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Journal articles on the topic 'Ethiopian Elections'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Ambiguous elections: the influence of non-electoral politics in Ethiopian democratisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 3 (2009): 449–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09004005.

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ABSTRACTThe ‘non-electoral context’ of elections is often overlooked in democratisation studies, in order not to obscure an otherwise clear model or theory of transition. A key challenge for research on democratisation processes is to balance electoral ‘formalities’ with contextual factors, qualitative perceptions and non-electoral issues, in order to reach a more nuanced and comprehensive understanding of democratic transitions. This article advocates a multilayered approach to – or a ‘thick description’ of – elections, as this will capture the diversity of real life experiences and expose al
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2

Ivanov, Vladimir G., and V. Mikael Kassae Nigusie. "The Problem of Internally Displaced Persons in Ethiopia in the Context of 2020 Parliamentary Elections." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (2019): 633–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-633-641.

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In 2019, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiyah Ahmed won the Nobel peace prize. His government is praised for releasing political prisoners, partially opening Ethiopia's political space to the opposition, and making peace with neighboring Eritrea. At the same time, in recent years nearly 3 million people have fled their homes in Ethiopia, mainly because of ethnic violence. Human rights organizations accuse the country's authorities of forcing people to return to their homes, where many still do not feel safe. In 2018 and 2019 alone, more than a million Ethiopians were forced from their homes by ethn
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3

Salemot, Marew Abebe. "Constitutional silence on election postponement in Ethiopia amidst a pandemic: A critique of constitutional interpretation." RUDN Journal of Law 25, no. 2 (2021): 714–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2337-2021-25-2-714-731.

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Election postponement in Ethiopia, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, has raised critical constitutional questions that have never been really thought before in the countrys constitutional law jurisprudence. This is because the state of emergency measure in Ethiopia, due to the spread of COVID-19, is in conflict with constitutional deadlines for elections. The constitutional lacuna is complicated by the absence of explicit constitutional provisions that indisputably govern election postponement. Although any legal measures to postpone election schedule and pass constitutional deadlock is far from s
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4

Lyons, Terrence. "Transnational Politics in Ethiopia: Diasporas and the 2005 Elections." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (2011): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.265.

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Beginning with a discussion of new political processes in transnational social networks, this essay presents Ethiopians in North America as a conflict-generated transnational diaspora closely involved in homeland politics. The essay surveys a range of key diaspora political organizations and media, detailing their involvement in the dramatic political events surrounding the Ethiopian election in 2005. The critical and creative roles that the Ethiopian diaspora played—in framing political events and as a gatekeeper for opposition strategies—provided essential support for the homeland’s oppositi
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5

Lyons, Terrence. "Closing the Transition: the May 1995 Elections in Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 1 (1996): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00055233.

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The Ethiopian transition, that began with the overthrow of military dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam in May 1991, formally ended with the swearing in of the newly elected Government of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia in August 1995. The intervening four years were a contentious time of clashes among rival political forces to determine the rules under which the transition would be conducted and hence which forces would be favoured. The first act of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) after deposing Mengistu was to convene a National Conference and establish a Council of
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6

Poluha, Eva. "Conceptualizing Democracy: Elections in the Ethiopian Countryside." Northeast African Studies 4, no. 1 (1997): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.1997.0001.

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7

Kemal, Maiftah Mohammed. "Ethnic-Based Party Systems, Culture of Democracy, and Political Transition in Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Political Transition in Ethiopia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.4.

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According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy befor
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8

Lefort, René. "Powers – mengist – and peasants in rural Ethiopia: the May 2005 elections." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 2 (2007): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002534.

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Observation of the 2005 Ethiopian elections in two rural communities in south-east Amhara State reveals a picture very different from that presented in national-level analyses derived largely from urban areas. Deeply entrenched attitudes to power and government in the study area make the idea of peaceful electoral competition inconceivable. Peasants are first and foremost concerned to vote for the winning side, since to do otherwise carries intense risks to their welfare and even survival. The freedom with which the main opposition party was able to campaign until a few weeks before the electi
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9

Aalen, L., and K. Tronvoll. "The 2008 Ethiopian local elections: The return of electoral authoritarianism." African Affairs 108, no. 430 (2008): 111–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adn066.

