practical experiences for the Hungarian administration, which knowledge helped not only in the relations with the developing world, but also in the wider international arena.
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Hussien, Seifuddin Adem. "Islam, Christianity and Ethiopia's foreign policy." Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 17, no. 1 (1997): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13602009708716363.
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Agureev, Stanislav A., and Andrei A. Boltaevskiy. "Soviet-Ethiopian relations in the 1960s and 1970s. The problem of finding foreign policy guidelines." Nauchno-analiticheskii zhurnal Obozrevatel - Observer, no. 1 (2023): 89–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.48137/2074-2975_2023_1_89.
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Manickam, Venkataraman. "Ethiopia’s new foreign policy challenges: scope for India’s engagement." Africa Review 12, no. 2 (2020): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2020.1736764.
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Rudincová, Kateřina. "Ethiopian foreign policy in the Horn of Africa: Informal relations with Somaliland and their possible future development." Politeja 13, no. 42 (2016): 213–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.13.2016.42.13.
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Marcus, David. "Famine Crimes in International Law." American Journal of International Law 97, no. 2 (2003): 245–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3100102.
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Some of the worst human rights catastrophes of the twentieth century were famines created or manipulated by governments. In 1932 at least five million Ukrainians starved to death, while hunger was largely unknown across the border in Russia.The Soviet government imposed disastrous grain quotas on the Ukraine, then let its own citizens literally collapse in the streets while it exported grain to further its “revolutionary” objectives.The Ethiopian famine of 1983-1985, preserved in popular memory as a natural disaster of biblical proportions, most fiercely struck those parts of the country that harbored irredentist movements. In a stunning, but telling, rejoinder to international pity for the purportedly hapless Ethiopian government, the Ethiopian foreign minister told a U.S. chargé d’affaires that “food is a major element in our strategy against the secessionists.” Since 1994, more than two million out of a population of twenty-two million in North Korea have starved to death, while South Koreans, affected by similar weather patterns, have remained completely untouched by famine. Nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), trying to distribute aid earmarked for famine victims, have watched helplessly as the government callously interfered and have arrived at the conclusion that “the authorities are deliberately depriving hundreds of thousands of truly needy Koreans of assistance.”
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Dupuy, Kendra E., James Ron, and Aseem Prakash. "Who survived? Ethiopia's regulatory crackdown on foreign-funded NGOs." Review of International Political Economy 22, no. 2 (2014): 419–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09692290.2014.903854.
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Chali, Gemechis T., Kimberley Mouvet, and Miriam Taverniers. "Assessing Teachers’ Beliefs and Practices in Relation to the Integration of Grammar and Reading in Foreign Language Teaching in Secondary Schools in Ethiopia." Afrika Focus 33, no. 1 (2020): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03301002.
Full textAbstract:
Studies have suggested that teachers’ beliefs have a significant influence in language teaching (e.g., Williams and Burden, 1997), i.e. that teachers’ beliefs will significantly influence their teaching practice. This study examines teachers’ beliefs and practices in relation to the integration of grammar and reading in foreign language teaching. A qualitative research design with Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and observation data gathering tools was employed. The study revealed that teachers hold positive beliefs on teaching grammar and reading in an integrated way, but their beliefs were not reflected in the classroom. The key finding of this paper was that teachers strongly believed in the usefulness of the integration of grammar and reading, but there were difficulties to reflect it in practice. This paper suggests that an alternative technique should be developed on discrete ways of teaching to allow teachers to practise their beliefs either on the existing text or through adapting the textbook. The findings of the study may have important implications for EFL (English as a Foreign Language) teachers and practitioners.