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10

Abbink, J. "Interpreting Ethiopian elections in their context — A reply to Tobias Hagmann." African Affairs 105, no. 421 (2006): 613–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adl037.

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11

Abbink, Jon. "Paradoxes of electoral authoritarianism: the 2015 Ethiopian elections as hegemonic performance." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 35, no. 3 (2017): 303–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2017.1324620.

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12

Tronvoll, K. "The Ethiopian 2010 federal and regional elections: Re-establishing the one-party state." African Affairs 110, no. 438 (2010): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adq076.

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13

Bulto, Takele Soboka. "Wolf in sheep’s clothing? The interpretation and application of the equality guarantee under the Ethiopian constitution." Afrika Focus 26, no. 1 (2013): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-02601003.

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Constitutionally prohibited grounds of differentiation are normally allowed to command the deserved heightened degree of deference before they are set aside in the implementation of the equality guarantee which underpins the remainder of the ‘Bill of Rights.’ So, too, emphasis should be placed on the imperatives of walking the tight rope in reconciling and balancing competing interests that have a legitimate claim to equal attention in order that the equality guarantee is translated into practice. Nevertheless, the obiter dicta of the House of the Federation in the Benishagul Gumuz decision to
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14

Emmenegger, Rony. "DECENTRALIZATION AND THE LOCAL DEVELOPMENTAL STATE: PEASANT MOBILIZATION IN OROMIYA, ETHIOPIA." Africa 86, no. 2 (2016): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972016000048.

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ABSTRACTThis article explores the politics of decentralization and state–peasant encounters in rural Oromiya, Ethiopia. Breaking with a centralized past, the incumbent government of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) committed itself to a decentralization policy in the early 1990s and has since then created a number of new sites for state–citizen interactions. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, however, decentralization has been interpreted as a means for the expansion of the party-state at the grass-roots level. Against this backdrop, this article attempt
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15

Tronvoll, Kjetil. "Voting, violence and violations: peasant voices on the flawed elections in Hadiya, Southern Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 4 (2001): 697–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003743.

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This article presents peasant grievances on the flawed 2000 elections in Hadiya zone, southern Ethiopia. For the first time in Ethiopia's electoral history, an opposition party managed to win the majority of the votes in one administrative zone. In the run-up to the elections, government cadres and officials intimidated and harassed candidates and members from the opposition Hadiya National Democratic Organisation (HNDO). Several candidates and members were arrested and political campaigning was restricted. On election day, widespread attempts at rigging the election took place, and violence w
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16

Zeleke. "When Social Science Concepts Become Neutral Arbiters of Social Conflict: Reading the Ethiopian Federal Elections of 2005 through the Ethiopian Student Movement of the 1960s and 1970s." Northeast African Studies 16, no. 1 (2016): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/nortafristud.16.1.0107.

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17

Lefort, René. "Powers – mengist – and peasants in rural Ethiopia: the post-2005 interlude." Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 3 (2010): 435–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x10000297.

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ABSTRACTMost of the reports about the reaction of the Ethiopian regime to the blow that it suffered in the 2005 elections focus on its institutional evolution, and conclude that it took a turn towards even stronger authoritarianism. Observations made in a rural community in south-east Amhara State reveal that it reacted first, until the end of 2009, by a whole range of the deepest reforms since its takeover in 1991. These combined a stronger grip of the ruling party in all areas with a ‘liberalisation’ of the rural development strategy and first steps towards local ‘good governance’. They were
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18

Brown, MacAlister. "Election Observers in Cambodia, 1998: What Can We Learn?" Government and Opposition 35, no. 1 (2000): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00013.

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COUNTRIES RIVEN BY INTERNAL CONFLICT HAVE INCREASINGLY SOUGHT to resolve their conf licts and establish stable government by conducting elections, which outside observers can verify as ‘free and fair’. The first highly successful such venture, in Nicaragua 1990, was followed by election operations by the UN in Ethiopia 1992, Angola 1992, El Salvador 1994, Mozambique 1994, South Africa 1994, Haiti 1995, Liberia 1997 and Cambodia 1993 and 1998. The degree of stability and reconciliation achieved by these operations has varied, but the recent election observer effort, in Cambodia (26 July 1998),
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19

Muluye, Ketemaw Tiruneh. "Holding Together, Coming Together or Putting Together? A [Re]examination on the Formation of Ethiopia’s Federation." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 1 (2020): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-1-70-82.

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Federations are institutional and structural arrangements with the tenets of shared rule and self-rule. These federations may be formed through coming together, holding together or putting together processes. Both holding together and coming together federations are established through democratic bargain while putting together federation is imposed coercively by the winners. Hence, this article aims to situate Ethiopia in to one of these three variants through critical [re]examination of the transitional activities. The data were collected through interviews and document analysis. A qualitativ
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20

Aalen, Lovise, and Ragnhild Louise Muriaas. "Power calculations and political decentralisation in African post-conflict states." International Political Science Review 38, no. 1 (2016): 56–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115615704.

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Although many African governments introduced provisions for subnational elections in the early 1990s, there is variation in the extent to which these reforms were implemented and sustained. Our inductive analysis of three post-conflict cases – Angola, Ethiopia and South Africa – suggests that one factor explaining this variation is elite discontinuity when an insurgent group wins power in the aftermath of conflict. Systems of subnational elections adopted by new governments with an extensive social base derived from an insurgency, as in South Africa and Ethiopia, have proved relatively robust.
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21

Borowski, Piotr F. "Significance and Directions of Energy Development in African Countries." Energies 14, no. 15 (2021): 4479. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en14154479.

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The development of energy networks and electrification is a major challenge in many African countries, which can contribute to reducing social inequalities. Energy, and above all electricity, is a decisive factor influencing the functioning of national governments. The power of governments in individual countries depends on the energy sector. Therefore, it is worth noting that during the presidential elections, candidates make many promises related to the improvement of the energy supply. The article shows, using the examples of Guinea, Ethiopia and Egypt, how politicians in the pre-election p
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22

Gudina, Merera. "Elections and democratization in Ethiopia, 1991–2010." Journal of Eastern African Studies 5, no. 4 (2011): 664–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2011.642524.

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23

Brigaldino, Glenn. "Elections in the imperial periphery: Ethiopia hijacked." Review of African Political Economy 38, no. 128 (2011): 327–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2011.582768.

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24

Nega, Berhanu. "Ethiopia Is Headed for Chaos." Current History 109, no. 727 (2010): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.727.186.

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25

Smith, Lahra. "Explaining violence after recent elections in Ethiopia and Kenya." Democratization 16, no. 5 (2009): 867–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340903162085.

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26

Lyons, Terrence. "Transnational Politics in Ethiopia: Diasporas and the 2005 Elections." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2 (2006): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dsp.2011.0076.

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27

Sansculotte-Greenidge, Kwesi. "A contest of visions: Ethiopia's 2010 election." Review of African Political Economy 37, no. 124 (2010): 221–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2010.484124.

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28

Shuriye, Abdi O., and Mosud T. Ajala. "The Future of Statehood in East Africa." Journal of Sustainable Development 9, no. 2 (2016): 221. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jsd.v9n2p221.

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<p>With the deterioration of political and security situations in Somalia and Kenya’s involvement in the war against al-shabaab as well as its political miscalculation and the lack of exit plan, add to this, the fading democratic conditions in Eritrea, accompanied by the political uncertainties in Ethiopia, since the demise Meles Zenawi Asres and the extermination of the opponents, as shown in last general election, as well as the one-man-show political scenario in Uganda and the likely disintegration of Tanzania into Zanzibar and Tanganyika, indicated by the ongoing elections; the polit
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29

Daddieh, Cyril K., and Jo Ellen Fair. "Editors’ Introduction." African Issues 29, no. 1-2 (2001): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006119.

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We are pleased to bring you this 2001 edition of African Issues—a double issue that represents our initiation as the journal’s editors. This edition is devoted to an examination of ethnicity, arguably the most resilient and resurgent paradigm in African studies. The authors have explored the activation, manipulation, uses, and abuses of ethnicity in the context of competitive elections and struggles for power in Africa. We have assembled a nice mix of articles suggestive of the complexities inherent in the notion and practices of ethnicity, from Mauritania to Kenya, from Ethiopia to Cameroon a
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30

Gagliardone, Iginio, Nicole Stremlau, and Gerawork Aynekulu. "A tale of two publics? Online politics in Ethiopia’s elections." Journal of Eastern African Studies 13, no. 1 (2018): 192–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2018.1548208.

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31

Leonardo R. Arriola. "Ethnicity, Economic Conditions, and Opposition Support: Evidence from Ethiopia's 2005 Elections." Northeast African Studies 10, no. 1 (2008): 115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nas.0.0015.

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32

Bassi, Marco. "The politics of space in Borana Oromo, Ethiopia: demographics, elections, identity and customary institutions." Journal of Eastern African Studies 4, no. 2 (2010): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2010.487333.

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33

CLAPHAM, CHRISTOPHER. "Human Rights Report No 4: The 1994 election and democracy in Ethiopia." African Affairs 94, no. 375 (1995): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098826.

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34

Abbink, J. "Discomfiture of democracy? The 2005 election crisis in Ethiopia and its aftermath." African Affairs 105, no. 419 (2006): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adi122.

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35

Gatiso, Tsegaye T., Björn Vollan, and Ernst-August Nuppenau. "Resource scarcity and democratic elections in commons dilemmas: An experiment on forest use in Ethiopia." Ecological Economics 114 (June 2015): 199–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2015.04.005.

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36

Ishiyama, John. "Nominations and Party Development in Ethiopia: The Opposition and the 2005 Parliamentary Election." African and Asian Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921007x180596.

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37

Tesfay, Leake Mekonen. "Anti-Defection Laws in Ethiopia: Is There Any Constitutional Room?" Indonesian Journal of Social and Environmental Issues (IJSEI) 1, no. 3 (2020): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijsei.v1i3.69.

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Anti-defection laws are laws by which members of parliaments (MPs) who changed their party affiliation or voted against the position of their political faction or independent MPs who joined a political party are forced to vacate their parliamentary seat or prohibited from nomination as candidates of another political party in the next election. The essence of anti-defection laws is restricting political party members’ freedom to change their party affiliation to prevent government parties’ loss of majority in the parliament. Anti-defection laws are not uniformly used. While many established de
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38

Helland, Johan. "Tronvoll, Kjetil og Tobias Hagmann (red.): Contested Power in Ethiopia; Traditional Authorities and Multi-Party Elections." Norsk antropologisk tidsskrift 25, no. 03-04 (2014): 286–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1504-2898-2014-03-04-18.

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39

Nunzio, M. D. "'Do not cross the red line': The 2010 general elections, dissent, and political mobilization in urban Ethiopia." African Affairs 113, no. 452 (2014): 409–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adu029.

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40

Abdi, Ali [Sheikh] Ahmed. "President Farmajo’s Election: A Brief Hiatus or Hype in Ethiopia’s Regional Hegemonic Ambition." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 18, no. 2 (2019): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2019.2.1.

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41

Tubman, Michelle, James Maskalyk, David MacKinnon, et al. "Tackling challenges of global health electives: Resident experiences of a structured and supervised medicine elective within an existing global health partnership." Canadian Medical Education Journal 8, no. 2 (2017): e4-10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36834/cmej.36826.

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Background: The Toronto-Addis Ababa Academic Collaboration in Emergency Medicine (TAAAC-EM) deploys teaching teams of Canadian EM faculty to Addis Ababa to deliver a longitudinal residency curriculum. Canadian trainees participate in these teams as a formally structured and supervised elective in global health (GH) and EM, which has been designed to enhance the strength of GH electives and address key challenges highlighted in the literature.Methods: The purpose of this qualitative study was to identify, describe, and evaluate strengths and weaknesses of this elective in relation to its purpos
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42

Idris, Idris Mahmoud, Elfatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam, and Abdulhamid Mohamed Ali Zaroum. "The Role of Political Institutions in Africa In Building Democratic Governments." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 3 (2021): 436–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.3.21r.

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The “third wave” of democratization, which saw the fall of old authoritarian regimes across Africa, as well as the introduction of multiparty elections and other significant new changes, has faded. Today, we are witnessing a reversal of democratic gains in favour of dictatorship, resulting in political instability and severe outbreaks of violence in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Kenya, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and elsewhere. This article seeks explanation for the failures of the democratization process in Africa, focusing on the challenging role of political institutions in determining the nature of
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43

Gatiso, Tsegaye T., and Björn Vollan. "Democracy and cooperation in commons management: experimental evidence of representative and direct democracy from community forests in Ethiopia." Environment and Development Economics 22, no. 2 (2016): 110–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1355770x16000322.

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AbstractThe authors use dynamic lab-in-the-field common pool resource experiments to investigate the role of two forms of democracy on the cooperation of forest users in Ethiopia. In this experimental setup, participants can either directly select a rule (direct democracy) or elect a leader who decides on the introduction of rules (representative democracy). These two treatments are compared with the imposition of rules and imposition of leaders. It is found that both endogenous leaders elected by the community members and endogenous rules selected by the direct involvement of the participants
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44

Bekele, Zelalem K. "The Quest for Election and State of Emergency in Ethiopia: An Appraisal on Related Constitutional Issues in Focus." Beijing Law Review 11, no. 04 (2020): 947–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/blr.2020.114056.

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45

Ketemaw, T. Muluye. "The status of political parties in using social media for campaigns during the 2015 general election of Ethiopia." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 11, no. 10 (2017): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2017.1038.

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46

Joireman, Sandra F. "The 1994 Election and Democracy in Ethiopia by Siegfried Pausewang Oslo, Norwegian Institute of Human Rights, 1994. Pp. vi+82. NOK 25.00 paperback. - The Generation: the history of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party. Part I, From the Early Beginings to 1975 by Kiflu Tadesse Silver Spring, MD, Independent Publishers, 1993, distributed by The Red Sea Press, Trenton, NJ. Pp. ix+266. $15.85 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (1995): 720–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021613.

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47

ALI, MUSTAPHA ALHAJI. "An Overview of the Role of Traditional Institutions in Nigeria." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 4, no. 3 (2019): 55–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v4i3.848.

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 An Overview of the Role of Traditional Institutions in Nigeria
 
 Mustapha Alhaji Ali 
 Department of Political Science and Administration.
 Yobe State University, Damaturu. 
 Nigeria
 Fatima Ahmed
 Department of Political Science
 University of Maiduguri
 Nigeria
 
 *Corrosponding author’s Email: mustaphaalhajiali2@gmail.com
 
 Mustapha Alhaji Ali, born in Yobe state Nigeria, a staff of Yobe State University. Currently pursuing Ph.D. Political Science in Universiti Utara Malaysia is the based eminent Management Universi
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48

Yilma, Kinfe Micheal. "On Disinformation, Elections and Ethiopian Law." Journal of African Law, September 21, 2021, 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855321000322.

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Abstract Disinformation has become a formidable challenge to the integrity of electoral processes as well as the internal political stability of many countries. This state of affairs has spurred a wave of new regulatory measures in several countries. From stringent rules governing dissemination of political advertisements via social media platforms to media literacy programmes, the past few years saw the introduction of legislative and non-legislative measures in many jurisdictions. Ethiopia is no exception in introducing measures to address the problem. This article examines Ethiopia's policy
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49

Bulto, Takele Soboka. "Wolf in sheep’s clothing? The interpretation and application of the equality guarantee under the Ethiopian constitution." Afrika Focus 26, no. 1 (2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v26i1.4923.

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Constitutionally prohibited grounds of differentiation are normally allowed to command the deserved heightened degree of deference before they are set aside in the implementation of the equality guarantee which underpins the remainder of the ‘Bill of Rights.’ So, too, emphasis should be placed on the imperatives of walking the tight rope in reconciling and balancing competing interests that have a legitimate claim to equal attention in order that the equality guarantee is translated into practice. Nevertheless, the obiter dicta of the House of the Federation in the Benishagul Gumuz decision to
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50

Mohammed, Hussen, Lemessa Oljira, Kedir Teji Roba, Getnet Yimer, Abebaw Fekadu, and Tsegahun Manyazewal. "Containment of COVID-19 in Ethiopia and implications for tuberculosis care and research." Infectious Diseases of Poverty 9, no. 1 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s40249-020-00753-9.

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Abstract Background The coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has emerged as a global health and economic security threat with staggering cumulative incidence worldwide. Given the severity of projections, hospitals across the globe are creating additional critical care surge capacity and limiting patient routine access to care for other diseases like tuberculosis (TB). The outbreak fuels panic in sub-Saharan Africa where the healthcare system is fragile in withstanding the disease. Here, we looked over the COVID-19 containment measures in Ethiopia in context from reliable sources and put forth r
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